Herein lay one of the great advantages enjoyed by the Germans. Their great producing organisation, the I.G., was able to take over automatically certain of these research functions, in particular all those with regard to preparation and production, even of protective appliances. The Government reserved what we have called the policy functions, and was responsible, we assume, for the mass, of physiological and design research which must always precede approval or a decision on policy.

Signs were not lacking, further, that the I.G. was even employed on certain occasions for this latter type of research.

Conclusion.—From the facts at our disposal there can be no doubt that the total material facilities at the disposal of the Allies for chemical warfare investigation were considerably more extensive and expensive than those of Germany with the one notable exception of trained technical organic chemists. It is very doubtful whether the German field experiments were as largely provided for as those of the Allies. When we think of the French grounds at Versailles and Entressin, the British at Porton, the American grounds in France and in America, and the Italian organisations, there can hardly be any doubt that the total German facilities were much smaller. Under the actual circumstances of the war, however, it was difficult to develop more co-operation than was possible by a very close liaison. The fact that all the experimental developments from these grounds required special modification to meet the peculiar needs of artillery and other equipment for each ally, prevented the adoption of uniform types of projectile or other appliances. Even uniform shell marking was found impracticable.

The "Outer and Inner Lines."—The Allied situation compelled the multiplication of cumbersome organisations in the different countries. Lack of a strong organic chemical industry placed each ally at a considerable disadvantage, compared with Germany, in the development of such organisations. Using a strategic comparison, we can say that Germany not only possessed the "inner lines" in the chemical war, but an exceptionally efficient system to exploit them, in the shape of the great I.G.



CHAPTER VI

THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INITIATIVE

Meaning of the Chemical Initiative.—The German invasion of Belgium in 1914 was a direct appeal to the critical factor of surprise in war. By disregarding their pledge, a "scrap of paper," they automatically introduced into this attack the elements of military surprise. We, the enemy, were unprepared, and a complete rearrangement of dispositions became necessary.

A recent writer has admirably summarised the facts.[1]

[1] A. F. Pollard. A Short History of the Great War. Methuen, 1920.

"Germany began the war on the Western front before it was declared, and on 1-2 August, German cavalry crossed the French frontier between Luxembourg and Switzerland at three points in the direction of Longwy, Luneville, and Belfort. But these were only feints designed to prolong the delusion that Germany would attack on the only front legitimately open to warfare and to delay the reconstruction of the French defence required to meet the real offensive. The reasons for German strategy were conclusive to the General Staff, and they were frankly explained by Bethmann-Hollweg to the British Ambassador. There was no time to lose if France was to be defeated before an effective Russian move, and time would be lost by a frontal attack. The best railways and roads from Berlin to Paris ran through Belgium; the Vosges protected more than half of the French frontier south of Luxembourg, Belfort defended the narrow gap between them and Switzerland, and even the wider thirty miles' gap between the northern slopes of the Vosges and Luxembourg was too narrow for the deployment of Germany's strength; the way was also barred by the elaborate fortifications of Verdun, Toul, and Nancy. Strategy pointed conclusively to the Belgium route, and its advantages were clinched by the fact that France was relying on the illusory scrap of paper."

The first German cloud gas attack was the second attempt to gain the decisive initiative, by the unauthorised use of a surprise of an entirely different nature.

Modern writers are at great pains to establish how the world war, although leaving the final function of the infantry unchanged, rendered them and their staff subservient to mass munition production. Mr. H. G. Wells explains this to the Kaiser in a delightful imaginary interview between that august person and an hypothetical manufacturer.[1] Professor Pollard tells us how, when the first German surprise had failed, the war became "a test of endurance rather than generalship." We will leave a clear field for any military challenge to such a point of view. Our objection is that it is not fully developed. The war was still a test of generalship, that of directed production. This war has shown, and future wars may unfortunately confirm, that the type and secrecy of production is as important as its volume. There will still be the purely military surprise and manoeuvre, but superimposed, co-ordinated, and sometimes predominant will appear the technical surprise, the result of the generalship of production.

[1] War and the Future. Cassel, 1917.

Such a surprise is achieved by the sudden introduction on a large scale of some entirely new war weapon, capable of achieving a strategic or tactical objective in an unsuspected manner.

Although the general idea of this second type of surprise existed before the war, particularly in naval warfare, it required the coincidence of the Great European War and modern scientific development to demonstrate its great importance on land.

Thus the first German gas attack found the opposing troops entirely unprotected, not merely through the absence of a mask, but in training and technical discipline. The case is quoted of an indignant gassed soldier who, in an early gas attack, when reproached for not protecting himself, thereupon opened his tunic and revealed a mask firmly tied round his chest! It is a far cry from such a case to the inculcation of strict gas discipline into an army of millions. The attack reaped the corresponding results in casualties and morale. It found the opposing medical services unequipped, not only to treat the new type of casualty, but even to determine its nature rapidly and efficiently. In short, it found the enemy utterly unprepared, either in theory or practice, to counter its effect. The importance of this second type of surprise lies in its peculiar potentialities. It may affect a given military result with an extraordinarily small expenditure of material, energy, and eventually human life, when compared with the older military weapons. Chemical warfare is a weapon, par excellence, to achieve this second type of surprise. Therein lies its chief importance.

As a result, the history of chemical warfare becomes one of continual attempts, on both sides, to achieve surprise and to counter it by some accurate forecast in protective methods. It is a struggle for the initiative.

More than this, as the use of chemical warfare becomes an organic part of operations, as it did during the war, these operations become correspondingly dependent upon conditions imposed by the chemical campaign. One can imagine the case of an army unprotected against a new gas, aware that the enemy is ready to employ the latter, compelled to postpone some huge offensive until its protective methods were equal to countering the new chemical. General Fries, the American authority, states, in reference to mustard gas, and the Northern offensives in 1917: "It is no disparagement of the British, nor of any one else, to say that they held up the date of their attack for two weeks pending further investigations into the effects of this new gas." Ludendorff, referring to the German offensive in March, 1918, tells us, "Our artillery relied on gas for its effect. Up till the morning of the 20th strength and direction (of the wind) were by no means favourable, and it seemed almost necessary to put off the attack." Such a point becomes of greater importance as the influence of other arms decreases. If we assume international arrangements for the limitation of other types of armament in the future, chemical warfare at once stands out as decisive.

Controlling Factors;—Rapid Manufacture.—Certain well-defined factors hold a controlling position in the chemical initiative. Before any chemical discovery can be used for surprise on the front a second step must occur; this is large scale manufacture. This period is vital to surprise. Success in chemical warfare is largely dependent on secrecy, which means achieving production in the shortest possible time, and this is particularly important at the commencement of hostilities. Throughout the war the Germans possessed this advantage and, in the future, unless certain steps are taken, it will be theirs again. A very simple example will suffice to show the importance of the combination of these two factors. Let us assume the not remote possibility that Germany had refrained from using poison gas until she had reached the stage of development which existed at the time of her 1918 offensive. There is little room for doubt that the big scale use of cloud attacks which would then have been available, and of shell gas, in particular mustard gas, would have achieved decisive success. The Allies would have been totally unprotected, the moral effect would have been enormous, and, even if we ignore the latter, the number of casualties would have produced a gap the size of which was only dependent on German wishes.

