Mustard Gas or Dichlordiethyl Sulphide.—This was prepared in four stages:

(1) Preparation of Ethylene—by heating alcohol with an aluminium oxide catalyst at 400'0 C.

(2) Preparation of Ethylene-chlor-hydrin, by passing ethylene and carbon dioxide into a 10 per cent. solution of bleaching powder at a temperature below zero centigrade, and subsequent concentration of the product to a 20 per cent. solution.

(3) Conversion of the chlor-hydrin into thiodiglycol by treatment with sodium sulphide.

(4) Conversion of the thiodiglycol into mustard gas (dichlordiethyl-sulphide), using gaseous hydrochloric acid.

The thiodiglycol was produced at Ludwigshafen and provides one of the best examples of the adaptation of the German dye works for the purpose of producing war chemical. Technically, ethylene is a fairly difficult gas to produce in large quantities, but, for the Ludwigshafen works, these difficulties were a thing of the past. There were twelve big units before the war, and, by the time of the Armistice, these had been increased to seventy-two in connection with mustard gas manufacture. In a similar way, the number of the units for chlorhydrin, the next step, was increased from three to eighteen. These two processes had all been worked out very thoroughly in connection with the production of indigo. These new plants were identical with the peace-time units. The expansion was a mere question of repetition requiring no new designs or experiments and risking no failure or delay. Success was assured. The last step, the production of thiodiglycol, occurred in the causticising house, to which no substantial alterations or additions appear to have been made for the purpose. As sodium sulphide is used in large quantities as a raw material in the dye industry, and was already produced within the I.G., no difficulty was presented in connection with its supply.

The thiodiglycol was forwarded to two other factories, one of which was Leverkusen, where 300 tons of mustard gas were produced monthly. The reaction between thiodiglycol and hydrochloric acid was one which required very considerable care. At one stage of the war the Allies viewed with much misgiving the possibility of having to adopt this method. But the technique of the German dye industry solved this as satisfactorily and as steadily as other chemical warfare problems, bringing its technical experience to bear on the different difficulties involved.

Diphenychlorarsine.—This was the earliest and main constituent of the familiar Blue Cross shell. It was prepared in four stages:

(1) The preparation of phenyl arsinic acid.

(2) The conversion of the above to phenyl arsenious oxide.

(3) The conversion of the latter into diphenyl arsinic acid.

(4) The conversion of the latter into diphenyl-chlor-arsine.



This is another example of a highly complicated product which might have presented great difficulties of production, but the problem of whose manufacture was solved, almost automatically, by the German organisation.

The first step, that of the manufacture of phenyl arsinic acid, was carried out at Ludwigshafen in one of the existing azo dye sheds without any alteration of plant, just as a new azo dye might have been produced in the same shed. It is believed that another dye factory also produced this substance. At Ludwigshafen the conversion to diphenyl arsinic acid occurred. This was again carried out in the azo colour shed, with no more modification than that involved in passing, from one azo dye to another.

This chemical mobilisation of a huge dye unit was, and could still be, practically invisible in operation. Not only was the process practically the same as azo dye production, but, as the compounds were not particularly poisonous in the intermediate stages, there was no risk to the workers, and no need to violate secrecy by indicating special precautions.

The final stage, the preparation of diphenylchlorarsine, the actual Blue Cross shell constituent, occurred at Hochst, which also carried out the first three stages, already outlined as occurring at Ludwigshafen and Leverkusen. The last stage was a simple one and was carried out in plant and buildings previously used for peace purposes.

The other substances employed provide further examples of this ease of production. Ethyl-dichlor-arsine was produced in homogeneously lead-lined vessels, identical with those used for diphosgene. Dichlor-methyl-ether presented difficulties which were solved by applying the German method of using tiled vessels.

The part played by the I.G. in the German chemical warfare organisation has already been outlined, and we have seen how the German Government was content simply to place its demands before the directors of the dye combine. The latter were left to choose the process and exploit it by making the best use of their organisation, which was done after reviewing the plant at their disposal in the different branches. An interesting feature of the production of war chemicals by the I.G. is thus revealed by examining the actual locality of the separate operations leading to any one of the individual poison gases. The attached table shows us how the production of any particular war chemical involved a number of stages, each of which occurred in a different factory. The directors of the I.G. simply chose a particular plant in a particular factory which was most suited for the operation concerned. They

{The table (spread over pages 162-163) are "raw OCR" feed! NEEDS FIXED!!!}

FIRST STAGE RAW WAR CHEMICAL MATERIALS FROM THE I.G. PROCESS FACTORY

Phenyl Carbylamine 1. Aniline Condensation of aniline Kalle Chloride 2. Chlorine with carbon bisul 3. Caustic phide to phenyldithio soda carbamic acid Mustard Gas 1. Carbon Preparation of Ethyl-Ludwigs dioxide lene from Alcohol hafen 2. Bleaching

powder 3. Sodium

sulphide 4. Hydro chloric

acid Diphenylchlorarsine I. Aniline Conversion of Diazo- Ludwigs 2. Sodium benzene to Phenylar- hafen

nitrite sinic acid Kalle 3. Sodium Hochst

bisulphite 4. Sodium

hydrate 5. Sulphur

dioxide 6. Hydro chloric acid Ethyl -dichl or a rsine 1. Ethyl Production of Ethylar-Ludwigs chloride sinic acid from Ethyl hafen 2. Caustic chloride

soda 3. Sulphur

dioxide 4. Hydro chloric

acid gas 5. Iodine Sym-dichlor-methyl- I. Chlorsul- Production of Formal- Mainz

ether phonic dehyde from Methyl116chst

acid alcohol

Z. Sulphuric

acid 162

Review of Production

SECOND STAGE THIRD STAGE FOURTH STAGE

PROCESS FACTORI PROCESS FACTORi PROCESS FACTORY

Conversion of Kalle Chlorination of Hochst

Phenyidithio- Phenyl Mus carbamic acid tard Oil giving

to Phenyl Mus- Phenyl Carby tard Oil by lamine Chlo zinc chloride ride Conversion of Lud- Conversion of Lud- Conversion of Lever Ethylene into wigs- Chlorhydrin wigs- Thiodiglycol kusen

Ethylene hafen to Thio-di- hafen to Mustard

Chlorhydrin glycol Gas

Reduction of Lever- Conversion to Lever- Reduction of A.G.F.A. Phenyl arjinic kusen Diphenylar- kusen Diphenylar- Hochst acid to Phenyl and sinic acid by and sinic acid to arsenious oxide Hochst treatment Hijchst Diphenyl:

with Diazo chlor-arsine

benzene by Sulphur

dioxide in

HCl solution

Reduction of Lud- Conversion of W)chst

Ethyl arsinic wigs- Ethyl arseni acid to Ethyl hafen ous Oxide to

arsenious oxide Ethyl dichlor by sulphur arsine by

dioxide HCl and iodine Conversion of H8chst

paraformalde hyde to sym

dichlor methyl

ether by means

of chlorsul phonic acid {END OF TABLE NEEDING FIXED!} aimed at the minimum conversion, and in a number of cases none was required. The above analysis can leave us with no doubt in our minds that the organic chemical industry is the logical place for efficient chemical warfare production. It cannot leave us unconvinced as to the vital importance of the dye industry in national defence.

Allied Difficulties.—Our own production was nothing but a series of slow and relatively inefficient improvisations. We have already referred to the fluctuations in chemical warfare organisation for research and supply during the war. These added to the difficulties of the supply department, just as they did to its complement, the research department. Only great patriotic endeavour could have made possible the relative success achieved, not only by the departments, but in particular by the firms with whom they were called upon to co-ordinate.

We wanted mustard gas, and realised its need in July, 1917. Research work began almost from that date, yet successful large scale production did not materialise in England until more than a year later. We must admit, however, that the French were in a position to use their product on the front in July, 1918. Let us examine some of our difficulties.

The first efforts were directed towards the process by which, as we eventually ascertained, the Germans produced the whole of their mustard gas. The actual chemical laboratory details of the process presented no serious obstacle, but difficulties multiplied as soon as we attempted large scale work. We wanted ethylene-monochlor-hydrin. Some work had been done on this during the war for the National Health Insurance Commissioners in connection with the production of novocain. Half scale work had occurred at the works of a Midland chemical firm, and experience so gained was freely offered and used in a scheme for the large scale production of mustard gas by the co-operation of a number of big chemical manufacturers. Pressing requests for the material were continually coming from G.H.Q., the programmes outlined being more and more ambitious. We had to reproduce the result of years of German effort spent in developing their monochlor-hydrin process for indigo. As a consequence, large sums of money were expended on the process, although it never eventually operated. Its difficulties, and other reasons, led us to research on other and more direct methods which the French were also investigating. The successful outcome of this early research was due, in particular, to Sir William Pope and those associated with him in the work. The process was so promising that the long and cumbersome chlor-hydrin method was abandoned. As a result our five or six months' work on the German method meant so much time lost. The new direct, sulphur monochloride method was taken up actively and several private firms attempted to develop the small scale manufacture. The work was dangerous. Lack of that highly developed organic chemical technique, which was practically a German monopoly, rendered the task much more dangerous than it would have been if undertaken by one of the I.G. factories.

