A woman Patrol is generally a woman who is busy in her own home or profession all day, but who gives some hours one or two evenings a week to this work.

They have done the work faithfully and well, and have exceeded in their success all anticipations. There are about 3,000 Patrols in the Kingdom; of these eighty-five are engaged in special work in London and paid by the Commissioner of Police. Two are engaged in work at Woolwich Arsenal. Two are Park Keepers appointed by the Board of Works and are working in Kensington Gardens, and their names were submitted to the King before appointment. They have the power of arrest.

A subsidy has been granted to the Women's Patrol Committee for the training of Women Patrols of L400 a year. In many big towns admirable work has been done.

In Edinburgh the Patrol Committee was asked by H.M. Office of Works to help the men park keepers in keeping order in the King's Park.

This they have done with great success. Dublin has just taken over two women Patrols as paid workers.

The Military, Admiralty, Police, and Civil Authorities have all united in praising their work and any one can realize how much patience and tact and knowledge it calls for, and what it means to have had it done for over three years. The patrols have not been content only to talk to the girls, though it is wonderful what that alone can do. They have succeeded in getting them to come to clubs and they have worked in connection with the mixed clubs of which we have several very successful ones. A mixed club is very useful and helpful, but it must be well run by a good committee of men and women, and you need people of judgment and knowledge and tactful firmness in charge of it, if it is to be the best kind of club.

We have found an admirable thing is to have evenings for men friends in the Girls' Clubs when the girls can invite their men friends in, and have music and games and entertainment.

When Patrols were started, there was a very strong feeling that there ought to be women police, a much needed change in our country. We had none when war broke out, but in September, 1914, Miss Darner Dawson founded the Women Police Service. When members joined they were trained in drill, first aid, practical instructions in Police Duties, gained by actual work in streets, parks, etc. They studied special acts relating to women and children and civil and criminal law and the procedure and rules of evidence in Police Courts.

Their first work was done in Grantham where, in November, 1914, the Women's Central Committee of Grantham elected a Women Police Subcommittee to provide a fund for the payment of two Police Women to work with the Chief Constable. In February the following letter was written about their work:

"To the Chief Officer, Women Police,—I understand that there is some idea of removing the two members of the Women Police now stationed here. I trust that this is not the case. The services of the two ladies in question have proved of great value. They have removed sources of trouble to the troops in a manner that the Military Police could not attempt. Moreover, I have no doubt whatever that the work of these two ladies in an official capacity is a great safeguard to the moral welfare of young girls in the town.

(Signed) "F. HAMMERSLEY, M.G., Commanding 11th Division, Grantham."

and in November, 1915, they were made official Police by the City Council. In July, 1916, the Police Miscellaneous Provisions Act was passed, which encouraged the employment of Policewomen by stating that pay of the police "shall be deemed to include the pay of any women who may be employed by a Police Authority," etc.

Now there are thirty-four Policewomen in our Boroughs, but their position is still anomalous and unsatisfactory, as they do not come under the Police Act for purposes of discipline, pay, pensions, and compensation, but this will come. Meantime the Women Police Service goes on doing its admirable work of training and providing Volunteer and Semi-official police (supported by women's funds), in addition to those appointed by local authorities in Boroughs.

These semi-official police women are able to do a great deal, if the Chief Constable is friendly, and, naturally, they are appointed where he is so. They are often made Probation Officers and are used for children's and girl's and women's cases. Their work leads more and more to the official appointments and in this work as in so many of our successes, we women have achieved the results by having the voluntary organizations and training ourselves first and proving our fitness.

From my own experience, it is impossible to speak too highly of the kindness and willingness of many Chief Constables to do everything to teach and help the women.

The Women Police Service naturally insists on a high standard of training and this has been of great value.

A big development of women police work has been in the Munition factories where now about 700 women are employed in this capacity in England, Scotland and Wales.

The report of the Women's Police Service gives the following interesting account.

"In 1916 the Department Explosives Supply of the Ministry of Munitions applied to Sir Edward Henry for a force of Women Police to act as guards for certain of H.M. Factories. Sir Edward Henry sent for the two chief officers of the Women Police Service, and informed them that it was his intention to recommend them to the Ministry of Munitions for the supplying of the Women Police required. They thanked the Commissioner for his expression of trust in their capabilities, and in July an agreement was drawn up between the Minister of Munitions and the Chief Officer and Chief Superintendent of the Women Police Service, who were appointed to act as the Minister's representatives for the 'training, supplying and controlling' of the Force required. The duties of the Policewomen were to include checking the entry of women into the factory, examining passports, searching for contraband, namely, matches, cigarettes and alcohol; dealing with complaints of petty offences; patrolling the neighbourhood for the protection of women going home from work; accompanying the women to and fro in the workmen's trains to the neighbouring towns where they lodge; appearing in necessary cases at the Police Court, and assisting the magistrates in dealing with such cases, if required to. The Force for each factory was to consist of an inspector, sergeants and constables. Women to be trained for this work were at once enrolled by the Women Police Service and trained under a Staff of Officers.