Rapid Identification Essential.—It is important to remember, however, that once a chemical campaign has commenced, certain factors may militate against any lengthy retention of the initiative by either party. Organisations develop whose function is to ascertain the nature of new enemy chemical devices so that protective research and production can commence with the minimum delay. This assumes the existence of a protective appliance and organisation. The very efficient collaboration of the British Central Laboratory in France for the examination of new gas shell with the French organisation centred in Paris provides numerous examples of the functioning of this safeguard. No time was lost in identifying the nature of the various chemicals employed by Germany in her shell fillings. Speed was vital. The use of a new type of chemical in shell, bomb, or other contrivance, in any sector of the front, on whatever scale, however small, was reported without delay. Then followed instantaneous collection and examination, after which all front line formations, other formations, allies, and rear organisations were expeditiously warned. The harmless trial flight of the few shell of a new type might be followed by the use of hundreds of thousands in a deadly attack one hundred miles away or on another allied front. Not only were captured offensive contrivances of value for this purpose, but the rapid examination of new enemy masks was of prime importance, for it could be assumed that the enemy would be protected against his own surprises in store for others.

Attempts to ascertain the enemy's gas activities were not confined to examining captured material after their first use. Raids and artillery fire were both used to obtain intelligence regarding preparations, or to break up the gas emplacements. The Germans have provided us with a particularly gallant and interesting attempt.

Near Nieuport the front penetrated a region inundated by the Belgians during the desperate German offensives of 1914. The trench system, winding through a mile or so of sand dunes, passed in a southeasterly direction through the marshy sector known as Lombartzyde. Here the bogged front lines were intersected by the Yser canal, the German front trench being some 80 yards away. Allied gas was installed in the Lombartzyde and neighbouring sectors ready for discharge on the first favourable opportunity. For some reason or other the Germans suspected this, and at night a raiding party swam down the ice cold Yser, and, negotiating the submerged wire, landed in the Allied support line. Stunning the sentry with a bomb which, fortunately, refused to explode, they proceeded to the front line to seek gas emplacements. Either through unexpected disturbance, or for some other reason, they were compelled to leave before completing their inspection, and successfully swam the Yser canal back to their own trenches. This hazardous enterprise represents but one of many raids whose function it was to ascertain the presence of enemy gas.

Propaganda and Morale.—Another factor intended to facilitate the attainment of the chemical initiative was the German use of propaganda. Rumours, reflected in the Press, were often current at the Front, at home, and in neutral countries, that some particularly fiendish chemical contrivance was about to be launched against the Allies by Germany. Thus, in January and February of 1916, vigorous propaganda activity of this kind in Switzerland preceded the great German offensive at Verdun. The new gas was heralded by fantastic stories. Certain death was threatened for all within one hundred yards of the shell burst. The origin of the report was traced to various sources. In one case rumours concerned a conscientious worker in a German factory, desirous of warning the French through Swiss friends, in other cases German scientists were reported to be influencing Francophile neutrals in order that they might warn the French. But an analysis of the propaganda reveals something more than its sensational nature. The information arrived at well-defined periods, which usually preceded the actual use of a new gas or chemical device by Germany. But when the actual effort is compared with the prophecy we find that in no case was there any real clue as to the nature of the gas. Thus, before the use of phosgene by the Germans at the end of 1915, definite reports reached the Allies regarding the projected use of at least ten new gases by Germany, which were described not only chemically, but as being colourless, odourless, powerful, blinding, and instantaneously deadly! No such volume of propaganda was experienced before the first German cloud attack at Ypres. Indeed, one would not have expected it, for the mere fact of the use of cloud gas was then new to war, and of military value.

This propaganda was not without its effect, and, but for the excellent Allied gas discipline, would have been an effective precursor to the gas itself. Cases were not absent, at the Battle of Loos, for example, in which the German use of lachrymators found British soldiers so mentally unprepared, or rather let us say "prepared" by propaganda, as to spread ridiculous rumours on the battlefield as to the all-powerful nature of the new German gas shell. These were, in fact, bursting a few yards away, with no more serious results than lachrymation and vomiting. The extended use of shell gas by the Germans in the summer of 1916 was again preceded by intensive propaganda during the early months of that year, in which the promise of prussic acid was prominent. The influence of a name is very curious. Prussic acid probably accounted for fewer casualties than any other gas. This fact became apparent with the increasing use of the French Vincennite, which contained prussic acid. Yet German propaganda redoubled its efforts as time went on to inspire fear in the Allied soldiers by the threat to use prussic acid. It is clear that armies cannot abandon gas discipline, and that an important factor in strengthening this discipline is a wise distribution of gas knowledge. The use of mustard gas and newer shell gases in 1917 was again preceded by a burst of propaganda. In this period we find the first reference to long-range gas shell and aircraft gas bomb, and, curiously enough, a certain amount of propaganda with regard to a blinding chemical, which partially described mustard gas.

As further confirmation of the General Staff origin of this propaganda we find that the 1918 outburst occurred two or three months earlier in the year than in 1917. This was accounted for, no doubt, by its intended influence upon Allied morale in the great German offensive of early 1918. This last wave of propaganda includes one very interesting example. It is better known than other cases through its association with the International Red Cross at Geneva. This body represented in February, 1918, that Germany was about to use a really terrible gas which would have such disastrous effects that it was absolutely essential to make a last attempt to get both sides to abandon gas warfare. The official wire reads as follows:—"Protest of International Red Cross against the use of Poison Gas. I have received private letter from Monsieur X., President of International Red Cross, which I think that I ought to lay before you. He says that Red Cross were induced to make protest by what they had heard of new gas Germans are preparing although Red Cross understands that the Allies are aware of the gas and are taking their precautions. As they did not wish to draw an indictment of Germany they appealed to both groups of belligerents to pledge themselves not to use this weapon. Red Cross asks whether the Entente leaders through Inter-Allied Council at Versailles could not make a loud declaration which would reach the peoples of the Central Empires as well as their rulers, pledging themselves not to use such gas on condition that the two Emperors similarly bind themselves not to employ it. If the latter refuse, all the guilt will rest with them." Although there can be no doubt that the International Red Cross and the Swiss involved in this move were absolutely bona fide, yet whoever was responsible for initiating the move on the German side played his hand very well. If, as actually occurred, the protest did not result in the cessation of gas hostilities, it still served its purpose as propaganda aimed at Allied morale. Knowing his dispositions for gas defence, and our own offensive preparations, it is probable that the enemy was willing to withdraw before being overwhelmed by Allied and American production. After three years of costly improvised production by the Allies, Germany could no longer securely enjoy the fruits of the initiative provided by the plants and factories of the I.G.

Peculiar Peace-Time Danger.—There can be no doubt therefore that the mere contact of two armies during war acts as a check against the decisive use of chemical warfare, except in the very early stages. During peace this contact will be practically non-existent, and it would be possible for any country so to diverge in its lines of research and discovery that, given rapid means of production, it could repeat the German surprise of 1915, this time with decisive results. Should such a nation possess a monopoly in the means of rapid production, the world is practically at her mercy. Should she be prepared to break her word, the usual means of controlling disarmament are impotent against these developments.

War Fluctuations of Initiative.—In the light of the above remarks the fluctuations in the initiative during the recent war are very significant. The first marked feature was the development of British and Allied protection to counter the enemy attacks which would presumably follow the first German use of cloud gas. Immediately after the German chemical surprise, and while the Allies were still undecided whether to retaliate, work proceeded feverishly on the development of some form of protection for the hitherto unprotected soldier. In response to Lord Kitchener's dramatic appeal to the women of England and France, masks were sent to France in sufficient quantity within a few days. They were of a very primitive type, and consisted of a pad of cotton wool impregnated with certain chemicals, to be held in place over the mouth, which was superseded, in May, by a very similar contrivance, slightly more efficient with regard to the length of time of protection. Dr. Haldane and certain other prominent chemists and physiologists worked on the different improvised types. With this feeble protection, or, in the first case, with none at all, our armies had to face the first German cloud gas attacks.