The French, realising the importance of the new methods, spared nothing in their attempts to develop them. Their casualties multiplied at the works, but the only reply was to put the factories concerned under the same regime as the front, and the staffs were strengthened by well-chosen military personnel. The French realised the nature of their task, and organised for it. When the difficulties of production were pointed out in August, 1917, in the British Ministry of Munitions, reports were instanced that the Germans had used forced labour. The French in their production at Rousillon, on the Rhone, employed volunteer German prisoners. It was a curious contrast to see mingling together amongst the producing plants representatives of the American, Italian, and British Missions, with French officers, French technical men, and German prisoners. The latter appeared to be perfectly satisfied in their work. They were used for certain limited purposes, such as handling raw materials, and were not, as a rule, exposed to the dangerous operations against which the French struggled so heroically and successfully. It was as though a small section of the front had been transferred to the heart of France. We saw the minister visiting a factory and pinning the Legion of Honour on to the breast of a worker blinded by yperite. We saw messages of congratulation from the front to the factories themselves. The morale was wonderful. As a result, the French mastered the technical difficulties of mustard gas production and shell filling by June, 1918. They shared information with us, but the race had started neck and neck, and it was impossible to discard completely the large plants to which we were already committed. Without disparaging our own efforts, we must pay a tribute to the achievement of the French yperite producing and filling factories. It is impossible to give personal credit in this matter without going beyond our scope, and we can only draw general comparisons. But we must draw attention to the following. The German factories passed with ease to mustard gas production by a process which, compared with the final Allied method, was clumsy and complicated, but which suited their pre-war plant. Their policy was, therefore, sound from the point of view of the campaign. The Allies experienced great difficulty and danger in attaining large scale manufacture with a simpler process.

The same self-sacrificing zeal and patriotic endeavour was shown in this country, but we were handicapped in mustard gas production by the energetic way in which we had pressed forward the industrial realisation of the monochlor-hydrin method. The French, less committed in terms of plant and finance, could more readily adjust their energy, materials, and money to the new method. It must not be forgotten, also, that, at this period, chemical warfare supply organisation was experiencing certain critical changes which could not but reflect upon our efficiency. Here again the earlier centralisation of research and production by France was a great factor in her favour.

Our difficulties with phosgene, and in particular with the arsenic compounds described above, were of the same nature, involving us in casualties, great expenditure, and little success, when compared with German production. The great need for these arsenic compounds was realised as early as February, 1918, and investigations began even at that date, but they had not appeared in the field by the time of the Armistice. Whatever mistakes we may have made locally during the war, they are small compared with the big mistake which was responsible for our comparative failure in chemical warfare production. We were almost completely lacking in organic chemical industrial experience.

It is interesting to note that the activities of those elements of organic chemical industry which did exist in France and England fully justified the conclusions we have drawn. Thus, although entering late into the field of chemical warfare production, Doctor Herbert Levinstein, Professor A. G. Green, and their collaborators of the firm of Levinstein Limited were able to develop rapidly a successful industrial mustard gas process which was of considerable assistance to England and America. This work, both in research and production, deserves the greatest credit. Again, the dye factories were called upon much earlier to assist in French production and were of considerable assistance.

It would be well at this juncture to review very briefly the other war activities of our own dye industries. The outbreak of war found them by no means inactive. In this country, for example, our own dye factories were able to keep pace with the increasing demand for dyes created by the rapid mobilisation of military and naval equipment. In particular the rapid large-scale production of indigo by the Levinstein firm, at Ellesmere Port, was a considerable achievement. In addition, the new State-aided enterprise at Huddersfield was largely diverted to explosives production, and rendered very valuable services in the supply of Tetryl, T.N.T., synthetic phenol, picric acid, and oleum. For such reasons, the need for essential dyes, and the use of dye capacity for explosives, the important part which the rapidly expanding industry could have played in chemical warfare production was not recognised quickly enough by the relevant authorities. This is not surprising, for the war significance of the German dye industry was not fully realised until the Armistice. It required the Hartley Mission to drive this fact home. When, however, the brilliant researches, referred to above, on the mustard gas method had decided our policy, the dye factory of Levinstein Limited vigorously converted the process into a technical success, and what was still a laboratory reaction in the spring of 1917 became a successful manufacturing process in July of that year.

Released from its war responsibilities at the time of the Armistice, the British industry developed so rapidly that Lord Moulton, in a speech to the Colour Users Association on November 28th, 1919, stated: "A few months before the war broke out England produced only one-tenth of the dyes she needed, but the amount which I am informed we shall be able to turn out at the end of this year would, in weight, be within one-fifth of the amount which England used before the war."

But the Allies were not only in difficulties with regard to the lack of suitable peace-time plant, and industrial organic chemical experience— they were hindered at almost every turn by difficulties with regard to raw materials and intermediates, the products of other chemical manufacture. They had to create a liquid chlorine industry. In April, 1915, the only liquid chlorine plant in England was in the hands of the firm of Castner Kellner, whose maximum output was not more than a few tons per day. Increase in capacity was rendered necessary by chemical warfare developments. Chlorine was a raw material for mustard gas and—practically every important substance employed in chemical warfare including bleaching powder. Tremendous tonnages of bleach were involved in the manufacture of chlorpicrin and for use as an antidote against mustard gas on the front. We refer elsewhere to the developing use of bleach in order to create lanes for troops and transport through areas infected by mustard gas. A very simple calculation will show what quantities would be required for such an operation. It is true that, as regards chlorine, we were more favourably situated than France, and forwarded her considerable supplies in exchange for phosgene. This chlorine was essential for phosgene production. New plants were brought into being at different places, largely through the energy and experience of the above-mentioned firm, but so great was the demand that it finally became necessary, in order to protect the trade users and war interests at the same time, to institute a control of chlorine. More than 20,000 tons of liquid chlorine were produced under the administration of the supply department concerned. When we consider the effort which such an increase in production must have involved, and the fact that expansions occurring did not do so under the steady and well-regulated influence of a simple demand, but were continually being modified to meet expansions or diminutions of programme, we can realise what a great advantage was possessed by the Germans owing to their large initial experience and production.

We have no hesitation in stating that great credit is due to the old Trench Warfare Supply Department and the firms with which it was in contact, notably the one referred to above, in connection with the Loos attack. But for them, we would not have been in a position to retaliate, even at that date.

The Allied lachrymator campaign was terribly handicapped by lack of bromine. The French performed the phenomenal task of creating a bromine industry in Tunis, the development of which reads like a romance. Apparently this industry is dying out, and German predominance in bromine is again asserted.

French mustard gas production, for which they made such huge sacrifices, was threatened by the lack of carbon-tetra-chloride, and examples can be multiplied. The Germans were in a very different position. The development of their dye industry had followed the policy of absolute independence of external chemical industry. This independence was acquired either by the absorption of other enterprises or by the definite development of processes and plant for raw materials and intermediates. In every case the war has strengthened these factories for the manufacture of these products. In 1918 they produced nearly thirty times as much ammonia as in 1914, three times as much nitric acid, fifty per cent. as much again of sulphuric acid, and twice as much liquid chlorine. This was not purely a commercial question. Our lack of such products was due to the fact that the Allies, in pre-war times, possessed few or feeble industries whose consumption would stimulate the production of these raw materials. They lacked these industries because of a blameworthy disregard for the fundamental importance of science, and particularly chemical science, in industry.

Conclusion.—We have shown how, during the war, chemical warfare proved its surprise value and how manufacture figured repeatedly as a critical factor. We have also shown how the importance of production is magnified from the point of view of the future. The only logical conclusion is that the country which does not possess a strong dye industry, or enormously comprehensive and expensive chemical arsenals, cannot hope to escape serious military results, possibly defeat, from enemy chemical surprises. The situation is aggravated by the fact that this critical producing capacity exists as a monopoly in the hands of Germany. No patriotic and thinking person can, therefore, conclude otherwise than to encourage the creation of dye industries in countries other than Germany, particularly in our own. It is true, however, that patriotic sentiment and political views do not always lead to the same solution. But we must insist that there can be no two opinions on the national defence aspect of this question, and any political forces opposing the logical outcome of patriotic sentiment in this case are incurring an exceedingly grave responsibility.

Further, there is a definite tendency to obscure the whole issue by inaccurate thinking. When we find a Member of Parliament seriously discussing disarmament, endeavouring to deal with the matter in detail, and yet classing gas as one of those methods of warfare in connection with which production can he easily prevented,[1] we can only stand in amazement before our traditional fault, deliberate sidetracking of expert guidance. When we realise that it was not until after the Armistice that the Hartley Commission opened our eyes to the war importance of the German dye industry, we see how blind a nation may be in matters vital to its defence.

[1] The Flaw in the Covenant and the Remedy, Major David Davies, M.P.

From the point of view of results on the front, for which all were working, the German dye factories, when considered as a war weapon, were as much in advance of Allied improvised plants as a military quick-firing gun is ahead of the old muzzle-loader.