"Since the inauguration of factory-police work for women in July, 1916, a marked success has attended the organisation, which has resulted in almost daily applications for Policewomen for factories situated in every part of the United Kingdom. We are not able to give a list of these factories nor to mention their names in our report of the work carried on by them, but we may say that at the present time we are supplying H.M. Factories, National Filling Factories and Private Controlled Factories. We are sure that our patrons and subscribers will feel as proud as we are of the intrepid Policewomen who for the past fourteen months have been carrying out these duties, which, we believe, no women have hitherto dreamt of undertaking, and which have called forth qualities of tact, discretion, cool courage and endurance that would compare well with any of those whom we call heroes in the fight at the front. We would call attention to one factory from which both the military and male Police Guard has been withdrawn. The factory employs several thousand women in the manufacture and disposal of some of the most dangerous explosives demanded by the war. When an air raid is in progress the operatives are cleared from the factory and the sheds and magazines are left to the sole charge of the Firemen and Policewomen, who take up the respective posts allotted to them. The Policewomen who guard the various magazines know that they hold their lives in their hands. We are proud to report that not one woman has failed at her post or shirked her duty in the hour of danger. The duties assigned to the Policewomen and their officers in these factories have increased considerably in scope during the past year. In one factory the force of Policewomen numbers 160 under one Chief Inspector, two Inspectors and twelve Sergeants, all of whom have been sworn in and take entire charge of all police cases dealing with women. They arrest, convey the prisoners to the Women Police Charge Station, keep their own charge sheets and other official documents, lock the prisoner in the cells, keep guard over her, convey her to the Court House for trial, and if convicted convey her to the prison. A short time ago the Inspector of Policewomen in one of H.M. Factories was instructed by the authorities to send a Policewoman to a distant town to fetch a woman prisoner, an old offender. The Policewoman was armed with a warrant, railway vouchers and handcuffs. The prisoner was handed over to the Policewoman by the Policeman, and the Policewoman and her charge returned without trouble. The prisoner expressed her relief and gratitude at being escorted by a Policewoman, and behaved well throughout the journey. The Policewoman reported that she was given every courtesy and assistance by both police and railway officials.



"We believe this constitutes the first time in history that women guards have been entrusted with the care and custody of their fellow-women when charged with breaking the law."

Other pieces of important and difficult work have been undertaken by women.

There have been, unfortunately, cases in which the soldier's wife, left at home, has behaved badly and been unfaithful. Men often write from the trenches to the Chief Constable to ask if charges made to them in letters about their wives are true. Naturally the Chief Constable asks the women to investigate these charges. Sometimes the charges are quite unfounded, simply spiteful and malicious and the woman and Chief Constable write and say so.

In other cases the husband knows of unfaithfulness and writes to the Army Pay Office asking to have the allowance stopped to his wife. The Army Pay Office never acts on any such letter without securing a report from the Chief Constable, and again the woman is needed, and there is frequently the question of the children as well. Their allowance, of course, never ceases but they may go to some relative or be disposed of in some way.

These cases are infinitesimal in number.

After the outbreak of the war there were many scares. Every one in our country knows now how a myth is established. We have left the stage behind where people told you they knew, from a friend, who knew a friend who knew some one else who saw it, who was in the War Office, etc., etc., etc.—that England was invaded—that the Navy was all down—or the German Navy was all down—that we were going to do this, that, or the other impossible thing.

Dame Rumour had a joyous time in the early days of the war and we suffered from the people who were not only quite certain that everything was wrong morally, but told us that the illegitimate birth rate was going to be enormous. Their accusations against our ordinary girls were monstrous. There was some excitement and foolishness, but anybody who was really working and dealing with it as the Patrol were, knew the accusations were ridiculous. The illegitimate birth rate of our country is lower than before, which is the best reply to, and the vindication of the men of our armies and our girls against, these absurd attacks.

Another scare was about the drinking of women. Soldiers' wives were attacked in this connection and the same kind of wild accusation made, so much so that a committee was appointed to go into the whole question (1915), presided over by Mrs. Creighton, President of the National Union of Women Workers.

In my experience a great deal of this talk was caused by the fact that many women, who had never done social work, and who knew nothing of real conditions, started to go among the people and were shocked and overwhelmed by what were unfortunately normal wrong conditions, and lost all sense of perspective. Some women did drink—true—but I found they were generally the women who always had done it, and who perhaps in some cases, having more money of their own and no husbands to deal with, drank a little more.