The idea of the gas helmet which covered the whole head was brought to England by Captain Macpherson of the Newfoundland Corps, early in May. Suitably impregnated, it made satisfactory tests. The helmet type of respirator made of flannel was first tested in the Anti-Gas laboratories on May 10th, 1915, and was a great success compared with previously suggested types. Arrangements for its manufacture were accordingly made, and this began in June, 1915. This protective device consisted of a flannel helmet with a celluloid film eyepiece, and was called the hypo helmet. The fabric was impregnated with the same solution as the cotton waste pads described above, the dipping being carried out largely at Oxford Works, but partly in the Royal Army Clothing Department, Pimlico. Its manufacture was continued until September, 1915, about two and a half millions being made in all. From June, 1915, we never really lost the initiative in the matter of defence, although, at different times, the struggle was very intense. It was this helmet, with the modified phenate impregnation, which, known as the P. helmet, formed the first line of defence against the probable employment of phosgene by Germany. It became known as the "Tube Helmet" when fitted with a mouthpiece for exhaled air, and, in this form, countered the formidable enemy phosgene attack in December, 1915. The later addition of hexamine, suggested from Russia, greatly improved the efficiency against phosgene and led to the P.H. helmet, which was issued from January, 1916. It was not withdrawn until February, 1918, but in the later stages was used as a second line of defence. The magnitude of this manoeuvring for protection can be judged from the facts that two and a half millions of hypo helmets, nine millions of P. helmets, and fourteen millions of P.H. helmets were issued during the campaign.

There is no doubt that this early period, however, was a very costly experiment on the use of the different masks, the success of which involved the loss of numbers of men who were compelled, through reasons of supply or uncertain design, to use the less efficient types. In one case, for example, the trial of mica eyepieces rendered otherwise efficient masks absolutely useless by breaking, and caused losses. We cannot afford to repeat such experiments in future. Failure to develop protective appliances fatally implies large-scale experiments in future wars in which unnecessary loss of life is bound to occur. If steady research in peace can diminish this possible loss, shall it be stopped?

The urgency of these developments can be understood from a case quoted by General Hartley:[1] "A certain modification of the respirator was considered necessary in France, and officers were sent home to explain what was needed. Within forty-eight hours of their arrival arrangements were made to modify the respirators, and within a few weeks the fighting troops had been re-equipped with the new pattern. Less than three months after the change had been recommended three attacks were made by the Germans which would certainly have had very serious consequences if our troops had not been in possession of the improved respirator, as the older pattern would not have withstood the concentration of gas employed. This was only one of many changes that were made in the respirator to meet new developments."

[1] Report before the British Association, 1919.

How urgent was the need for these developments? It was vital. Here is a case showing frightful losses sustained by partially or inefficiently protected troops. Between May and July of 1915 the Germans made at least three cloud gas attacks upon the Russians, immediately west of Warsaw. In all these attacks, taken together, gas was discharged for a total time of not more than one hour, and they were all practically from the same position, on a front of about six miles. The affair seems relatively small, yet what was the result? The Russians lost not less than 5000 dead on the field, and their total casualties were of the order of 25,000 officers and men. A Siberian regiment had, before the last attack, a ration strength of about forty officers and 4000 men. This was reduced by a twenty minutes gas discharge to four officers and four hundred men. No other weapon could have reproduced, under the most favourable conditions for its use, in as many days, what gas was able to do in as many minutes.

Although our protection had countered the later German attacks with cloud gas, yet it threatened to fail to meet the situation created by the use of a variety of organic chemicals in shell. In order to counter the use of lachrymatory compounds by the enemy, compounds which penetrated the helmet insufficiently to cause serious casualties but sufficiently to hamper the individual by lachrymation, goggles were introduced in which the eyes were protected by rims of rubber sponge. This remedied the weakness of the P.H. helmet and produced the P.H.G. helmet, of which more than one and a half millions were issued during 1916-1917.

Towards the end of 1915 the standard protection was the P. and P.H. helmet, but the use of lachrymators compelled us to use the P.H.G. Even this helmet was not satisfactory against the high concentrations of phosgene or lachrymators, and after much research the opinion gained ground that further development must be on other lines. In addition, the need for a more general form of protection was emphasised by the German adoption of a mask of cartridge design. In other words, the fabric of the helmet, or facial portion of the mask, was made impermeable, and the filtration of the poisoned air occurred through a cartridge, or filtering box, attached to the fabric in the form of a snout. The cartridge provided a much greater protective range and capacity. It was clear that such German protection was evidence of their plans for the further use of gas. The new German cartridge mask appeared in the autumn of 1915. Doctor H. Pick, reviewing German protective measures in Schwarte's book, enumerates the various desiderata of the ideal mask and explains, "It was only our early recognition of these requirements which gave us an advantage over the enemy from the first in the sphere of defensive measures against gas, and which spared us from having to undertake radical alterations in the apparatus as the English, French, and Russians had to do more than once." This early adoption of a comprehensive view on protection by Germany is a testimony to both German thoroughness and their definite intention to proceed with a vigorous chemical war. The latter is not mere inference, for it is borne out by the dates at which they commenced production in their dye factories. Further, even if the German cartridge mask was only decided upon after Loos, which is not probable, our feeble reply in that battle would hardly have justified such a radical advance in protection.

It was thus forecasted that not only would new ranges of compounds be employed which it would be most difficult to counter individually, but aggressive methods would arise, either entirely new or modifications of the cloud method, which would enable much higher concentrations to be obtained than those in evidence hitherto. Accordingly the first type of the well-known British Box Respirator was designed, giving a big capacity of highly efficient filtering material, or granule, contained in a canister, with an improved face-piece and breathing arrangements. Without going into details, it may be said that Colonel Harrison and Major Lambert were associated with a number of other enthusiastic workers in developing the Box Respirator.

Here again the question of chemical supply threatened to influence our retention of the initiative. Without going into the development of the granule in the respirator, the supply of potassium permanganate was of prime importance, and the country was woefully deficient in the production of this substance. The determined efforts of British manufacturers overcame this difficulty. It was now possible to work on general lines for the improvement of this canister to increase its protective range, and to modify the canister specifically in accordance with intelligence as to what the enemy had recently done or was about to do. In this way, and successively, the army was successfully protected against the higher concentrations employed and the newer substances introduced. The issue of the large Box Respirator commenced in February, 1916. It was replaced by the small Box Respirator which came out in August, 1916, and of which over sixteen millions had been issued before the signing of the Armistice. At one time over a quarter of a million small Box Respirators were produced weekly. The chief modifications were the use of a smaller box or canister, the margin of protection being unnecessarily large in the former type.

It became necessary in the spring of 1917 to provide more efficient protection against irritating smokes which tended to penetrate the respirator as minute particles, and the first form consisted in the use of two layers of cotton wadding in the canister of the small Box Respirator. The use of Blue Cross compounds by Germany in the summer of 1917 rendered this matter more urgent, and a special filter jacket was designed which fitted round the Small Box Respirator. A million were made and sent to France. Developments proceeded on these lines. Altogether, more than fifty million masks and respirators of different kinds were manufactured by the British Anti-Gas Department for our own and Allied armies.

We thus have some idea of the importance of protection in chemical warfare and of the absolutely imperative need of deciding whether or no work on protection must go on. There can be no doubt as to the answer to this question. It is not only in the interest of the army, whether a League of Nations or a national army, but also in those of the civil population.

The Tense Protective Struggle.—Few people realise how the development of Allied and enemy gas masks and protective measures was forced upon each side in a number of critical steps. At each of these, had research and production been unequal to the task, the armies would have found themselves more uncovered and exposed than if the whole trench and dug-out system had been suddenly rendered unusable in some peculiar way, thus removing cover from high explosive and shrapnel, rifle, and machine-gun fire. The army has an apt expression. An officer or man parading incompletely equipped is dubbed "half naked." To be within reach of enemy gas without a mask was true nakedness. A modern army without a gas mask is much more helpless and beaten than one without boots. More than this, it must be clearly understood that a gas mask of efficient design and production will remain of very little use unless, supported by comprehensive research which, itself, gains enormously in efficiency if related to enemy offensive activities.