Further, for progressive and flexible organic chemical production, some such difference will always exist between the modern dye industry and factories or arsenals improvised or maintained to meet specific emergencies.



CHAPTER VIII

AMERICAN DEVELOPMENTS

Special Attention Justified;—Special Value of American Opinion.—Various reasons prompt us to pay special attention to the development of chemical warfare by the United States of America. In the preceding chapters we have attempted a more or less connected account of its development during the campaign. Such an account must necessarily make constant reference to French and British developments. But American preparations, although on a colossal scale, were not in time to influence the campaign seriously and directly. Therefore, purely for the symmetry of our account, special reference should be made to America. But a more serious reason is to be found in the great importance attached by America to this branch of warfare. As everybody knows, the arrival of the American troops in large numbers was preceded by an educational period, during which American staffs, officers, and men became acquainted with Allied staffs, operations, and methods on the Western Front. They were less biased by military tradition, and not under the same necessity as the European Allies to organise in an improvised way for different violent emergencies. Their opinions of war methods on the Western Front are, therefore, of great interest.

Chemical warfare at once assumed a place of prime importance in their schemes, receiving a stimulus and a momentum which, rather than losing force during peace, appears to have gathered intensity. There was at first no particular background of emotion, or desire for specific retaliation in this American development. It was purely a question of deciding on technical grounds the relative importance of different methods of warfare. Solid facts determined the matter later. We have it on the best authority that 75,000 out of the total 275,000 American casualties were due to gas.

Early American Activities.—The earliest American activities, consisted in attaching various officers to the British formations in France and to the French research and producing organisations centred in Paris. A period ensued of remarkably rapid and efficient assimilation of the best developments in allied chemical warfare. Two American gas companies were attached to ours for instruction in the first month of 1918, and they assisted in several gas attacks on the British front.

Field Activities.—In a sense the development of chemical warfare organisations by the Americans was deprived of its promised success. The Allies regained the general and final offensive before American plans matured. But if the latter were prevented from participating in various types of cloud and stationary attack along the front, yet the coincidence of their organisation with the development of more open warfare gave them an opportunity, which they readily seized, to demonstrate the possibilities of mobile chemical attack. Two gas companies, known as the 30th Engineers, were assembled, partially trained, and embarked for France at the end of 1917. They entered upon a course of training with the British Special Brigade R.E. while further units were being organised in America. The projector at-tracted the Americans, and they were ready, as General Fries informs us, to launch a big projector gas attack, when Marshal Foch's counter attack disorganised the front concerned. They then turned their attention to the use of the four-inch Stokes mortar in an attempt to neutralise the German machine-gun nests, using phosphorus for smoke and thermit shell, and continued to assist the infantry either by taking part in the preparations for attack or in subsequent operations.

Special Difficulties.—The great length of the American lines of communication led them to develop certain research and experimental organisations near to the front. These had to deal with the "short range" problems, those of immediate importance, without referring them back to America. The 3000 miles of ocean represented a necessary loss of contact which prevented the home workers, however willing, from fully realising the needs of the problems concerned. Accordingly a strong experimental station, Hanlon Field, was developed near Chaumont, and a well-equipped laboratory was established at Puteaux, near Paris.

Edgewood Arsenal.—The organisations developed in America were of very great interest. The American officers in the field, through their contact with the British and French, realised early that we were extended to the utmost in the matter of production, that our demands and programmes were far ahead of our output, and that they could not reasonably expect serious help from us, either with regard to the results or the material means of production. They, therefore, made surveys of our methods and wisely determined to concentrate on production in America. As a result, they developed the phenomenal chemical warfare arsenal of Edgewood. Had the war lasted longer, there can be no doubt that this centre of production would have represented one of the most important contributions by America to the world war. Probably had production been conceived on a smaller scale, however, its results would have materialised sooner and produced greater actual influence.

A few facts with regard to Edgewood suffice to confirm its potentialities. We learn[1] that the arsenal organisation comprised a huge chlorine plant, probably the largest in the world, various chemical plants for the manufacture of the chief chemical warfare substances adopted by the European belligerents, and shell-filling plant capable of filling a total of more than 200,000 shell and bomb daily.

[1] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, January, 1919.

Research.—Supporting this production, and in connection with the other branches of chemical warfare, a tremendous research organisation developed which, with the exception of the combined research facilities of the I.G.[2] was probably the largest research organisation ever assembled for one specific object. It grew until it contained 1200 technical men and 700 service assistants, and we are told that its work covered exhaustive research on more than 4000 different materials. Nor were the Americans less ambitious on protection. Wisely adopting the British Box Respirator during the early stages, they made vigorous attempts at the same time, with considerable success, to develop a form of their own.

[2] The great German organic chemical combine.

Production.—An American opinion on the importance of Edgewood Arsenal at the time of the Armistice is worth quoting.[3] "Here is a mammoth plant, constructed in record time, efficiently manned, capable of an enormous output of toxic material, and just reaching its full possibilities of death-dealing at the moment when news is hourly expected of the signing of the Armistice. What a pity we did not possess this great engine of war from the day American troops first sailed for France, for, had we been so prepared, how many of our boys who 'have gone West' could have returned for the welcome home! Shall we forget this lesson of preparedness? Is this great plant to be scrapped? Possibly wise heads may find a solution of the problem which will add this great resource to American chemical industry, at the same time preserving its value to the nation as a greater asset, in case of future war, than a standing army."

[3] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, January, 1919.

Although mainly dependent on Edgewood Arsenal for their war schemes, it is perfectly clear that the Americans realised that theirs was not the ideal way, in fact was a very wasteful and inefficient way to produce poison gases or chemical warfare substances. Indeed, even during the war, in spite of their huge arsenal they established contact with various American chemical producers. At the present time, except in connection with its use for emergencies during the next few years, this huge source of production at Edgewood must be regarded as an unnecessary burden upon the State. To be of any use, it requires costly maintenance. It is only capable of producing a limited number of organic substances. Some of these are likely to become obsolete as time goes on. This reliance upon a huge fixed arsenal is not only out of accord with any international scheme for disarmament, but it is altogether too ponderous, and not sufficiently flexible for reliance in future emergencies. This is fully realised in America. General Fries, addressing the American Chemical Society, said: "The magnificent plant at Edgewood may soon be a thing of the past. We do not believe the Government should attempt to manufacture poisonous gases on a huge scale." He explains how, by reliance upon normal chemical industry, "We believe we can build up more quickly and to a greater extent than by any other method the necessary large output of poisonous gases required in a war with a first-class Power." Referring to the mobilisation of industry for this purpose, he says: "We believe that if this is done satisfactorily it will be one of the greatest possible guarantees of future peace."

Post-Armistice Developments.—But perhaps the most interesting and significant aspect of American chemical warfare development concerns what has occurred since the Armistice. Valuable and successful attempts have been made to educate not only the public but also political leaders to its real meaning. No one examining the American daily and scientific press, or reading the records of the various Government Committees on the proposed bills of chemical, or chemical warfare, interest can doubt that the Americans are probably as a whole much more alive to the importance of this matter than any other ally. Discussions on the Longworth Bill and on the new chemical warfare service have provided full ventilation for the facts of the case, in their proper setting.

It was a striking contrast to land in America early in 1920 and find New York plastered with recruiting posters setting forth the various reasons why Americans should join their Chemical Warfare Service. It was not only a sign of American methods but also one of their appreciation of the importance of the matter. This is amply borne out by their final step in reconstruction during the last few months. A separate Chemical Warfare Service has been reorgan-ised in America in such a way as to give it a position of independence equivalent to that of the older branches of the service. The specific possibilities in the development of this form of warfare are acknowledged by the action of the American Congress, and this result is very largely due to the creation of an intelligently informed political and public opinion. Large grants of money have been placed at the disposal of the new Chemical Warfare Service, and its research facilities promise to equal the war establishments of the older services of other Allied countries.

Views of General Fries.—In view of the creation of this independent Chemical Warfare Service in America and of its importance when measured in terms of financial and material facilities, it is of interest to summarise some of the views already expressed by General Fries,[1] the head of the new service. With regard to the general function of chemical warfare, he tells us: "In the first place, chemical warfare is a complete science in itself. No other invention since that of gunpowder has made so profound a change in warfare as gas is making, or will make, in the future.

[1] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, 1920.

"To-day there are only four really distinct arms of the Service, viz.: the Infantry, the Artillery, Aviation, and Chemical Warfare. All other forms of warfare are a combination, more or less complete, of these. The gases, smoke, and incendiary materials that make up chemical warfare are used to a greater or lesser extent by other arms, but wherever gas is used it compels precautionary measures that are found in no other branch of the Service.

"Considering its power, it has no equal. Physical vigour is one of the greatest assets in any army. Gas, used properly and in quantities that will be easily obtainable in future wars, will make the wearing of the mask a continuous affair for all troops within two to five miles of the front line, and in certain places for many miles beyond. If it never killed a man, the reduction in physical vigour, and, therefore, in efficiency of an army forced at all times to wear masks, would amount to at least 25 per cent., equivalent to disabling a quarter of a million men out of an army of a million."