The findings of the Committee showed this clearly and they made some recommendations, especially recommending that the Central Board for the Control of the Liquor Traffic proceeded to do on its creation, restriction of hours of sale. Our restrictions make the sale of liquor legal only from 12 noon to 2.30 and from 6.30 to 8.30 or 9 P.M. Our convictions for drunkenness for women have fallen very low and for men, too. There is very much less drinking in our country and things are very much improved.

These attacks on soldiers' wives were naturally much resented as their work in the homes and industries, with their men away, and all their difficulties, has not always been easy. We find there is a little more difficulty with the boys. They miss the fathers' discipline and there has been some trouble through that, but such magnificent agencies as the Boy Scouts, who have helped us everywhere in the war, do great good.

The problem of dealing with the prevention of immorality has been a big one. The Women Patrols and the Women Police have been used in London in Waterloo Road (which had a bad reputation) and in parks, etc. The G.R. Volunteer Corps of men who meet the soldier arriving in London at the stations do a very good work.

In the Army and Navy excellent leaflets and booklets were issued dealing with the question in a very straightforward and admirable way.

The Council for Moral and Social Hygiene and the National Council for Combating Venereal Diseases has been doing a great work. The latter, which is a body set up as a result of the Government Commission on Venereal Diseases, had done a great deal of educational work and has set up an organization over the country. The Commission recommended much fuller facilities for free treatment for those suffering from these diseases in every town and district.

A Criminal Law Amendment Bill has been brought in and it improves our existing law in many ways and strengthens it. There has been much controversy about certain of its provisions, some dealing with power to send young girls to homes. There is a very strong feeling among many of our social workers that Rescue Work in our country altogether needs overhauling and change, and new experiments are being tried.

Wars have almost invariably in the past meant an enormous increase in venereal diseases on the return of the army in the civil population. Armies lose large numbers of men by them, and every person must feel it is their plain duty to leave no means untried and no measures unused that could help.

The woman who lives by her immoral earnings is, like the man who is immoral and uncontrolled, a serious danger and menace to her country and to generations yet unborn.

The problems that arise from the existence of these two groups are the business of all men and women. The problems are those of providing decent and wholesome recreation and surroundings, of helping men and women to meet under right conditions, of giving the right kind of information and guidance to the soldier and the girl, of realizing what drink does in this traffic, and the fundamental task of working to create better social, economic and moral conditions.

There is no need nor is it desirable to have masses of people suffer unnecessary misery by a knowledge of the exact nature of this disease—which leads sometimes to morbidity and often to a frenzied desire to do something at once, before they really know anything about the question and what has been done.

There are three questions that ought to be answered in the affirmative before any legislation or preventive treatment is decided on.

Will the proposed action apply equally to men and to women, to rich and to poor?

Will it tend to increase and not undermine the powers of self-control?

Will it improve morals in the nation and elevate them?

Repressive measures by themselves achieve nothing. Preventive measures of every practical and sound kind we want, but most of all we need to inculcate the truth that "Self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control, These three alone lead man to sovereign power."

It is not enough to prevent and teach. We should be willing to help up, to save, to love, and we should never be self-righteous in our help.

Who among us has the right to cast the first stone?



WHAT THE WAR HAS DONE FOR WOMEN

"Give her of the fruits of her lands and let her own words praise her in the gates."

—PROV., Chap 31.



CHAPTER XIII

WHAT THE WAR HAS DONE FOR WOMEN

The war has done already, with us, such great things for women, so many of them so naturally accepted now, that it is almost difficult to get back in thought, and realize where we stood when it broke out.

General Smuts, in one of his speeches, said, "Under stress of great difficulty practically everything breaks down ultimately, and the only things that survive are really the simple human feelings of loyalty and comradeship to your fellows, and patriotism, which can stand any strain and bear you through all difficulty and privation. We soldiers know the extraordinary value of these simple feelings, how far they go and what strain they can bear, and how, ultimately, they support the whole weight of civilization."

In this war our men, in their dealings with us, have got down more and more to simple fundamental truths and facts—loyalty and comradeship, founded on our common patriotism. We have got nearer and nearer to the ideal so many of us long for, equal right to serve and help. The great fundamental establishment of political rights for women has come with us. When war broke out, women's suffrage was winning all the time a greater and greater mass of adherents, a majority of the House was pledged to vote for it and had been for years, the Trade Unions and Labour Party stood solid for it, but the motive to act seemed lacking.

War came, and every political party in our country laid aside political agitation. No party meetings have been held since August, 1914. Suffragists and anti-suffragists did the same. The great body of constitutional suffragists kept their organization intact but used it for "sustaining the vital energies of the nation." Relief Work, Hospital Work and Supplies, Child Welfare, Comforts, Workrooms, help for professional women, work for Belgian refugees, work in canteens and huts, work for the Soldiers and Sailors Families' Association, Schools for Mothers, Girls' Clubs—into everything the Suffrage societies fling themselves with ardour, zeal and ability. No women knew better how to organize, no women better how to educate and win help. They formed an admirable Women's Interests Committee, and looked after all women's interests excellently.