The German Mask.—Consider the German mask for a moment. We have seen how Germany adopted the canister drum or cartridge form before any of the other belligerents, and in good time to protect her own men against their own use of phosgene, at the end of 1915. Indeed, Germany probably held up the use of phosgene until her own protection against it was developed, although Schwarte's book claims that the German mask issue in 1915 was mainly a protection against chlorine. The filling consisted of some such material as powdered pumice-stone saturated with a solution of potash, and powdered over with fine absorbent charcoal in order to protect against organic irritants and phosgene. These were the familiar one-layer drums. Then came the British concentrated cloud gas offensive in the summer of 1916, which undoubtedly found the German mask unequal to some of the higher concentrations which were obtained under most favourable conditions. The Gas Officer of the Sixth German Army stated in a document issued in November, 1916: "Considerable losses were caused by the gas attacks which have taken place latterly. The casualties were mainly due to the men being surprised in dugouts, to the neglect of gas discipline, masks not being at hand, to faulty masks, and to the use of old pattern drums *which could not afford protection against the type of gas employed by the enemy. (The italics are our own.—V.L.)

Evidence is found in the introduction of the German three-layer drum in the autumn of 1916. An army does not undertake the manufacture of millions of new appliances without very good reason. This new drum was specially aimed at phosgene protection. The middle layer consisted of granulated absorbent charcoal, which had the property of absorbing large quantities of organic irritants and phosgene. In the three-layer drum the latter gas was adequately guarded against for most field purposes, although we have reason to believe that the German staff was always apprehensive, and German soldiers suspicious of the actual penetration of their mask obtained in the immediate locality of projector discharges.

Dr. Pick explains in Schwarte's book what is already well known, that the charcoal layer has a wide, "non-specific effect, and it retains almost all materials of which the molecular weight is not too small, even if very strongly neutral in character (as, for example, chlorpicrin)." He goes on to say "the progressive development of gas warfare led to the use of these very materials, whilst substances with acid properties, such as chlorine, fell more and more into disuse. The three-layer drum went through all sorts of changes in consequence. When the use of chlorpicrin mixtures gained in importance in 1917, the layer of charcoal was increased at the expense of the other two layers. This stage of development ended in 1918, when the other layers were done away with altogether, and the entire three sets were filled with 'A' charcoal." " 'A' charcoal was a particularly efficient form. We learn from the same source that the increased protection against phosgene was very welcome to the Germans in view of the danger arising from gas projector attacks. Further, the capacity for absorption of the German charcoal was never equalled by any of foreign production." This was certainly true for the greater part of the war. But Dr. Pick continues, in a sentence which is full of significance: "In consequence of the high quality of the drum's absorption, we were able to carry on to the end of the war with a drum of relatively small proportions." This point is so important as to demand further explanation.

Enforced German Modifications.—The most important disadvantage of a gas mask is its resistance to breathing. Men undertaking arduous and dangerous duties in the presence of gas must wear a mask, but they cannot undertake these duties if their breathing is seriously interfered with. This is particularly so in trench engineering and in the heavy work of the artillery. Now the resistance depends, for a given type of filling, upon the area of the cross-section of the drum. Breathing will be easier through a very large area than through a very small one. The British appliance was a frank admission that, with its filling, a large drum was necessary, so large that the weight of it could not be borne by the mask itself, but by attachment to the chest, the actual mask being connected with the drum or box by a flexible rubber tube. But the Germans adopted from the beginning a form of protective appliance in which the drum or cartridge was attached to and supported by the mask. In other words, their development was limited by the weight of their drum, unless they completely changed their type on British lines. It is quite clear that they realised this, for Doctor Pick tells us, referring to the large size of the British box: "For this reason the weight of the box is so great that it is no longer possible to attach it directly to the mask. It is, therefore, carried on the chest and joined to the mouthpiece of the mask by a flexible tube."

The development of British cloud gas compelled the Germans so to modify their filling that the resistance to breathing increased considerably. They countered this, however, by introducing an exceedingly active charcoal, realising that the weight of their drum had already reached the limit possible with that type of apparatus, and that they could not, therefore, get better breathing capacity by increasing its size. When, however, the Blue Cross compounds were introduced, it was necessary for both armies to take special precautions. These precautions involved introducing a layer of filtering material into the canister or drum. Dr. Pick tells us: "When the material of the Blue Cross type became of greater importance, a supplementary apparatus had to be issued. A thin disc filter prepared by a special method from threads of cotton was fastened to the tube of the drum by means of a spring lid. This arrangement provided adequate protection against materials of the Blue Cross type used by the enemy, as, for instance, stannic chloride, whilst the German Blue Cross gas, which was more penetrating, was only retained to a moderate degree." This is a direct admission that, in order to counter the Allied use of Blue Cross gas, further filtering arrangements would have been necessary. But the resistance to breathing of the German apparatus was already strained to the utmost. It is exceedingly improbable that the Germans, having already reached the limit of size of the canister or drum, and being unable to obtain better breathing by increase in size, could have introduced any such device without carrying their resistance beyond the possible limit. In other words, the use of Blue Cross by the Allies would have compelled them to adopt the British type of apparatus, that is, a bigger box supported by the chest and connected to the mask by a flexible rubber tube. This would have led them into an impasse.

Shortage of Rubber.—We know how, in the beginning of 1917, they were compelled to substitute leather in the substance of the mask. Dr. Pick admits that this was due to lack of raw material, rubber, and there are many other signs that this was so. Although leather was not altogether a bad substitute for this purpose, rubber would have been essential for the flexible tube, and the millions required to refit the army would have completely broken the German rubber resources. Many facts, including their feverish development of synthetic rubber, small quantities of which they obtained at enormous cost, go to prove this conclusion. The submarine, Deutschland, returning to Germany in 1916, from its historic trip to America, carried shipments of the most sorely needed commodities, including large quantities of raw rubber. Stringent measures were adopted later to collect waste rubber and prevent its use for such purposes as billiard tables and tyres for private vehicles. The first naval expedition to Baltic ports after the Armistice found the hospitals in a pitiable plight for lack of rubber. The Germans were being driven into an impossible position. In other words, the Allies, by a proper use of Blue Cross compounds, could have regained the gas initiative. There is no doubt that they were within a few months of doing so. Once again we see the importance of production. Lack of raw materials for protective purposes was endangering the German position, but delay in offensive production by the Allies removed that danger. Although their pressing need was obvious, the Blue Cross arsenic compounds were not available. The chemical war involves manoeuvring for position just as definitely as the older forms, but in it production, formerly a routine activity, assumes critical strategic importance.

Gas Discipline.—This constant vigilance against enemy surprise imposed more conditions upon the troops than the permanent adoption of a protective appliance which, in itself, was a very big thing. Given the mask, the army had to be taught how and when to use it. A gas sense had to be developed which ensured rapid use of the mask at the right time with the least hampering of operations. Gas discipline thus became one of the most important features of general training, a feature which can never be abandoned by the armies of civilised nations in the future without disastrous results. This discipline, like all other protective work, was dependent in its nature and intensity upon the struggle for the initiative. One example out of many is found in the numerous German Army Orders which followed our introduction of the Livens projector. This weapon gave the possibility of much higher concentrations at much greater ranges from the front line than were formerly possible and for a time German gas discipline was severely shaken, and the staffs had to react violently to meet the situation. The introduction of this weapon, in fact, was the first clear case of the gaining of the chemical initiative by the Allies. A telegram from German General Headquarters stated: "The English have achieved considerable success by firing gas mines simultaneously from a considerable number of projectors on to one point. Casualties occurred because the gas was fired without warning, and because its concentration was so great that a single breath would incapacitate a man."