The Gas Cloud Inescapable.—He goes on to explain some of the more specific military needs which can be met by chemical means, and refers independently to a point which the Germans have mentioned repeatedly in their memoirs. "One great reason why chemical warfare will continue is that it fills a long-felt want on the part of the soldier, that of shooting successfully around a stump or rock. The gas cloud is inescapable. It sweeps over and into everything in its path. No trench is too deep for it, no dug-out, unless hermetically sealed, is safe from it. Night and darkness only heighten its effect. It is the only weapon that is as effective in a fog or in the inky blackness of a moonless night as in the most brilliant sunshine. Only the mask and the training that go with it protect. Terror, confusion, lack of discipline and control are fatal."

Importance of Smoke.—General Fries is insistent on the future importance of smoke in warfare:

"Chemical warfare includes gas, smoke, and incendiary materials, and they can't well be subdivided. As before stated, all the early gas attacks were in the form of clouds. The value of that cloud, not only for carrying gas but for screening purposes, began to be realised in the fall of 1917. Clouds of smoke may or may not be poisonous, and they will or will not be poisonous, at the will of the one producing the smoke. For that reason every cloud of smoke in the future must be looked upon as possibly containing some deadly form of gas. When you consider this for a moment, you can realise the tremendous possibilities for ingenuity that gas and smoke afford the attacker.

"The American, trained for 300 years in meeting nature on her great plains and in her vast forests, was early appealed to by this side of chemical warfare. As early as November 3, 1917, the United States was urged, in a cablegram from the Chemical Warfare Service in France, to push the development of a large phosphorous supply for use in smokes. Not only were the early intuitions of the value of gas borne out by later events, but to-day the future of smoke appears greater still. The battle-field of the future will be covered with smoke— not the all-pervading black smoke of the battles of the Civil War and of earlier wars before smokeless powder came into use, but a field covered with dots and patches of smoke, big and little, here and there and everywhere.

"Every man who has hunted ducks and been caught in a dense fog with ducks quacking all round, and who has tried to get ducks by firing at the quack in the fog, can realise the difficulty of hitting a man on the battlefield when you cannot see him, and have only a quack, or less, by which to locate him. The smoke will be generated in candles of two or three-pound cans that can be thrown out in front of trenches; by knapsacks that can be carried and which will give off dense white smoke in large volume for many minutes; by grenades which, while they may be thrown by hand, will generally be fired from rifles; by artillery shells reaching ten, fifteen, twenty miles back of the main battle line; and finally, from aeroplane bombs whose radius of action is limited only by the size of the earth. And thus smoke becomes one of the great elements of war in the future. It is more or less wholly protective in its nature, but as it costs more and takes longer to train a man in the various problems involved in modern war than ever before in this history of the world, it is worth while taking every precaution to protect him, once you have him trained."

Casualty Percentages.—He also brings out very dearly the unique possibility possessed by gas warfare of increasing its military efficiency, while decreasing its relative atrocity:

"The death rate in the first gas attack was probably in the neighbourhood of 35 per cent. of all casualties— and everybody in front of the wave was a casualty. With the development of masks and training in the use of the mask and in taking advantage of the ground, the death rate fell. At the same time the total number of casualties fell, but not at all in the same ratio as the decrease in the death rate. From a probable death rate of 35 per cent. in the first attack it fell to 24 per cent., then to 18 per cent., and, as gas attacks by artillery became general, to 6 per cent., and finally, with the extended use of mustard gas, the rate fell to 2.5 per cent. or less."

Again referring to casualties, he gives us the startling fact that 75,000 out of the 275,000 American casualties were caused by gas, "And yet," he says "the Germans used it in a halting, comparatively feeble manner."

Short Range Projectors.—Very much alive to the future of the short-range projectors developed in connection with gas warfare, he tells us, "The Gas Regiment in the St. Mihiel battle fired on the Cote des Esparges one hundred of these high explosive bombs at the zero hour on the morning of the attack. That hill, famous for its strength through four years of struggle between the French and Germans, dis-appeared completely as an enemy standpoint. Nothing remained but torn and broken barbed wire, bits of concrete pill-boxes, and trenches filled with debris, and a few scattered fragments of clothing.

"The gas troops will, in the future, handle all short-range methods of firing gas, smoke, or high explosive. They will deliver the greatest quantities of material possible up to ranges of a mile and a half or a mile and three-quarters. So effective and so efficient are these short-range methods of projection that the No-Man's-Land of the future will be the width covered by these projectors and mortars. They can't, and never will, compete with the artillery, where range and great accuracy are the most important factors. The efficiency of artillery gas shell or artillery smoke or high explosive shell is only one-fifth that of the projector. Hence, for economy and efficiency, the artillery will be used to fire gas, smoke, high explosive, and incendiary materials only at ranges beyond those reached by the gas troops."

Again, showing how the American authorities were seized with the importance of the matter, we read:

Vast Expansion in Personnel.—"So greatly were these possibilities appreciated in the summer of 1918 that the number of gas troops authorised for use against the Germans was increased from six companies to fifty-four. Back of all this, however, was the productive capacity of the United States, which ensured that those troops would be able to fight day and night, summer, winter, and fall, until the war was over. No wonder the German quit—it was time, and he knew it."

And in conclusion General Fries tells us:

"The universal adoption of gas warfare on sea and land and in the air, combined with its persistent quality, will make that nation able to produce and use gas in the largest quantity superior in war to any other nation on the globe. The United States can reach that position and maintain it, and I believe that we are going to get such encouragement from the War Department that we can do it. I feel sure that the army appreciates the value of chemical warfare, and that it appreciates also the value of the chemists to chemical warfare.

"So long as there is any danger of other nations continuing these methods of warfare, research and experiment in chemical warfare must be pursued. Research must not only be directed towards the gases and apparatus, likely to be employed in the future, but also towards protection against all possible gases. Training in the use of gas will be confined to appropriate branches, but training in defensive measures will include the whole army.

"We must continue our studies of what is known as chemical warfare. No nation has renounced the use of poison gases as the result of the Peace Conference. There are nations whose word we could not respect if they did renounce it. It is essential to study the offensive side of chemical warfare if we are to be prepared for defence. The great importance of adequate defensive appliances arises from the fact that preparations for the offensive use of gas can be made in peace-time with great secrecy, and may have far-reaching and even fatal results in the early stages of a war.

" . . . For these reasons it is necessary to make adequate provision for research, experiment, and design in connection with war material. It is equally necessary to avoid overlap, duplication of effort, and the setting up of military institutions for scientific research which can better be done by existing civil institutions."

He also quotes from a statement from General Debeney, Director of the French College of Warfare:

"Should war begin now, aviation, and especially gas, would play one of the most important parts. The progress of aviation would make the rear of each front, and very far in rear, extremely dangerous, and the progress of chemistry would permit the use of gas on zones of such an extent as cannot be imagined.

"Making gas is naturally rapidly done, because all the manufacturers of chemical product—still so numerous in Germany—can be requisitioned, but to make airplanes is much slower.

"The defence against gas seems to be more difficult than against airplanes. I believe that against airplanes, the anti-aircraft artillery is susceptible of making rapid progress, and perhaps in that very instance gas will be one of the best ways, if with appropriate shells *the air can be poisoned all around the attacking airplanes.

"It would be much more effective to create, for example, a sphere of poisoned air a mile round the airplane, instead of trying to hit the machine directly with bits of the shell."

British, French, and even German opinion, while not underestimating the importance of the matter, may not agree in an unqualified way with all the above statements. But we claim that they show vision in a branch of war which, on account of its scientific basis, may, more than any other, speedily prove the visionary a true prophet.



CHAPTER IX

GERMAN CHEMICAL POLICY

The preceding account of chemical warfare leaves the impression of a successful Allied struggle against persistently unfavourable circumstances. We were constantly compelled to accelerate to attain the pace set by the enemy. There were exceptions, undoubtedly, but in the main Germany kept ahead in the chemical struggle.

So far, in examining the root of our troubles, we have been content to refer to the existence of the I.G., to describe its chemical warfare activities, and to indicate, briefly, its unique power to produce large quantities of organic chemical products at short notice. The close connection between the German dye industry and chemical warfare is now well recognised in official circles, and, to some extent, by the general public. Its belated exposure was almost entirely due to the facts revealed by the Inter-Allied Mission to the German chemical factories some months after the Armistice.