When the Government issued its first appeal for women volunteers for munitions and land, etc., it asked the Suffrage societies to circulate them and to help them to secure the needed labour from women.

As the war went on it became clearer and clearer that the men of the country saw more and more vividly why suffragists had asked for votes—and more and more were impressed with the value of their work. At meetings to do propaganda for Government appeals, when women spoke on the needs of the country, men everywhere, although it had nothing to do with the appeal, and had never been mentioned, declared their conversion to Women's Suffrage in the War.

Women pointed out that they did not want Women's Suffrage as a reward—but as a simple right. They had not worked for a reward, but for their country, as any citizen would, but, in our country, the great converting power is practical proof of value and they had that overwhelmingly in our work. The Press came out practically solidly for Women's Suffrage. The work of women was praised in every paper and one declared, "It cannot be tolerable that we should return to the old struggle about admitting them to the franchise." Eminent Anti-Suffragists, inside and outside of the House of Commons, frankly admitted their conversion. Mr. Asquith, the old enemy of Women's Suffrage, said in a memorable speech: "They presented to me not only a reasonable, but, I think, from their point of view, an unanswerable case.... They say that when the war comes to an end, and when the process of industrial reconstruction has to be set on foot, have not the women a special claim to be heard on the many questions which will arise directly affecting their interests, and possibly meaning for them large displacement of labour? I cannot think that the House will deny that, and, I say quite frankly, that I cannot deny that claim." It was clear the whole question of franchise would need to be gone into—the soldiers' vote was lost to him under our system when he was away, and the sailors' redistribution was long overdue, an election, as things were, would be absolutely unrepresentative. So after several attempts to deal with the problem in sections, a Committee was set up under the Speaker of the House of Commons to go into the whole question of Franchise reform and registration.

The Committee was composed of five Peers and twenty-seven members of the House of Commons, and started its work in October, 1916, and in its report, April, 1917, it recommended, by a majority, that a measure of enfranchisement should be given to women.

The National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies and the Consultative Committee, which had been formed in 1916 by the N.U.W.S.S., of representatives of all constitutional societies, presented various memorials, notably an admirable memorandum of women's work and opinion in favour, prepared by the National Union for the Speakers' Conference during its sittings. After its recommendations while the bill was being drafted, Mrs. Henry Fawcett, LL.D., the President of the N.U.W.S.S., headed a deputation received by the Premier, Mr. Lloyd George, who has always been a supporter of Women's Suffrage. This was certainly one of the most representative and interesting deputations that ever went to Downing Street. It numbered over fifty and every woman in it represented a great section of industrial and war workers—Miss Mary MacArthur, the Trade Union Leader was there, and Miss Margaret Bondfield, Mrs. Flora Annie Steele, the authoress; Lady Forbes Robertson, for actresses; Miss Adelaide Anderson, our Chief Women Factory Inspector; Mrs. Oliver Strachey, Parliamentary Honourable Secretary of the National Union, whose work has been tireless and invaluable in the House; a woman munition worker, a woman conductor, a railway woman worker, a woman chemist, a woman from a bank, a clerk, a shipyard worker, a nurse, a V.A.D., an eminent woman Doctor, a peeress in Lady Cowdray, who has done so much for the British Women's Hospitals and so many other war objects, and women representatives of every calling in the nation at peace and war. Mrs. Pankhurst, who has been very active in war work, was also present on the Premier's invitation, and Mrs. Fawcett brought a Welshwoman who made her plea in her own language, the Premier's own, too, and the one he loves to hear. In his reply, he assured them the bill would contain a measure of enfranchisement for women as drafted, and he was quite sure the House would carry it.

The recommendations of the Speakers' Conference were an agreed compromise, and the Representation of the People Bill, as it was called on its introduction, has gone through very much on the lines of the recommendations. It arranges for postal or proxy votes for the soldier, the sailor and the merchant seaman, it simplifies the qualifications for men, it retains the University vote for men and extends it to women, and it enfranchises women of thirty years of age on a residence qualification, and all wives of voters of the same age. It disfranchises, for the time, the conscientious objector who will do no national service. The age at which our men vote is twenty-one. The higher age of the women was a compromise, which was accepted by all women's societies and by labour women, though it was not the terms they stood for—equality.

If we had it on the same terms as men, we should very greatly outnumber the men. There were over a million more women than men before the war and a new electorate greater than all the men's numbers brought in at once was not considered wise. To press for it would have wrecked our chances.

This measure enfranchises six million women, and about ten million men are now voters, so we have a very fair proportion.