This is a further example of the fact that the decisive initiative was very difficult to obtain after two years of war, whereas by the same means it would have been ensured at the commencement. The general development of German protection was a partial safeguard, but the value of the weapon could be seen from the fact that an order was issued for all German working parties to wear gas masks when within 1000 yards of the front line on nights not obviously unsuitable for Allied gas discharges. It is difficult to exaggerate the military importance of such an imposition.

Summary.—We have thus covered a period, the main features of which were attempts at the cloud initiative by Germany and our rapid and successful protective reaction. The conditions surrounding the first attack were entirely peculiar. The complete surprise attending it could only be repeated at the commencement of another war. It failed for entirely different reasons from those which prevented the decisive use of phosgene by the Germans. But our reaction carried us further, and we developed the final form of cloud gas attack, the Livens projector, which, in its turn, taxed the German protection to the utmost, and threatened to overcome it. History repeated itself with a vengeance in this protective struggle.

Two attempts at the cloud initiative, the German phosgene attempt and the Livens projector, were both partially successful. Had either of those attempts shared the surprise of April 22nd, 1915, their success would have been many times greater. It was contact on the battle front that developed a protective appliance and organisation, by giving us an insight into enemy appliances and projects. We cannot emphasise too strongly the significance of this for the future. Apart from remote exceptions, contact will be entirely absent. We can have no guarantee whatever that new devices will be revealed, either between nations or to a central body. Suppose the Germans had been more fully aware of the possibilities of cloud gas, and, realising the dependence of their one method upon wind direction and caprice, had developed our method of producing cloud at a distance. The combinations of the two methods at Ypres could hardly have left a margin of chance for failure. This is a feeble example of what may occur.

New German Attempts.—By this time it was not easy to see how either side could obtain a decisive surprise by the use of chemicals aimed at the respiratory system. It appeared very difficult to penetrate the different forms of respirators by conditions obtainable in the field.

Professor F. P. Kirschbaum, writing on gas warfare, in Schwarte's book, reveals how Germany counted on obtaining the gas initiative against the French at Verdun. He explains how the decision to use Green Cross on a large scale coincided with certain modifications in the design of the German gas shell, which made its large-scale manufacture much simpler and more rapid. "The manufacture of Green Cross," he also tells us, "was assured in the special progress in technical chemistry, and the output was adequate," and goes on to explain, "The first use of per stuff[1] found the enemy unprepared with any suitable protection. The French had equipped their troops with protection against chlorine, but had provided no protection against phosgene,"—"the results of Green Cross ammunition were recognised by the troops. During the big operations before Verdun, however, the enemy did their very utmost to substitute the gas mask M2 for the respirator XTX. Gas mask M2 was a protection against Green Cross. For this reason Green Cross ammunition alone could not be expected to have an effect, as soon as the enemy carried out defensive measures by means of gas mask M2 or some better apparatus. This reverse spurred on the Germans to renewed efforts." The writer proceeds to explain how in 1916 these efforts resulted in finding two important substitutes, mustard gas or Yellow Cross and the arsenic compounds of the Blue Cross type.

[1] Diphosgene or Green Cross constituents.

Yellow and Blue Cross.—The Germans had, somewhat hastily, laid aside their cloud activities. But they were very keenly pursuing another line, the development of shell gas. Thus, in July, 1917, they made two distinct attempts to regain their initiative by the use of shell gas, and were very largely successful in one case. We refer to the Yellow and Blue Cross shell, containing mustard gas and diphenyl-chlorarsine respectively.

Captain Geyer, writing in Schwarte's book, relates: "Gas was used to a much greater extent, over 100,000 shells to a bombardment after the introduction of the Green Cross shell in the summer of 1916 at Verdun. From that time the use of gas became much more varied as the number of types of guns firing gas projectiles was increased, field guns having also been provided with gas projectiles. The most tremendous advance in the use of gas by the artillery, and indeed in the use of gas in general, came in the summer of 1917 with the introduction of the three elements, Green, Yellow, and Blue, one after another. This introduced the most varied possibilities of employing gas, which were utilised to the full in many places on the front during the successful defensive operations of 1917, above all in Flanders and at Verdun. The hardly perceptible poisoning of an area by means of Yellow Cross shell and the surprise gas attack became two of the new regulation methods of using gas."

Yellow Cross.—The respirator afforded complete protection against the attacks of mustard gas on the respiratory system, but this gas evaded protection in other ways. In the first place, its early unfamiliarity evaded the gas discipline of the Allies, and it was not realised in many cases that the respirator was necessary. This was speedily corrected, but its second line of attack was not easily, and never finally countered. We refer to its vesicant action. Mustard gas could produce severe blistering and skin wounds in such slight concentrations, even through clothing, that it was a tremendous casualty producer, putting men out of action for several weeks or months, with a very low rate of mortality. Used in large quantities against an entirely unprotected army, its results might well have been decisive.

This was the first example of chemical attack upon a new function. We had too readily assumed that gas, or chemical attack, would be restricted to the respiratory system, or to the eyes. We had assumed that if our mask protection was ahead of enemy respiratory attacks our situation was safe. Mustard gas was a rude awakening. It was impossible to protect fully against mustard gas, unless we protected the whole body, and it was never possible to do this during the war without too seriously influencing the movements of the soldier.

Blue Cross.—The Blue Cross Shell was a deliberate attempt to pierce the respirator. It represented to the German mind such an advance of aggression over protection that the effect on the enemy would be almost as if he were entirely unprotected. Some idea of the German estimate of its importance can be found in the following quotation from Captain Geyer: "The search for new irritants in the sphere of arsenic combinations led to the discovery of a series of effective substances. In view of the obvious importance of highly irritant compounds capable of existing in a very finely divided, pulverised, or particulate form, research was made in the domain of little volatile substances with boiling points up to 400'0. This led to the astonishing discovery that diphenylarsenious chloride when scattered would penetrate all gas masks then in use, even the German, practically unweakened, and would have serious irritant effects on the wearers. This discovery could only be explained by the supposition that the irritant works in the form of particles which it is difficult to keep back by means of a respirator, even a completely protecting respirator, such as the German and English gas masks were at that time. Further analysis showed that the mixture of air and gas examined revealed a concentration of gas greatly in excess of the point of saturation for the vapour given off by this stuff. Finally, ultra microscopic examination showed the existence of smoke particles. A new type of fighting material had been discovered."

He also tells us how, following this discovery, production rose to 600 tons monthly, and used up all the arsenic obtainable in Germany. The Allies were fully alive to the importance of this matter, and we have already explained that, had they been in possession of large quantities of Blue Cross compounds, they might have forced German protection into an impossible position. No better example could be found of the immense superiority enjoyed by Germany owing to her flexible and efficient producing organisation. Captain Geyer goes on to explain how the military value of these projectiles was considerable, and, therefore, the monthly production reached a figure of over one million shell. We have already emphasised the question of design in chemical warfare, and its importance is borne out by the comparative failure of these German projectiles. Geyer explains how only minute particles less than 1/10,000 of a millimetre in diameter are of any use to penetrate a mask, and he develops the difficulties experienced by Germany in obtaining such fine pulverisation without decomposing the substance. He explains the difficulties which they had in arriving at a suitable shell, and their unsuccessful struggle to overcome the necessity of a glass container, which, he says, demanded "a considerable advance in the technical work of shell production."

This attempt at the chemical initiative by the use of Blue Cross illustrates another method of attack. Geyer says, "Blue and Green Cross ammunition were used simultaneously in the field—called coloured cross (Buntkreuz) in order, by the use of Blue Cross, to force the enemy to remove gas masks, whereby they exposed themselves to the poisonous effects of Green Cross. Matters seldom reached that point, however, for as soon as the enemy realised the effect of 'coloured cross' ammunition, they withdrew troops which were being bombarded with it from their positions to a zone beyond the range of artillery fire. The English in particular had tried to protect the troops against the effects of diphenylarsenious chloride, and of diphenylarsenious cyanide (which followed it and was even more effective) by the use of filters made of woollen material and wadding. They were to a great extent technically successful, but the most effective defensive apparatus, the 'jacket' to the box, was unsatisfactory from the military point of view, as the troops could only make a limited use of it owing to the difficulty of breathing or suffocation which it occasioned."