But the situation thus revealed was not created in a day, nor by chance. Indeed, one of the military features of industrial chemical development in the I.G. has already been traced to pre-war activities. I refer to the Haber process for the production of synthetic ammonia. It would be short-sighted policy to accept the set of conditions against which we struggled, and to explain them in terms of the I.G., without looking more closely into the pre-war activities of this organisation. Such an examination may reveal the basic forces which determined our inferior position in chemical warfare at the outbreak of war. It is true that we can explain away our inferiority by referring to the German breach of faith, which automatically created conditions for which we were unprepared. This is a comfortable solution. But had chemical warfare been a strongly developed and accepted method of war before the outbreak of hostilities, would we then have been prepared? The records of the past, before April, 1915, must be consulted to answer this question. We may find that our position is due to more than a mere negative attitude, to more than our simple neglect of the organic chemical industry. It maybe that there were forces which definitely exploited this national characteristic to our disadvantage. The pre-war policy and activities of the I.G. must be examined from this point of view. In no country has such an investigation been more complete than in America, and official statements have been issued by the American Alien Property Custodian[1] which throw a flood of light on the pre-war activities of the constituent branches of the I.G. They conclusively reveal the existence of a carefully directed German chemical policy making for world domination in the organic chemical industry, which greatly hampered the military effectiveness of other countries, and directly strengthened the military resources of Germany. On broad lines, the pre-war and war activities of the I.G. produced the same result as an attempt to strangle the economic life of possible opponents, enfeebling their resistance to the subsequent delivery of a hammer blow designed to take maximum advantage of the situation thus created. Twenty years or more under the regime of a forceful economic policy, not without its sinister aspects, prepared the ground by weakening us in the concentrated chemical warfare which, ensued. The success of this policy manoeuvred us into such a position that we barely escaped defeat under the hammer blows of German chemical aggression. This, in fact, appears to have been the German conception of modern war in its relation to industry, and American reports have shown that it was carried through with typical thoroughness by familiar German methods.

[1] Alien Property Custodian Report, Washington. Government Printing Office, 1919.

Origin of German Chemical Monopolies.—The completeness of our organic chemical deficiencies, and the thorough way in which we had failed to develop organic chemical industries, creates such a sharp impression, when thrown into relief by the outbreak of war, that we are led to inquire into the methods by which these monopolies were established. Let us admit, without any further delay, that Germany owed the origin and assertion of these monopolies in part to her scientific development, fostered by a vigorous policy of applying scientific research to industrial enterprise. So far as her success depended upon such factors, it merits our unqualified admiration and envy. But stimulating these developments was a very definite general and commercial policy which requires close examination.

German Chemical Commercial Policy;—Evidence of the U.S.A. Alien Property Custodian.—Giving every credit to German initiative and thoroughness in the application of science to industry, we are still prompted to inquire how this monopoly came to be so complete. We can rely on more than mere rumour, when examining the commercial methods of the great I.G. The American Alien Property Custodian, Mr. Mitchell Palmer, and, later, Mr. Francis P. Garvan, had occasion and opportunity to make minute examination of the German dye agencies in America in connection with general investigations on the reorganisation of alien property. Their revelations truly merit the term, showing remarkably clearly the unity of conception, determination of purpose, and co-operation with the German Government which characterised the policy of the I.G.

Pre-war American Situation.—Let us briefly consider the relevant aspects of the pre-war American situation. According to fairly well-known facts, confirmed by the reports of the two American officials mentioned above, the American pre-war organic chemical industry consisted of little more than a series of small assembling plants. Although enormous supplies of coal-tar products were available, yet the dye intermediates derived from them were not made in America, but imported from Germany. After various attempts to establish the dye industry, it seemed, at one time, about 1880, to have definitely taken root, but, within the space of five years, there were only four dye producing establishments remaining.

German Price-cutting;—Salicylic Acid.—In every instance the manufacture was almost immediately brought to an end by German price-cutting. The same source reveals the direct and indirect methods used by Germany to prevent, at all costs, the development of an independent organic chemical industry. There are many pointed examples of the direct method, and we will glance at the case of salicylic acid. This is a very important chemical, used not only for certain important drugs but also as in intermediate for dyes and photographic chemicals. In 1903 the United States possessed five manufacturers of this product. In ten years' time three of these had failed, and one of the survivors was a mere branch of a German house. During this fatal ten years, the product was being sold in that country at a price twenty-five per cent. lower than in Germany. The manipulation of the prices of the other products of the German monopoly enabled them, by such methods, to maintain it. Many other examples, including such important products as bromine, oxalic acid, and aniline, could be quoted to show the results of the German price-cutting policy. The direct significance of bromine for chemical warfare must be borne in mind.

Full Line Forcing.—Besides directly attacking the production of raw materials and intermediates, the Germans used an indirect method which has been described as "full line forcing." They were the sole producers of certain specialities, such as alizarine colours, anthracene colours, and synthetic indigo. These were indispensable to the textile manufacturers, and by refusing to supply them, except to houses which would buy their other supplies from German manufacturers, the latter could squeeze out home producers of simple dyes, however efficient their production.

Bribery and Corruption;—German Patent Policy.—The dyeing industry was peculiarly susceptible to corruption. It was so simple for the head dyer of a mill to show a partiality for dyes from any particular source of supply. The American Alien Property Custodian very frankly tells us[1]: "The methods of the great German houses in carrying on their business in this country were from the first honeycombed with corruption. Bribery of dyers was carried on almost universally on a large scale. . . . So extensive was this corruption that I came across only one American consumer that had escaped its ill effects." Such were hardly the methods of decent commercial competition, although it appears that the strong patriotic sense of the German was able to justify, in his own eyes, what might be regarded as reprehensible methods. This is not a question of bringing up old reproaches, but merely of coldly examining facts. We have already referred to their patent policy, whereby thousands of patents were taken out, the only value of many of them, being to cramp the productive initiative of possible rivals. Professor Stieglitz explains how the German patents were useless in developing large scale manufacture. "The patent protects the product, but does not reveal the method." Sir William Pope has also brought out this point, showing how the Germans use thousands of bogus patents to protect their chemical industry. He tells us,[1b] "In fact, some German patents are drawn up for the purpose of discouraging investigation by more practical methods; thus, any one who attempted to repeat the method for manufacturing a dyestuff protected by Salzman & Kruger in the German patent No. 12,096 would be pretty certain to kill himself during the operation."

[1] Alien Property Custodian Report, 1919, p. 34.

[1b] Science and the Nation. A. C. Seward, F.R.S. Cambridge University Press, 1917.

Propaganda and Information;—Espionage; Activities of the Dye Agencies.—But another method which was used in this commercial offensive, to which we must draw further attention, dealt with propaganda and information. In his comprehensive report, the American Men Property Custodian examines a number of large industries and reveals how the German interest in these industries through their American ramifications were active, "sowing the seeds of German propaganda," and collecting information, both commercial and military, for the use of the German Government and its agents. Quoting again from this report, "In many of the large German-owned companies taken over by the Alien Property Custodian, after investigation it was found that espionage was one of the chief functions. Every scrap of information of commercial or military value to Germany was carefully gathered by the representatives of these concerns in this country and quickly forwarded to the home office in Germany. The German agents were particularly keen on gathering information that would be helpful to Germany's commercial warfare. Once in Germany, this information was carefully card-indexed for the use of the manufacturers. Bulletins of commercial information were also prepared and placed at their disposal. In Germany, the collection of all commercial information is under a bureau which is controlled and financed by the great German banks, such as the Dresdner, Disconto, and Reichs Bank." This statement is not mere generalisation, but is backed by innumerable examples. Thus we find a light railway equipment manufacturer, a projectile company, a wireless company, various magneto companies, insurance companies, and German shipping companies, all engaged in spreading propaganda, acquiring information, and influencing public opinion in favour of Germany. But, undoubtedly more important than any of these, and taking a leading part in the general scheme, was the German dye organisation. The American publications make this quite clear. Mr. Garvan goes so far as to say: "As long as you were supplied by the big six (i.e. the I.G.), your business had no secret unknown to Berlin. In Berlin you will find the card index system which recites every fact connected with each and every one of your sources which can be of any possible value to your rivals over there." Referring to assistance rendered by various American and Allied departments, including Military, Naval, and War Trade Intelligence, we learn from the same sources: "All these bodies worked in close co-operation and their mutual assistance was of inestimable value. Information derived from these sources demonstrated that the chemical industry was a natural centre for espionage and that this had been true long before we entered the war—indeed, before the war began. The relation between the German Government and the great German chemical houses was so close that representatives of the industry were naturally almost direct representatives of the Government, and their work in this country gave them unequalled opportunities for examining our industries from within."

With the outbreak of war, this organisation became more clearly defined. It was, perhaps, difficult before the war to know where to draw the line between purely commercial and actual governmental German activities. The outbreak of war left no room for doubt. The German dye agencies became, at once, the active agents of their Government in various schemes, the nature of which we shall outline, and their "information" functions became very definitely describable as espionage.

Manoeuvring Raw Materials.—In the first place, the Alien Property Custodian found unexampled, evidence of a definite German scheme to corner and divert certain important war materials destined for the Allies.