The women's clause was carried, with only thirty-five dissentients and later only seventeen voted against it.

In this same bill, with practically no discussion, an amendment was carried enfranchising the wives of local government electors.

It is difficult to adequately express the confidence, the desire, and the willingness to co-operate, that there is now between our men and women.

We know, too, that the great woman's movement of our country, which has worked to this end for fifty years and numbered our greatest women among its adherents, has had much to do with the ability of our women to take the great part they have in this crisis. If women had not toiled and opened education and opportunities to women, and preached the necessity of full service, we could not have done it.

One great thing the war has done for our women is to draw us all closely together—in common sorrows, hopes and fears, we find how much we are one and in so much of our work women of every rank of life are together. We had that union before in many ways, but never so completely as now. Punch has a delightful picture that summed up how we are mixed in soldier's canteens, and huts and buffets, and Hospitals, which show a little Londoner saying to a meek member of the aristocracy "washing up," "Nar, then, Lady Halexandra, 'urry up with them plaites," and we have an amusing little play of the same kind. The society girl who washes down the Hospital steps, and washes up for hours, and carries meals up and down stairs in her work, week after week, and month after month, and year after year, in our Hospitals, knows what work is now, and the soldier who is served, and the soldier's sister and wife, learns something, too, about her that is worth learning.

We have also learned a great deal in our welfare work, and the welfare supervisors and the workers both have benefited, and the heads of the innumerable hostels, which we have built everywhere for our girls—dozens in our new Government-built munition cities, have been of very real help and service to the girls. A tactful, sensible, educated woman has a great deal to give that helps the younger girl, and can look after and advise her as to health, work, leisure and amusements in a way that leaves real lasting benefit.

In the munition works, well educated women, women with plenty of money, women who never worked before, work year after year beside the working girl. Just at first some of the working girls were not quite sure of her, but it is all right long, long ago, and they mutually admire each other. The well-off woman works her hours and takes her pay, and takes it very proudly. I have been told many times by these women who, for the first time know the joy of earning money, "I never felt so proud in my life as when I got my first week's money." And the men in the factories learn a lot, too. "Women have been too much kept back," was the comment of a foreman in a shell factory to the Chief Woman Factory Inspector on a visit she was paying to it. The skilled men, teaching the women, have learned a great deal about them, too, and have helped the women in so many ways. Men have been amazed at the ability and power and capacity for work of the women and are, on the whole, very willing to say so and express their admiration.

One munition girl writes: "The timekeeper, quite a gorgeous gentleman in uniform, gave us quite a welcome.... The charge-hand of the Welder's shop helped us to start, and stayed with us most of Friday. He was most kind, and showed us the best way to tackle each job, did one for us, and then watched us doing it."

Another says, "Our foreman is a dear old man, so kind and full of fun. The men welders are awfully good to us."

In considering the practical facts of new opportunities for women, one thing is clear. Masses of our women took their new work as "temporary war workers," but as the war has gone on, it has become clearer and clearer that, in many cases, these tasks are going to be permanently open to women. One reason is that many of the men will never return to take up their work again—another, that many of them will never return to what they did before.

They have been living in the open-air, doing such different things, such big vistas have opened out that they will never be content to go back to some of their tasks. There is the other fact that we, like every other country, will need to repair and renovate so much, will need to create new and more industries, will need to add to our productiveness to pay off our burdens of debt, and to carry out our schemes of reconstruction, so women will still be needed. Our women, in still greater numbers, will not be able to marry, and the best thing for any nation and any set of women is to do work, and there will be plenty of room for all the work our women can do. Many will go back to home work, of course; there are large numbers who are working in our country, only while their husbands are away, and when they return will find their work in their homes again.

We are offering special training opportunities to the young widow of the soldier or officer.

In special branches of work our opportunities are very much greater and better. Medicine is one of the professions in which women have very specially made good. Better training opportunities have opened, more funds have been raised to enable women of small means to get medical education, and the Queen herself gave a portion of a gift of money she received, for this purpose. Most medical appointments are open to them now and they have been urged by the great medical bodies to enter for training in still greater numbers in the different Universities, and have done so.

More research is being done by them in every department. In professions such as accountancy, architecture, analytical chemistry, more and more women are entering. In the banking world women have done very satisfactory work, and one London bank manager, asked to say what he thought of prospects after the war, says he is very strongly of opinion it will continue to be a profession for women after the war. This manager thinks the question of higher administrative posts being open to women will depend entirely on themselves and their work, and what they prove capable of achieving and holding, they will certainly have.

In the war, one profession, in particular, has come nearer to finding its rightful place than ever before—the teaching profession. Their salaries which, in too many cases, were disgracefully low, have been raised. The woman teacher has shown her capacity in new fields of work in the boys' schools, but it is in another sense that their profession, both men and women, but very specially the women, have achieved a very real gain in the war.