The reference to the withdrawal of troops is a picturesque misrepresentation. The relative inefficiency of the German shell rendered this unnecessary. In addition, as Captain Geyer explains, our troops were specially protected in anticipation of the use of particulate clouds. An examination of our protective device by the Germans obviously led them to believe that resistance to breathing was too great for the protective appliance to be practicable. But here the exceptional gas discipline of the British troops became effective. There is no doubt that the new mask was worn just as constantly and satisfactorily as the old. Captain Geyer's remarks are also interesting from a point of view to which we have already referred: they show how much this question of resistance to breathing was exercising the minds of those responsible for German protection.

"Particulate" Clouds.—The principle of particulate clouds was not entirely new, both sides having used smoke combined with lethal gases with the object of forcing the removal of the respirator. It was thought that the particulate form of the smoke would penetrate a respirator designed purely to hold up vapours and gases. The reasoning was perfectly sound. It was only a question of using the right smoke in the right way. There were good grounds to believe that such substances would penetrate the respirator, and either produce a casualty or compel the removal of the respirator by the paroxysms produced, to allow some lethal gas to complete the work on the unprotected soldier. Fortunately for us, these objectives were not attained, but this was rather due to some hitch or miscalculation in the German preparations than to any inherent impossibility.

After this period, although chemical warfare became increasingly an organic part of German (and Allied) operations, yet there is no serious field evidence of a deliberate attempt at the gas initiative. It must be remembered, however, that gas figured very largely indeed in the March, 1918, attempt, by Germany, to regain the general initiative. It is stated authoritatively, for example, that in July, 1918, the German Divisional Ammunition Dump contained normally 50 per cent. of gas shell and, in the preparation, in May, 1918, for German attacks on the Aisne, artillery programmes included as much as 80 per cent. gas shell for certain objectives.

Potential Production and Peace.—Enough has been said to show the general nature of the chemical warfare struggle. The question of the chemical initiative is vital at the commencement of hostilities. Unless, then, we completely rule out any possibility whatever of a future war, it is vital for that occasion. We have indicated sufficiently clearly the factors upon which such initiative depends, to show the critical importance of manufacturing capacity, and protective preparedness.

A further quotation from Schwarte's book is very much to the point. It tells us:

"Whilst on our side only a few gases were introduced, but with successful results, the use of gas by the enemy presents quite another picture. We know of no less than twenty-five gases used by the enemy, and of fifteen types of gas projectile used by the French alone, and we know, from 'blind' (dud) shells which have been found, what they contain. The only effective gases amongst them were phosgene and dichlorodiethyl sulphide. The other substances are harmless preparations, used most probably for purposes of camouflage, a method highly esteemed by the enemy, but which did not enter into the question with us, owing to the capacity of our chemical industry for the production of effective materials."

This is true to a considerable extent. Our dependence on improvised and relatively inefficient production imposed conditions upon Allied policy, whereas, in Germany, they had but to command a flexible and highly efficient producing machine.

The world movement towards disarmament will hardly countenance the maintenance of permanent chemical arsenals. In the face of war experience and further research developments the laborious war improvisation of these arsenals will not save us as it did in the last struggle. Any nation devoid of the means of production invites enemy chemical aggression and is helpless against it. This, and the need to keep abreast of chemical warfare development—particularly in protection— are the chief lessons of the struggle for the chemical initiative.



CHAPTER VII

REVIEW OF PRODUCTION

Critical Importance of Production.—Our analysis of the struggle for the initiative reveals the critical importance of production. In the chemical more than in any other form of warfare, production has a tactical and strategic importance and functions as an organic part of the offensive scheme. A tendency in modern war is to displace the incidence of initiative towards the rear. Staffs cannot leave the discoveries of the technical workshop or scientific laboratory out of their calculations, for their sudden introduction into a campaign may have more influence on its result than the massing of a million men with their arms and equipment for a surprise assault. The use of a new war device may shake the opposing formations more than the most cunningly devised attack of this sort.

When, after the first brilliant assault on the Somme on July 1st, we began to lose men, material, and the initiative, in an endless series of local attacks, we were even then regaining it by the home development of the tank. Even before the colossal German effort was frustrated by the first Marne battle and the development of trench warfare, the German laboratories were within an ace of regaining the initiative by their work on cloud gas. After the lull in their gas attacks, when the Germans sought to gain the initiative and a decision by the use of phosgene, the quiet work of our defensive organisations at home had completely countered the move weeks before.

But in all these cases the counter idea could not become effective without large-scale production. This was absolutely fundamental. Had we taken six years to produce the first type of tank, had the Germans failed to manufacture mustard gas within a period of years instead of succeeding in weeks, and had the box respirator taken longer to produce, all the brilliant thinking and research underlying these developments would have had practically no influence on the campaign, for they would have had no incidence upon it. We could go on multiplying examples. But what is the conclusion?

From this rapid development of methods a new principle emerges. The initiative no longer remains the sole property of the staffs, unless we enlarge the staff conception. Vital moves can be engineered from a point very remote in organisation and distance from the G.H.Q. of armies in the field. But there is a critical step between the invention and its effect on military initiative. This is production, which for these newer methods becomes an organic part of the campaign.

But the future is our chief preoccupation. What would be the supreme characteristics of the early stages of a future war? It would be distinguished by attempts of belligerents to win immediate and decisive success by large scale use of various types of surprise. Three factors would be pre-eminent, the nature of the idea or invention, the magnitude on which it is employed, and its actual time of incidence, that is, the delay between the actual declaration of war and its use. Now the invention is of no use whatever without the last two factors, which are entirely dependent on production. When, in 1917, the Allied staffs pressed repeatedly for gases with which to reply to German Yellow Cross, their urgent representations met with no satisfactory response until nearly a year had elapsed. This was not due to lack of invention, for we had simply to copy the German discovery. Failure to meet the crying demands of the Front was due to delay in production.

Any eventual chemical surprise will, under genuine conditions of disarmament, depend on peace industry, for no such conditions will tolerate the existence of huge military arensals. We have already indicated the type of peace-time industry par excellence, which can rapidly and silently mobilise for war. It is the organic chemical industry. Therefore, whatever the war may have taught us as to the value of chemical industry, its importance from the point of view of a future war is magnified many times. The surprise factor is responsible. The next war will only commence once, however long it may drag on, and it is to the start that all efforts of a nation planning war will be directed. It is, therefore, of importance to examine in detail the development of chemical production during the recent war.

A close examination is of more than historical significance, and should provide answers to certain vital questions. German chemical industry was the critical factor in this new method of war which almost led to our downfall. How did the activities of this industry compare with our own production? To this an answer is attempted below, but graver questions follow. Was our inferior position due to more than a combination of normal economic conditions, and were we the victims of a considered policy? If so, who directed it, and when did it first give evidence of activity? An answer to these questions will be attempted in a later chapter.

Significance of the German Dye Industry.—At the end of 1914 the nation began to realise what it meant to be at the mercy of the German dye monopoly. Apart from the immediate economic war disadvantages, the variety and sinister peace ramifications of this monopoly had not been clearly revealed. Mr. Runciman, then President of the Board of Trade, stated with regard to the dye industry: "The inquiries of the Government have led them to the conclusion that the excessive dependence of this country on a single foreign country for materials of such vital importance to the industry in which millions of our workpeople were employed, constitutes a permanent danger which can only be remedied by a combined national effort on a scale which requires and justifies an exceptional measure of State encouragement." Measures were defined later.