Chemical Exchange Association;—Doctor Albert's Letter.—Many such plots could be quoted, but we will limit ourselves to one,[1] chosen because on its stage move the chief figures of this espionage system. This case has been described under the name of the "Chemical Exchange Association," and is much more fitted for the pen of a Conan Doyle. The move appears to have been initiated by Dr. Albert, the financial adviser of the German Government in America, in collaboration with von Bernstorff. Its purpose was to corner the immediate supplies of American phenol in order to prevent its manufacture into high explosives, including the well-known picric acid. The outbreak of war instantly stopped the entry of phenol into the country. Further, this product was not manufactured there to any extent before. Large supplies were required for the production of synthetic resins, for the gramophone industry, This led to the development of a phenol industry by the Edison works, and there appeared, automatically, a phenol surplus. Dr. Albert, aware of the probable fate of this surplus as raw material for allied munitions, determined to seize it for the German Government, and he did this through Dr. Hugo Schweitzer, one of the most prominent members of the American agency of the great Bayer works. In June, 1915, Dr. Schweitzer contracted with the selling agents of the Edison Co. for the entire surplus of phenol available for sale, offering a large cash security which was furnished by Dr. Albert. A lapse of a week witnessed another contract with the Heyden Chemical Works, a branch of the German house, by which this phenol was purchased for conversion into salicylic acid and other products. To avoid exposing the nature of the deal, Dr. Schweitzer registered as the "Chemical Exchange Association." The profits amounted to nearly a million dollars, half of which belonged to Dr. Schweitzer. This, we are told, went immediately to the German Government. As a suitable climax to such a venture, a dinner was given at the Hotel Astor by Dr. Schweitzer in honour of Dr. Albert, and is described as a typical gathering of the most active German propagandists in the country. It was as a result of this deal that Dr. Albert sent Dr. Schweitzer a memorable letter in which he praises his "breadth of highmindedness," and compares his work with "a military coup accomplished by an army leader in destroying three railroad trains of forty cars containing four and a half million pounds of explosives."

[1] Alien Property Custodian Report, 1919, p. 43.

Dye Agency Information System;—Dr. Albert on Chemical Warfare.— Although a great deal has been said in America with regard to the activities of Dr. Schweitzer and his followers, very little has been heard on this side. Explaining the complete information system possessed by the Germans, Mr. F. P. Garvan informs us that the head of the system in America for years before the war was Dr. Hugo Schweitzer, President of the Bayer Company there, and he even quotes his secret service number given him by the Imperial Minister of War, stating that he came to America, became a citizen on the instruction of the German Government, and led the espionage and propagandist movements down to the day of his sudden death in November, 1917. The relationships between Dr. Albert and Dr. Schweitzer, when the former was leaving for Germany in 1917, are very illuminating. We learn from the same source how Dr. Schweitzer received from the former nearly one and a half million dollars, all to be spent in espionage and propaganda. Dr. Albert, leaving Dr. Schweitzer a letter of appreciation, to which we have referred in connection with the Chemical Exchange, makes a very significant reference to chemical warfare. "Of still greater and more beneficial effect is the support which you have afforded to the purchase of bromine. We have a well-founded hope that, with the exclusion of perhaps small quantities, we shall be in a position to buy up the total production of the country. Bromine, together with chloral, is used in making nitric gases, which are of such great importance in trench warfare. Without bromine these nitric gases are of slight effect: in connection with bromine they are of terrible effect. Bromine is produced only in the United States and Germany. While, therefore, the material is on hand in satisfactory quantities for the Germans, the Allies are entirely dependent upon importation from America." Making due allowance for the fact that Dr. Albert was not a technical man, this information possesses an element of truth, indeed France was driven to the extreme of establishing a bromine industry in the wilds of Tunis in order to counter the German attack.

The Moral Aspect.—Such facts tempt us to think hardly of these representatives of German culture. But they were, no doubt, fiercely patriotic Germans, and it is not difficult for us to understand their activities after the outbreak of war. An American, however, can hardly adopt such a lenient view, if, as has been claimed, many of these agents were naturalised Americans, for they were abusing the privileges and the confidence of their adopted country. We have no wish, however, to dwell on this aspect of the matter, and have no doubt whatever that many good Germans could justify all these activities according to their own codes. It would have been better not to have given this information the light of day, were it not of some value for the future.

Report of the New York World;—German Policy Regarding Dye Supplies to the U.S.A.—How far can the parent organisation of these dye agencies be regarded as aware of their activities? They were largely responsible for their inspiration. Mr. Garvan says, "Practically all the dye salesmen were only nominally in the employ of the branches here; all had secret and personal contracts with the Home Office." From these facts alone there can hardly be any doubt as to the connivance of the home organisation. Again, on April 28, 1915, the New York World printed an editorial explaining that "two large German chemical and aniline dye concerns are reported to be establishing factories in New Jersey, to supply American demands hither to supplied from Germany." This statement apparently alarmed Captain Boy-Ed, the German Naval Attache, and he communicated with Dr. Albert, the financial representative in New York, for the establishment of these factories would have countered the German policy of bringing political pressure by refusing dye shipments. Dr. Albert's reply to Boy-Ed contains the following phrase: "With regard to the dyes, I got into touch with local experts in order to determine what truth there is in the news. According to my knowledge of things, the matter is a fake, inasmuch as *our factories have bound themselves orally and by word of honour to do nothing in the present situation which might help the United States." As further evidence of this definite policy, witness a letter from Consul-General Hossenfelder to the Imperial German Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg. This letter is dated New York, March 3, 1916, and, after a detailed examination of the economic relationships between Germany and America, states: "Further, we should, according to my conviction, hold ourselves absolutely passive in relation to the proposals for the exportation of potash, chemicals, and dyestuffs, and if the opportunity arises, make the sanction for them, not dependent upon the consent for an exchange of articles, but upon the abolition en bloc of all hindrances to intercourse contrary to international laws which have been instituted by England." Further, Dr. Albert, cabling to the German Government in April, 1916, on the export of dyestuffs, tells us: "The hope was entertained of bringing American industries which were solely dependent upon German deliveries of dyestuffs into a position that they would have to insist on the importation of dyestuffs under the conditions demanded by Germany." There can then be no doubt that the parent organisation of the I.G. was in close touch with the activities of its agencies.

This, then, is a brief account of the methods by which Germany created the monopoly whose existence threatened our success in the world war. Before leaving the question of the monopoly, let us inquire a little more closely into its exact nature and range. Various American official reports have revealed the desperate measures necessitated in that country in order to meet deficiencies in vital products when the German source of supply was removed.

Professor Stieglitz's Evidence.—Professor Stieglitz, of the University of Chicago, giving evidence before the United States Senate, stated:[1]

[1] Hearings before the Committee on Finance, U. S. Senate, 1920.

"I have come to the conclusion that we would have saved a great deal of suffering and a great many lives in this country, if we had had an organic chemical industry, as they have in Germany, before we started the war." Characterising the dye industry as the source of war chemicals, including explosives and poison gas, he emphasises the drug question and shows how their development depends absolutely upon the existence of certain raw materials, and facilities for comprehensive organic chemical research, which only find a raison d'etre in the existence of a flourishing dye industry,

Ehrlich's Discovery.—Pointing out the difficulties in developing the manufacture of salvarsan, he explains how the process was originally discovered by an organic chemist, Dr. Paul Ehrlich, co-operating with a German dye company, the crude material coming from the dye plants, the product itself strongly resembling dyes, "containing arsenic instead of part of their nitrogen." The great importance of this drug is brought out by another witness before the same committee, Mr. Francis P. Garvan, who explains how, by refusing or neglecting to ship salvarsan, Germany wanted the United States "to starve to death" for lack of it, and he continues: "Think what an extension of disease and that an intensification of suffering and distress Germany was willing to impose upon her best market in order to obtain her imperial will."

Germany had monopolised the production of the important synthetic drugs, including the derivatives of salicylic acid, of which aspirin had developed wide use in Allied countries. After every household had learnt the value of German produced aspirin, its supply was cut off at the outbreak of war. The same disadvantages applied in the field of anaesthetics. For a long period America had no local anaesthetics for hospital surgical work, being compelled to use what were termed "Bulgarian Operations," that is, operations without anaesthetics. Professor Stieglitz claims that the lack of drugs and anaesthetics threw back American surgery some fifty to seventy years in civilisation.

But what of this country? We have already outlined how the outbreak of war found us with, at the most, two or three relatively small producing centres, which did valiant service during the war and amply proved the importance of the dye industry by revealing what could have been done had we been many times stronger. Was the same German chemical policy responsible for our pre-war position? As far as we know official investigations have not been pursued to the same length as in America, but it is beyond doubt that the German dye companies took every possible step to stifle the development of our organic chemical production. When the war broke out, our comfortable commercial contact with the I.G. became a strangle-hold. It could not be otherwise. Whatever the German attitude, and we could hardly expect it to be friendly, the strangle-hold at the outbreak of war was inevitable. But this dye menace facing our textile industries, and weakening our power of retaliation in the chemical war, was not the only danger from the I.G. We were in a critical position through failure to produce other commodities than dyes.

Drugs and Medicinal Products;—The German Monopoly;—National Health Insurance Commission.—The question of drugs assumed critical importance at the outbreak of war. Germany had been asserting her monopoly for years in the field of medicinal chemicals. Cessation of supplies at the outbreak of war caused grave apprehension of a serious shortage in these products, so important for the adequate treatment of disease. In some cases we possessed neither the raw materials nor the technical knowledge to undertake rapid home production. But in the important group of the synthetic drugs derived from coal-tar products, the raw materials were produced in quantity in the United, Kingdom, only to be exported to Germany, thus contributing to her monopoly. British manufacturers, on the other hand, held their own in the production of certain kinds of drugs, such as the alkaloids, gaseous anaesthetics, and some inorganic salts of bismuth and mercury. In a summary of certain war activities of the National Health Insurance Commission, we read: "It was chiefly in the making of the coal-tar synthetic remedies that Germany was pre-eminent, and that position was due not to any lack of skill or invention on the part of the British chemists, but to the high degree of organisation attained by the German chemical industry, which made it possible to convert the by-products of the aniline factories into medicaments of high therapeutic and commercial value."