The teachers of the country have done a very great deal of war work of every kind. The National Register of 1915 was largely done by their labour. The War Savings Associations and Committees owe a great debt to teachers and inspectors, who are the backbone of the movement, headmistresses are asked constantly to help in securing trained women, taught to work in Hospitals on their holidays, on land, in organizing supplies and comforts in canteens and clubs, and more and more are put on official Committees in their towns and districts.

It means the teacher is finding the status and position the teachers in their profession ought to have in their communities, and the war has done a great deal towards achieving that desirable end, though there is still a good deal to be done.

In the Government Service there has undoubtedly been great opportunities for women, especially those of organizing, executive and secretarial ability—and in many cases the payment in higher posts is identical for men and women, and higher posts, if they have the ability, are freely given to women and the whole position of women in our Civil Service is improved. In the very highest posts, such as those of Insurance and Feeble-minded Commissioners, etc., women before the war received the same salaries as men.

The organizing ability and the common sense way in which our women in voluntary organization, quite rapidly, themselves decided what organizations were unnecessary and merely duplicating others, and refused to help them, so that they died out quite quickly, roused admiration, and the war has educated vast numbers of women in organization and executive ability. Women who never in their lives organized anything, and never kept an account properly, are doing all kinds of useful work. One nice middle-aged lady whose War Savings Association accounts were being kept wrongly, or rather were not really being kept at all, when told they must be done fully and correctly by one of our National Committee representatives, said, "Oh, but you see, I never did anything but crochet before the war"; but we have succeeded in making even the crochet ladies keep accounts and do wonderful things.

In the great world of mechanics and engineering, women are doing a wonderful amount of work and, there is no doubt, will remain in certain departments after the war. One danger there is in the women's attitude—so many of our women have learned one branch of work very quickly, that there probably will be a tendency to believe that anything can be learned as easily. There are only certain departments of mechanics that can be learned in a few months' time, and women will probably go on doing these. Such work as theirs in optical munitions, has shown their very special aptitude for it and in law-making, etc., they will be used more and more. Women have successfully done tool-setting and can go on with that. The training for civil and mechanical engineering is long, but there will be, if women are keen and will train, plenty of opportunity for them in peace-time occupations in civil, mechanical or electrical branches in connection with municipal, sanitary and household questions and in laundries, farms, etc. The women architects and these women could very well co-operate closely.

Women clerks and secretaries will remain largely after the war. Fewer men will want these posts as we are convinced there will be big movements among our men to more active work, to the land and to the Dominions overseas.

Women on the land will in numbers stay there, and there is a distinct movement among women with capital to go in for farming, market gardening, bee-keeping, poultry-keeping, etc., still more.

The war has made more of our fathers and mothers realize the right of their daughters to education and training, and there are very few parents in our country now, who think a girl needs to know nothing very practical, and has no need to go in for a profession. Our women's colleges have more students than ever and the war has done great things in breaking down these old conventional ideas. The war, in fact, has shaken the very foundations of the old Victorian beliefs in the limited sphere of women to atoms. Our sphere is now very much more what every human being's sphere is and ought to be—the place and work in which our capacity, ability or genius finds its fullest vent—and there is no need to worry about restricting women or anyone else to particular spheres—if they cannot do it, they cannot fill the sphere, and that test decides. The dear old Victorian dugouts grow fewer and fewer in number, but we never must forget that the great powers of women have not come in a night, miraculously, in the war. They are the result of long years of patient work before, and we women, who have had these great opportunities, must see to it that we nobly carry on the traditions of teaching and training and qualifying ourselves for service, bequeathed to us from older generations.

One thing, too, despite the war tasks and strain, we have not lost sight of the fact that the great fundamental tasks of keeping the house, guarding and seeing to the children must be well done. Just for a little, some of our tasks of child welfare had fewer workers, but many of the women realized the value of all these tasks as supreme, and took up the work freely. Child welfare work in particular the Suffrage woman organized and worked, Glasgow Suffragists taking on the visiting of babies, always done there, in a whole ward of the city, and in other towns they started Day Nurseries.

Lord Rhondda at the Local Government Board instituted Baby week and we hope to found a Ministry of Health very soon. So in the War we have realized even more vividly how great and valuable and important these tasks of women are. A very great amount of work for child welfare has been done by our women in the war, and our infant death rate is going still lower.

The war has done a great service in drawing women of all the Allied Nations together—a service whose greatness and magnitude it is not easy to fully realize. French and English men and women know so much more of each other now. Our hospitals in France, our Canteens for French Soldiers, as well as our own, our women and the French women working side by side in our army clerical departments and ordnance depots in France, the Belgians and French who are among us in such large numbers, make us known to each other. In Serbia we have made many friends and in Italy and Russia and Romania, all links for the future, and helps to wider knowledge and understanding. It is on understanding the hopes of the world rest, and we women have a great part to play in that.