In the debate in the House of Commons in February, 1915, on the aniline dye industry, a member prominent in the discussion, referring to "taking sides on the question of Free Trade," stated that, "It was a great pity that this should occur when the attention of the House is occupied with regard to MATTERS CONNECTED WITH THE WAR," and proceeded to draw a comparison between the national importance of the manufacture of dyes and that of lead pencils. Fortunately he prefaced his remarks by explaining his ignorance of the "technical matters involved in this aniline dye industry." These are two out of many references to the pressure due to the absence of German dyes, which illustrate the purely economic grounds on which the issue was being discussed, on the one hand, and reveal the prevailing ignorance of its importance on the other.

Exactly one month later came the first German gas shock. Such statements as the above tempt us to ask who, at this time, realised the common source of the direct military and indirect economic attack. It can hardly be doubted that the existence of the German dye factories was largely responsible for the first German use of gas on the front. We have already seen how, from the first month of the war, the chemical weapon was the subject of definite research. Falkenhayn leaves us in no doubt as to the chief factor which finally determined its use. Referring to difficulties of production, he says, "Only those who held responsible posts in the German G.H.Q. in the winter of 1914-15 . . . can form any estimate of the difficulty which had to be overcome at that time. The adjustment of science and engineering . . . took place almost noiselessly, so that they were accomplished before the enemy quite knew what was happening. Particular stress was laid upon the promotion of the production of munitions . . . as well as the development of gas as a means of warfare." Referring to protective methods of trench warfare, he continues, "Where one party had gained time . . . the ordinary methods of attack often failed completely. A weapon had, therefore, to be found which was superior to them but which would not excessively tax the limited capacity of German war industry in its production. Such a weapon existed in gas."

The Germans had themselves shown us where this production occurred, and Ludendorff supplements our information by telling us how he discussed the supply of war material with Herr Duisburg and Herr Krupp von Bohlen in Halbach, "whom I had asked to join the train" in the autumn of 1916. The former was the Chairman of the I.G., the great dye combine.

Those producing a new weapon of war must always consider the possibilities possessed by their opponents to exploit the same weapon after the first shock. For the Germans the answer was obvious. The Allies would be held at a material disadvantage for months, if not years. Without the means of production available in Germany, we are not at all, convinced that the gas experiment would have been made, and had it not been made, and its formidable success revealed, Germany's hesitation to use this new weapon would probably have carried the day. This, at least, is the most generous point of view. In other words, the German poison gas experiment owed a large part of its initial momentum to ease of production by a monopoly. The combination of this factor with the willingness to use gas led to the great experiment. The future may again provide this combination, unless the monopoly is removed.

Following up this line of thought, we can see how tempting was the German course of action. Falkenhayn has told us what a violent strain was imposed upon Germany by the stabilisation of the Western Front early in 1915. The tension between the Great General Headquarters and the Home Government was already in evidence, and would have caused difficulty in attaining suitable home and liaison organisations, in particular with regard to supply. We can well understand this when we remember the drastic changes which occurred in our own ministries and departments. But what organisation was required for chemical warfare supply? Very little! Quoting from the report of the Hartley Mission to the chemical factories in the occupied zone, we know that when the Government wished to produce a new gas "a conference with the various firms was held at Berlin to determine how manufacture should be subdivided in order to use the existing plant to the best advantage." The firms referred to were the constituent members of the highly organised I.G. There was no need to create a clumsy and complicated organisation with an efficient one existing in the I.G. ready to meet the Government demands. The path could not have been smoother. Ludendorff states in his memoirs that the Hindenburg programme made a special feature of gas production. Increased supply of explosives was also provided for. He says: "We aimed at approximately doubling the previous production." And again: "Gas production, too, had to keep pace with the increased output of ammunition. The discharge of gas from cylinders was used less and less. The use of gas shells increased correspondingly." This programme represented a determined effort to speed up munitions production in the autumn of 1916. It included not only gas but explosives, both of which could be supplied by the I.G. Explosives demanded oleum, nitric acid, and nitrating plants, which already existed, standardised, in the factories of the dye combine. The unusual speed with which standard dye-producing plant was converted for the production of explosives is instanced in the operation of a T.N.T. plant at Leverkusen, producing 250 tons per month. The conversion only took six weeks. The factories of the I.G. supplied a considerable proportion of the high explosives used by Germany.

In the field of chemical warfare the relationship between war and peace production was even more intimate. Chemical warfare products are closely allied and in some cases almost identical with the finished organic chemicals and intermediates produced by the dye industry. Therefore, in most cases, even when the suggestion of the new chemical may come from a research organisation entirely apart from the dye research laboratories, the products fall automatically into the class handled by the dye industry.

Is there any doubt that the I.G. was a terribly effective arsenal for the mass production of the older war chemicals, explosives, and the newer types, poison gases? Is there even a shadow of exaggeration in our claims? There may be those who would see a speedy resumption of friendship with Germany at all costs, regardless of the honourable settling of her debts, regardless of her disarmament and due reparation for wrongs committed. Can even such concoct material to whitewash the military front of the I.G.? If they would, they must explain away these facts.

The plants of the I.G. produced more than two thousand tons of explosives per week, at their average pre-war rate. This is an enormous quantity. How can we best visualise it? In view of the chapters on Disarmament which follow, we will use the following comparison. The Treaty of Versailles allows Germany to hold a stock of about half a million shell of different stated calibres. How much explosive will these shell require? They could be filled by less than two days' explosives production of the I.G. at its average war rate. Between two and three million shell could be filled by the result of a week's production in this organisation. Further, the average rate of poison gas production within the I.G. was at least three thousand tons per month, sufficient to fill more than two million shell of Treaty calibres. Unless drastic action has been taken, the bulk of this capacity will remain, and Germany will be able to produce enough poison gas in a week to fill the Treaty stock of shell; this in a country where the manufacture and use of such substances are specially prohibited.

It is appropriate at this stage to describe as briefly as possible the origin and composition of this great German combination, the Interessen Gemeinschaft, known as the I.G. There is no need to go into the gradual self-neglect, and the eventual rooting out by Germany, of the dye-producing industry in other countries, notably England, France, and America.

The Interessen Gemeinschaft.—By the end of the nineteenth century the manufacture of dyes on a large scale was concentrated almost exclusively in six great firms. These were the Badische Anilin und Soda Fabrik, Ludwigshafen on the Rhine, known as the Badische; the Farbenfabriken vorm. Friedr. Bayer, & Co., in Leverkusen, known as Bayer; Aktien-Gesellschaft fur Anilin-Fabrikation in Berlin; Farbwerke vorm. Meister Lucius & Bruning in Hochst am Main, referred to as Hochst; Leopold Cassella G.m.b.H. in Frankfort; and Kalle & Co., Aktien-Gesellschaft in Biebrich.

Each of these six great companies had attained enormous proportions long before the war. Only two other concerns had carried on manufacture on a comparable scale. These were the Chemische Fabrik Greisheim-Elektron of Frankfort A.M., a company which has absorbed a number of smaller manufacturers, and the Chemische Fabriken vormals Weiler-ter Meer, Uerdingen.

The position of all these establishments, with one single exception, along the Rhine and its tributaries is well known. Their growth has been illustrated in their own prospectuses. Hochst was organised in 1863 and started with five workmen. In 1912 it employed 7680 workmen, 374 foremen, 307 academically trained chemists, and 74 highly qualified engineers. The works of the Badische, which was organised in 1865, covered, in 1914, 500 acres, with a water front of a mile and half on the Rhine. There were 100 acres of buildings, 11,000 workmen, and the company was capitalised at fifty-four million marks. The establishment of Bayer was on a scale entirely comparable. Quoting from an official American report,[1] "Griesheim Elektron, prior to the war, had enormous works chiefly devoted to the manufacture of electrolytic chemicals and became an important factor in the dyestuff business only within recent years, when by absorption of the Oehler Works and the Chemikalien Werke Griesheim, its colour production reached a scale approaching that of the larger houses." This move on the part of the Griesheim Elektron is interesting as an example of the general tendency which has characterised the development of the German dye industry. This firm, producing inorganic materials and intermediates, absorbed the Oehler Works in order to find an independent outlet for its intermediate products, thus becoming directly interested in dyestuffs production. This move towards independence in the whole range of products involved is referred to elsewhere, owing to the manner in which it simplified German production for chemical warfare.