The Royal Society;—Novocain.—So serious was the situation that for some time we existed on feeble stocks. But during this period the utmost efforts were made to develop our own production. The Royal Society promptly came forward with a scheme to link up would-be producers with appropriate centres of research. The latter not only assisted production but actually produced sufficient quantities of important drugs to tide us over the difficult period. Thus, for example, for the production of novocain the assistance of about forty university laboratories throughout the country was invoked, and they proceeded to produce the intermediates, diethylamine and ethylene-monochlor-hydrin. These substances were converted into diethyl-amino-ethanol, and the final step, the production of novocain, was undertaken by manufacturers, including a prominent dye firm. We have referred to one of these substances in connection with the German production of mustard gas, and need only say that in England, in a time of national emergency, the Government had to depend on the improvised assistance of forty teaching and research institutions for the production of small quantities of drug intermediates. Further, this work, although to the permanent credit of those who undertook it, did not enable us later to produce rapidly war quantities of mustard gas, itself dependent on the same important intermediate, ethylene-monochlor-hydrin. Germany settled the drug and mustard gas question by a simple demand to the I.G., because the latter, holding the indigo monopoly, possessed actual large-scale ethylene-chlor-hydrin production.

Other cases, although equally creditable to those actually engaged in the work, also reflect our national unpreparedness and neglect of chemical industry.

Beta-Eucaine.—Beta-eucaine is a very important local anaesthetic. Before the war we obtained it almost exclusively from Germany. When urgently needed in 1915 for the War Office and Admiralty, the Government discovered that it could not obtain this substance from commercial sources. Seventeen laboratories co-operated to produce two hundred and sixteen pounds of the material. Such examples would be ludicrous did they not possess such a serious national aspect. Our position was almost as desperate regarding chloral-hydrate, the important hypnotic, and the rare carbo-hydrates required for bacteriological purposes. Sir William Pope's comprehensive statement[1] supplies further examples.

[1] Science and the Nation, A. C, Seward. F.R.S. Cambridge University Press, 1917.

Photographic Chemicals.—Our dependence upon German monopoly, so drastically revealed at the outbreak of war, was not limited to dyes and drugs, Photographic chemicals were of special importance for war purposes, yet, when the development of aviation increased our demands for photographic chemicals, we had no normal sufficient source to which to turn. We needed not only the essential bulk chemicals, such as amidol, metol, para-amidophenol, and glycine, but also certain rarer substances, such as the photographic sensitisers, which were so essential for the Air Force. By calling upon chemical industry and research institutions both needs were satisfactorily met, but the contrast with Germany leads perforce to the same conclusion, their case and speed of production as compared with ours.

This examination shows the fine texture of the tenacious web by which Germany had entangled and stifled the organic chemical industries of other countries. Although at the outbreak of war the Allies were slow to realise the war significance of the dye industry, yet they were quick to determine that the resumption of peace would not find them in such an ignominious position. Steps were taken to establish dye industries in England, France, and America. Not only did plants spring up to meet the immediate needs of the textile industries of the world outside Germany, but the question received considerable Government attention. Promises were made and steps taken to encourage the growing industries. But these cannot be examined in detail here, and the main facts are common knowledge. Two points emerge, however, which are of prime importance from the point of view of our discussion. In the first place, the acute needs of the armies prevented the maximum use of the war opportunity for developing Allied dye industries on a sound basis. No sooner was producing capacity installed, than it was taken over for the production of urgently needed organic chemicals for explosives. Dye enthusiasts would have regarded the war as a supreme opportunity for a period of concentrated organic chemical research to make up the leeway which existed, owing to forty years of German development. But the research energies of the country were occupied on more pressing problems. In Germany, the war chemical activities of the dye factories all contributed to their future post-war strength. In England and France it was otherwise. Our equivalent energies were concentrated on developing improvised processes and plant, absolutely necessary to counter the German attacks, but almost without exception of no direct ultimate value to our peace organic chemical industries. This is a point which merits careful consideration. These industries voluntarily threw aside what was, logically, a great opportunity for them to push their research investigations so necessary for eventual success. The state-aided Huddersfield factory represented national vision, whose fruits were stolen by our ceaseless need to improvise counters to German aggression. But we owe to our dye industry the national recognition of these facts. Stress of war gave us true vision, but prevented its logical outcome. War needs are now removed, and everything should be done to place at the disposal of the dye industries those facilities which they necessarily, but gladly, sacrificed in time of emergency.

The brief survey of the preceding pages reveals the existence of a German chemical policy pursued vigorously for many years before the war. It also shows how this policy developed in America, the chief neutral country, during the war period, for two years before her entry.

The Americans have also established beyond doubt the active co-operation between the German Government and the I.G. But, if the policy of the German Government and of the organic chemical industry had many points in common before the war, they became one before hostilities were many months old. The part played by the I.G. in munitions production, in which it was virtually a tool of the Government, has already been seen. It must be remembered that, after the first Battle of the Marne, the German Government turned to the I.G. for a large part of its explosives and practically all its poison gas, and, as has been stated on many occasions, and with reason, Germany would not have been able to continue the war after the summer of 1915 but for the commercial development of the Haber process by the I.G. The story is too well known to repeat at length. The basic element of explosives is nitrogen, which is introduced by nitric acid. This was produced from imported Chili saltpetre, but the blockade cut short these imports, and but for the Haber method, the vital step in producing nitric acid from the air, Germany would have been compelled to abandon the struggle.

There is striking coincidence between the commencement of the Great War and the successful completion of certain vital German chemical developments. As late as 1912 Germany still depended on other countries, chiefly England, for her phenol, the basic raw material for picric acid as well as a dye necessity. Soon after that date the development of the Bayer plant made her independent in that product, and gave her, in fact, an exportable surplus.

War Activities of the I.G.—Reviewing all these activities and realising how they all emanate from this one organisation, we are overwhelmed by its formidable nature as an offensive and defensive weapon in time of war. Here we have an organisation, the I.G., whose sinister pre-war ramifications dominated the world by their hold on the supply of organic chemicals vital for peace and war. This organisation functioned, in a sense, as the life blood of German offensive warfare. German sources tell us very little of the war activities and future significance of the I.G. A veil of secrecy seems to be cast over the whole matter, but behind this veil must exist an acute realisation of the value of the I.G. as a trump card for the future. Krupp is uncovered, the whole world was alarmed at its meaning for war, but heard with a comfortable sense of security how Krupp was exchanging the sword for the plough. But the gigantic I.G. controls in its great hand a sword or plough for war or peace at will. This is no far-fetched metaphor.

The Rhine Factories and the Armistice,—It therefore becomes important to inquire into the attitude and activities of the I.G. since the Armistice, and to examine its position in world reconstruction. For one brief period, the few weeks following the Armistice, the German dye industries appear to have been without policy, its leaders in confusion. But with the confidence inspired by the Allied Rhineland occupation, with the assistance provided by the Allied controlling organisations, with regard to labour, fuel, and commercial transactions, the industrial morale speedily recovered.

The tide of revolution which accompanied the German debacle in the autumn of 1918 swept over the Rhineland chemical factories. Colonel Norris, writing on his visit in February, 1919, tells us that after peace was restored by the Allied forces:[1]— "the managers of several factories agreed that the occupation of the territory was the best thing that could have happened. On the other side of the Rhine, labour refused to work, and demanded unheard-of pay—everything was topsy-turvy. In fact, before the Allied armies arrived, revolutionary notions were growing rapidly along the Rhine. One director of a well-known chemical plant is said to have escaped by night with his life by way of the river, when his employees were especially menacing. When the British Army came he returned, and is now at his old post." Thus, although the I.G. was model in its institutions for the welfare of employees, at least one of its most prominent directors was compelled to take refuge from infuriated labour. What with danger from the latter, and the uncertainty of action by the oncoming Allied troops, the future of the factories appeared very gloomy. In fact, there are fairly credible rumours that the German directors were willing to dispose of their assets to the Allies while they remained intact. But the same Allied troops, whose advent was feared, rolled back the tide of revolution from the banks of the Rhine, and restored industrial security. It is doubtful whether the investing armies realised the full war significance of these factories, except the French. The latter instituted a fairly thorough control almost at once. But, judging from reports of different missions to these factories, we were even backward in organising inspection of the purely munitions plants. Thus the Hartley Mission did not materialise until three months had elapsed.

[1] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, Vol. XI., 1919, Page 817.