With America our link has always been very great and all the help, and gifts, and service America gave us before it entered the war, have been very precious to us. American women have given Hospitals and ambulances and everything possible in the way of succour and of service, and have died with our women in nursing service, as the men have in our ranks.

Massachusetts sent a nurse to France, Miss Alice Fitzgerald, in memory of Edith Cavell, which shows the unity of your feeling and ours on that tragic execution, and her work under our War Office in Queen Alexandra's Imperial Army Nursing Service with the British Expeditionary Force, as well as the work of all the American nurses we have had helping us, is another link in the great chain. Our own great Commonwealth of Nations are nearer to each other than ever before. There were even people among us who thought a little as the enemy did that our Dominions would not stand by us—stupid and blind people.

It is their fight as well as ours—the common fight of all free peoples, and all our united nations stand together, including those who only a few years ago were fighting us as brave foes.

We have learned so much in great ways and in small ways, in economies and in the care of all our resources, too. We women are more careful in Britain now. We save food, and grow more, and produce more, and maids and mistresses work together to economize and help. We gather our waste paper and sell it or give it to the Red Cross for their funds, give our bottles and our rags, waste no food and save and lend our money. We could not have been called a thrifty nation before the war—we are much more thrifty now, in many ways, though there are still things we could learn.

In the Women's Army and in so much of our work we are learning discipline and united service—learning what it means to be proud of your corps and to feel the uniform you wear or the badge is something you must be worthy of—and it goes back to being worthy of your own flag and of the ideals for which we all stand in these days.

And the young wives who are married and left behind, who bear their children with their husbands far away in danger, who have had no real homes yet, but who wait and hope, they are very wonderful in their courage and pluck—and, most of all, everywhere, our women, like our men, wisely refuse to be dreary. There are enough secret dark hours, but in our work we carry on cheerfully, the women know the soldiers' slogan, "Cheero," and to Britain and to "somewhere on the fronts," the same message goes and comes.

Of the great spiritual worths and values, it has brought to women very much what it has brought to men. All eternal things are more real, all eternal truths more clearly perceived. When the whole foundations of life rock under us, in where "there is no change, neither shadow of turning," the heart rests more surely in these days.

It has brought us agonies and tears, weariness and pain, self-denial and great sorrows, but it has brought such riches of self-sacrifice, such service, such love, has shown us such peaks of revelation and vision to which the soul and the nation can attain, that we count ourselves rich, though so much has gone.

To think of what we might have been if we had refused to bear our share—to look back on the evils of luxury and selfishness that were creeping over us, makes us feel that we may have lost some things, but "what shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul." And we have saved our soul. The souls of the nations travail in a new birth through a night of agony and tears. The purposes being worked out are so great, that it is difficult for us to see them with our limited human vision, but in great moments of insight we do see, and having seen, go back to our tasks in the light of that vision, knowing that though now we fight in dim shadows with monstrous and awful evils of mankind's creation, the day is coming nearer and the light will come.

An age is dying and a new age comes, and what it shall be only the men and women of the world can answer.



RECONSTRUCTION

"The tumult and the shouting dies— The captains and the Kings depart— Still stands thine ancient sacrifice, An humble and a contrite heart. Lord God of Hosts; be with us yet, Lest we forget, lest we forget."

—RUDYARD KIPLING.

"We shall not cease from mental fight, Nor shall our sword sleep in our hand, Till we have built Jerusalem, In England's green and pleasant land."

—W. BLAKE.



CHAPTER XIV

RECONSTRUCTION

And what is to come after? The first and the last and the greatest thing to do is to win the war and to get the right settlement. Unless we finish this struggle with the nations free, there can be no real reconstruction. The greatest work of reconstruction—the fundamental work—will be at the peace table. Those who are giving everything and doing everything to gain victory for the Allies, are the true reconstructors of the world.

The first great task of reconstruction is victory and the second is right peace settlements.

We cannot say that anything we can do will make future peace certain, but we can see that just and righteous settlements are made, so that the foundations are laid that ought to ensure peace in the future. There is no real peace possible while injustices exist.

There is no real peace possible while evil and good contend for mastery, and the spiritual conflicts of man are, and will be, as terrible as any physical conflicts. While mankind stands where it does now, it is well that against corruption of spirit and thought, we can use our bodies as shields.

The fact that we have had to fight Germany physically, shows clearly that spiritually and mentally we were unable to make them see truth and honour, and the meaning of freedom, and that the ideal of peace made no real appeal to them.

They built up in their nation great thought forces of aggression, of belief in militarism, of worship of might, of belief that war paid, and was in itself good, that there was no conscience higher than the state. They even worship God as a sort of tribal God whom they call upon to work with them—not a question as to whether they are on God's side—no—an assertion that God is on theirs.