Combination, however, did not cease in the creation of these enormous establishments. The cartel fever raged here as in other German industries. By 1904 two immense combinations had been formed in the dyestuff industry. One of these comprised Bayer, Badische, and Berlin; the other Hochst, Cassella, and Kalle. "By pooling profits, by so arranging capitalisation that each company held stock in the other companies of its own cartel, and by other familiar means, the risks incident to the enormous expansion of the business and the immense increases of export trade were minimised. The centripetal tendency, however, did not stop here. In 1916, the two pre-existing cartels were combined with Griesheim Elektron, Weilerter Meer, and various smaller companies in one gigantic cartel, representing a nationalisation of the entire German dye and pharmaceutical industry." The combination was extremely close. Profits of the companies were pooled, and after being ascertained each year on common principles were divided according to agreed percentages. Each factory maintained an independent administration, but they kept each other informed as to processes and experiences. "There was also an agreement that in order to circumvent tariff obstacles in other countries materials were to he produced outside of Germany by common action and at common expense whenever and wherever desirable.

[1] Alien Property Custodian's Report, 1919.

"At the time of the formation of this enormous organisation the capitalisation of each of the principal component companies was largely increased. Hochst, Badische, and Bayer each increased their capitalisation by 36,000,000 marks, bringing the capital of each up to 90,000,000 marks." "Berlin increased its capital from 19,800,000 to 33,000,000 marks. Other increases brought the total nominal capital of the group to over 383,000,000 marks. For many years a large part of the enormous profits of these concerns has been put back into the works with the result indicated by the stock quotations. The real capitalisation is thus much greater than this nominal figure. In fact, it is estimated that the actual investment in the works comprising the cartel is not less than $400,000,000. It cannot be doubted that this enormous engine of commercial warfare has been created expressly for the expected war after the war, and that it is intended to undertake still more efficiently and on a larger scale the various methods by which German attacks upon all competition were carried on."

Two additional features must be indicated. A policy to which we have referred was most actively followed, aiming at complete independence and self-sufficiency in all matters relevant to production, especially regarding raw materials. We mention later how the war has strengthened the strong prewar position of the I.G. in heavy chemicals needed as raw materials for the intermediates and finished dyes.

Recent information reveals a further widening of their basis of operation, including a strong hold on the electro-chemical industry and on the new synthetic processes from carbide, for acetic acid and the other products normally obtained by wood distillation. Again, the policy of the I.G. appears to have moved towards more complete unity since the war. Exchanges of directing personnel and of capital amongst the branches have been recorded for which the term "cartel" is no longer a fair description. In addition, considerable increases in capital have occurred which not only reveal the vision and activity of the I.G. but which indicate its close contact with the German Government. With such an organisation in existence and with the complete liaison which had developed between the directors and the German Government for other purposes than chemical warfare, and in agreement with the paternal policy adopted by the latter towards this chemical industry, production became simplicity itself.

War Production by the I.G.—Let us, therefore, examine in some detail the actual production of war gases and chemicals by the I.G. In order to obtain an idea regarding case of production, we will later make a comparison with the magnitude and rapidity of that of the Allies.

From the point of view of this statement, there are two main classes of production, that in which the majority of the steps involved were actual processes employed for the manufacture of some dye, pharmaceutical or other chemical product, and, in the second place, that in which no such coincidence occurred, but in which the general technique developed, and the varieties of existing plant covered the needs of the case. Without stretching the point, every war chemical employed came easily under one of these two categories. In order to assist the less technical reader, we will consider the production of the chief war chemicals in the order in which they appeared against us on the front.

Chlorine.—This important raw material, used in a variety of operations, notably for the production of indigo and sulphur black, two highly important dyes, was produced along the Rhine before the war to the extent of nearly forty tons a day. The only serious expansion required for war was an increase of already existing plant at the large factory of Ludwigshaven. The following table of production illustrates the point:

CHLORINE (METRIC TONS PER DAY) 1914 1918 Leverkusen 20 20 Hochst 4 8 Ludwigshafen 13 35 —— —— Total 37 63

Chlorine was important, nor only as a raw material for most of the known chemical warfare products, but also, in the liquid form, for cloud attack. Owing to the development of protection, the use of liquid chlorine for the latter purpose became obsolete.

Phosgene.—This was produced in considerable quantity before the war at Leverkusen and Ludwigshafen, leading to many exceedingly important dyes, amongst the most commonly used at present being the brilliant acid fast cotton scarlets so largely used in England. More expansion of plant was necessitated. At Leverkusen the existing plant can produce at least thirty tons a month, and we learn "the plant remains intact ready for use." At Ludwigshafen the capacity was considerably higher, amounting to 600 tons per month. As production was commenced before the war, there were no difficulties in developing the process, expansion alone being necessary.

Xylyl Bromide.—This was one of the early lachrymators, and was produced at Leverkusen in a plant with a maximum monthly output of sixty tons. Production began, according to a statement on the works, in March, 1915. Its case can be judged from the fact that this compound was used almost as soon as the first chlorine cloud attack at Ypres.

The Germans undoubtedly attached considerable importance to their brominated lachrymators. In this connection their persistent efforts to retain the bromine monopoly with their Stassfurt product and to crush the American industry before the war are significant. The success of these efforts certainly placed us in a difficult situation during the war, both with regard to production of drugs and lachrymators.

German bromine was associated with potash in the Stassfurt mineral deposits, whereas the American product was produced from numerous salt springs and rock salt mines. Although Germany had not succeeded in crushing the American industry, yet the outbreak of war found her in a predominant position, for her two chief opponents, France and England, were cut off from their supplies, which were German; and American production was of little use, owing to the great excess of demand over supply, and the manipulation of output by German agents in America. A possible source of bromine existed in the French Tunisian salt lagoons, whose pre-war exploitation had been considered by an Austrian combination. The French wisely developed a Tunisian bromine industry sufficient for their own needs, and, on different occasions, supplied us with small quantities. But the development of such an enterprise in time of war was a severe handicap.

Diphosgene or Trichlormethyl Chloroformate.—This substance was toxic, a lachrymator, and slightly persistent. It attained a maximum monthly Output Of 300 tons at Leverkusen, and about 250 tons at Hochst. This was not a simple compound to make, and had no direct relationship with the stable product of the peace-time industry. At the same time, it provides an example of the way in which general technique developed by the industry was rapidly used to master the new process. In particular their method of lining reaction vessels was of value here. The reaction occurs in two stages by the production of methyl formate and its subsequent chlorination. The methyl-formate plant was part of an existing installation, but the chlorination and distillation plant were specially installed.

Chlorpicrin.—This was mixed with diphosgene and used in the familiar Green Cross shell. The production was very readily mastered and attained the rate of 200 tons per month. Picric acid, chlorine, and lime were required, all three being normal raw materials or products of the industry. At Hochst no new plant was installed, the manufacture being carried out in the synthetic indigo plant.

Phenylcarbylamine Chloride.—This was used in German chemical shell, and was not particularly effective against us, although produced in large quantities by the Germans, in vessels used in peace time for a very common intermediate, monochlorbenzene. The ease of production of this substance may account for its use in large quantities by the Germans, in order to increase their gas shell programme.