War Mentality of the I.G.—We watch a vivid impression of the war mentality of the I.G. in a few phrases from Colonel Norris's account: "Around the walls of the director's room was a beautifully painted and artistic frieze which pictured the various plants of the Bayer Company and their activities. Dr. Duisberg, the director, pointed out proudly to the Americans the view of the company's plant on the Hudson River. We were not surprised to see it, although pre-war advertisements had assured us at home that Bayer aspirin had been made on the Hudson for years by an American company. During the war an ante-room had been decorated in a similar way, with pictures illustrating the activity of the plant in the preparation of war-gas materials. One saw how gas was made, shells were filled, and gas masks assembled. The work was done by an artist, and has a permanent value. The fact that the thing was conceived and executed during the stress of war throws an interesting sidelight on German character." Incidentally, it also throws a further sidelight upon the part played by Leverkusen in the chemical warfare campaign.

German Attitude towards Inspection.—As was quite to be expected, the German factories did not receive our missions with open arms, and they were particularly jealous of any inspection at Oppau, the site of the wonderful Haber synthetic ammonia plant. Lieut. McConnel, of the U.S. Navy, tells us:[1] "Upon arrival at the plant the Germans displayed a polite but sullen attitude. They seemed willing to afford the opportunity of a cursory inspection, but strongly objected to a detailed examination. On the third day of the visit the writer was informed that his presence had become a source of serious objection and that if his examination were prolonged a formal complaint would be submitted to the Peace Conference." The Allies had only themselves to blame. Their facile yielding to the argument that this great arsenal was principally of peace significance, owing to the fertilisers which it would eventually make, and the feeble backing provided for inspecting missions, were reflected in the semi-resistant attitude of the I.G. personnel.

[1] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, Vol. XI., 1919, page 837.

The Rhine and Chaulny Contrast.—It was a curious contrast, however, to pass through Chaulny on the way to the Rhine. At Chaulny, the oldest chemical works in France, quoting again from Colonel Norris, "where Gay-Lussac did his famous work on the manufacture of sulphuric acid, where Courtois discovered iodine, and where plate glass was first made, had grown with the times, and was amongst the largest factories in France. Around it was a thriving town of about 13,000 inhabitants, with some excellent public modern buildings. When the Germans in their first retreat were forced to leave the place, they dismantled the factory and carried away everything that was portable. The fortunes of war brought them back, and before they left a second time a regiment of soldiers was put to work to destroy systematically the factory and the entire town. For, a month they kept at work, and when they withdrew but a few bricks were left standing. Every boiler had been blown up with dynamite, and every tank too heavy to be carted away rendered useless. About half an acre was covered with chemical stoneware of all kinds; each piece had been broken with a sledgehammer. Nothing was too small or too large to escape destruction. And to make sure of a good job, everything that would burn was set on fire." Yet within twenty-four hours one met Germans, in-directly or directly responsible for this policy of destruction, resenting peaceful Allied inquiries on the munition activities of their own plants. We hardly know whether to attribute such effects of Allied policy to our own integrity in respecting the peace activities of these arsenals or to official ignorance of their war-like nature.

German Revolution and the Industrial Leaders.—It is curious how the leadership of the captains of German industry was left untouched by the revolutionary disturbances of the post-Armistice period. Evidence is to be found in the composition of the main German delegation to Paris for the settlement of the Versailles Treaty. Many of the members were big industrial magnates, several had direct connection with chemical industry, and at least one was a prominent director of the I.G.

The German Peace Delegation.—Commenting on the composition of the main German delegation in the spring of 1919, we find the German press deploring the omission of any "visible representative" of Army or Navy. Does this imply the presence of invisible representation? Whether intended or not, there is truth in the implication. The list contains the name of one of the leading representatives of the big dye combine. Others of the delegates have chemical interests. This is significant. It more than implies the German official acknowledgment of the importance of the dye industry in general for the future of Germany, and of its prime importance for war.

Recent Signs of Government Interest.—Recent developments have merely strengthened the dye combine and provided further evidence of Government interest in its welfare. The chief signs of reviving. German Government interest in the I.G. are to be found in the loan for the nitrogen enterprise and in the privileges which it enjoys with regard to Government taxes. An American source,[1] a witness before a Senate Committee, reveals that the dye plants "have to pay no direct Government taxes. According to an understanding with the present Government, all organic chemical productions, the companies themselves, as well as all dependencies, without exception, for the next ten years, are freed from all direct State tax. In so far as community taxes come into consideration, I believe we will obtain a remission for our profession." The latest sign of Government support is to be found in the preferential treatment obtained by the German dye industry in coal deliveries. Coal is a critical factor in the German attempt to regain their monopoly.

Nitrogen Fixation.—The industrial fixation of nitrogen by Germany to form ammonia has great importance from the point of view of our discussion. Statements by various prominent Germans, such as Dr. Max Sering, of the University of Berlin, and Dr. Hugo Schweitzer, already referred to, leave no doubt. The former, writing in 1915, tells us: "The complete cutting off of the supply of Chili saltpetre during the war has been made good by our now taking nitrogen directly out of the air in large factories built during and before the war. With extraordinary rapidity the question has been solved how the enormous quantities of the needed ammunition were to be produced, a question which in England still meets with difficulties, in spite of the help from America."

[1] Hearings before Committee on Finance, U. S. Senate, 1920, page 195.

The German Nitrogen Syndicate.—The two great Haber plants at Oppau and Merseburg are both constituent parts of the I.G., and they introduce a new element of Government interest into the I.G. policy. Giving evidence before the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry of the United States Senate, Colonel Joyce develops this question of Government interest in detail. He tells us how war nitrogen supply was energetically and specifically fostered by the German Government through an Imperial Commissioner under the War Department. One of the three advisers of this campaign was Doctor Bueb, representing the Badische Anilin- und Soda-Fabrik. Colonel Joyce tells us: "That was a strictly war control organisation, but even before the war closed, Germany, with her usual foresight, was giving consideration to the future commercial aspects of her nitrogen works, and in August, 1919, there was definitely formed an association of the producers which was called the Stickstoff Syndikat G.m.b.H. or Nitrogen Syndicate. This designation is a commercial one, and the organisation is along commercial lines, but it is, reliably stated that the establishment of this syndicate was largely due to governmental influence. This will be more easily understood if it be realised that the German Government had given financial assistance to many of the new plants and plant increases which the war had necessitated."

Haber Process Prominent.—The Badische Co. holds a large part of the capital stock of this syndicate, whose Board contains a Government nominee. in addition the Board of Managers will have a Government chairman. Through such arrangements, Government interest in the I.G. nitrogen enterprise is clearly revealed. In conclusion, Colonel Joyce informs us, "This information, which comes from most reliable sources and is not to be disputed, shows that, beyond question, any one outside of Germany producing or desiring to purchase nitrogenous fertilisers or similar compounds, will have to deal with a single organisation, essentially a branch of the German Government, which will have an absolute monopolistic control of all such products produced in Germany or whatever surplus there may be for export (Hearing before the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, U.S. Senate, S. 3390, Mar. 22nd, 1920, p. 52)." It is reported that the preliminary allotment of production to the Badische Co. in the Syndicate is three hundred thousand tons per annum, which should leave a considerable exportable surplus. This would constitute a formidable weapon in any price-cutting campaigns entered upon by the I.G. in order to preserve her various monopolies. We learn from the Colour Trade Journal of August, 1920, that the German Government has advanced something over ten million pounds for the construction and operation of the Haber plant.

The New German Dye Combine.—Internal changes have accompanied the development of these external relationships. The interchange of capital and directors between the different branches, the use of all assets for a common purpose, and the pooling of all profits effected in 1919, has brought about a closer union. From the relatively loose pre-war combination held together by common price interests, the organisation has passed through the cartel to what is now practically a form of trust. The German dye industry is now a closely woven, almost homogeneous institution. It has added economic cohesion to technical efficiency, and is to-day the largest technically efficient potential instrument of war in the world. We have thus revealed the existence, and indicated the nature, of the resultant activities of the chemical policy guiding the pre-war German combination of organic chemical or dye producers. Further, it is seen how the war stimulated and sealed closer relationships between the constituent firms, and between the resultant organisation, the I.G., and the German Government. Continuing, we find the above tendencies intensified since the Armistice, from unmistakable signs briefly referred to above.

Aggressive Nationalistic Policy.—Both in peace and war, the combination of interests, known as the I.G., has successfully pursued an intensely nationalistic and aggressive chemical policy. We might ignore what some have regarded as the sinister side of the I.G. activities, considering the whole as a wonderful monument to German science, thoroughness and patriotism, which it undoubtedly is in many respects. But the significance to the Allies and associated countries remains the same. Even without any thought or intention on the part of present day Germany to use this thing for war, it remains a serious menace. But the direct evidence which we possess does not actually support such a peaceful view. Her press confidently prophesies the resumption of the pre-war German monopoly, reassuring its readers by careful analysis of the causes of the eventful failure to establish organic chemical industries in Allied countries.

Are we to yield in this field of economic war? If so, then one of the chief lessons of the Great War will remain unheeded, and the future cannot fall to prove this to the hilt, to our cost.



CHAPTER X

LINES OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT

The Element of Speculation.—It is of considerable interest to Introduce an element of speculation into our discussion of chemical warfare. In glancing at future possibilities, we can adopt one of two courses, follow up the clearly marked lines of recent development, or give the imagination play within the whole field of scientific possibility. The former course lies more within the scope of this book.