That was their thought—and the thoughts of the other nations were bent on problems of freedom and growing democracy, of widening opportunities, of political and commercial interest, were, on the whole, the vaguely good thoughts of evolving democracies (with notable exceptions), but not the clear powerful thoughts needed to fight effectually those of Germany in the fields of intellect and spirit.

People did not see the full evil of Germany's thought—it was tied up with so much that was efficient and good and able, and we were only half articulate as to our own beliefs, and not even thoroughly clear or agreed about them, and Germany considered us slack and inefficient, and believed we might even be induced to consent to seeing Europe overrun and doing nothing. We did not believe, despite warning, that any nation thought as Germany did and we seemed, in their minds, to be people to be dominated and swept over.

One interesting fact to note is that Germany, despite its boasted knowledge of psychology, did not realise that England possesses a definite sub-conscious mind which always guides its actions. The sub-conscious mind of England is a desire for fair play, for justice, and a very definite sense of freedom. England is the creator of self-government and its sub-conscious mind, built up for centuries, is a very definite and real thing.

The sub-conscious mind of Germany, filled with these dominating ideas of power and Weltmacht and militarism, goes on, once set free, to its logical end, and it seems clearer and clearer that there is no real end to this struggle till we make the mind and soul of Germany realize its crimes and mistakes, till they are sane again and talk the A, B, C of civilization. The real reconstruction of the world begins there.

That end reached and settlements justly done, we may consider schemes for a League of Nations and practical possibilities of work in international organizations to prevent disputes leading to war.

The work of reconstruction must be international, as well as national, but the people who do, and will do, the best international work are the people who do the best national work. The individuals who are not prepared to spend time and service and effort to make their own country better and nobler, are going to do nothing for internationalism that is worth doing. The heart that finds nothing to love and work for in its neighbour is the heart that has nothing to bring to the whole world.

Again, there must be reparation by the enemy. We cannot reconstruct this world rightly if we do not enforce justice. A nation that has broken every international and human law is a nation that must be made to pay for its crimes as far as human justice can secure it.

Our six thousand murdered merchant seamen, the thousands of passengers they have killed, the civilians they have bombed, are marshalled against them, and the horrors of their frightfulness, deliberately planned and carried out against the peoples they have held in bondage, their refusal to even feed properly their prisoners and captive people—are we to be told to reconstruct a world without reparation for these and their other crimes?

We shall have a reconstructed world with right foundations, only when the nations know that justice is throned internationally, and that every crime is to be judged and punished. There can be no new world without living faith, without real religion. A cheap and sentimental humanitarism is no substitute for real faith—philosophies that seem adequate in ordinary times are poor things when the soul of man stands stripped of all its trappings and faces death and suffering and watches agonies. Then the abiding eternal soul knows its own reality and its oneness with the Divine and eternal, and the sacrifice of Christ is a real living thing—and in the men's sacrifice they are very near to Him.

So the Churches are being tested, too, in this great crisis, and in a reconstructed world we shall want Churches that carry the message of Christianity with a clearer and firmer voice, but that is the task of all believers. We cannot cast the duty of making the Church a living witness on our priests alone—it is our work, and unless our faith goes into everything we do, it is no use. People who profess a faith, and carefully shut it up in a compartment of their lives, so that it has no real connection with their work, are worse than honest doubters—because they betray what they profess.

So reconstruction rests upon great spiritual tasks and values, and upon the willingness and ability of the nations to carry these out.

In our country, our political parties are going to be changed and reconstructed. The Labour Party has already made a big appeal to "brain and hand workers," and has announced its scheme of re-organization.

One definite result of the war in the minds of the people of our country is the definite mental discarding of state socialism of the bureaucratic kind as a conceivable system of government. We have seen bureaucracy at work to a great extent, and shall undoubtedly have to continue control in many ways after peace comes, but we do not like it. Socialism will have to go on to new lines of thought and development if it wishes to achieve anything—and the most interesting thought and schemes are on the lines of Guild Socialism.

How the great Liberal and Unionist Parties will emerge, we cannot say—but this we know, they will be different. We have a new electorate, more men and the women, and the opinion and needs of the women will undoubtedly affect our political reconstruction. Most of us, in the war, have entirely ceased to care for party; even the most fierce of partisans have changed, and the "party appeal," in itself, will be of little account in our country.

I feel sure we shall scrutinize measures and men and programmes more carefully, and the work of educating our women will be part of the women's great tasks in reconstruction.

Our ability to reconstruct and renew rests fundamentally upon our financial condition—even the power to make the best peace terms rests upon it. Crippled countries cannot stand out for the best terms, so finance is all-important.

The democratic nature of our loans is all-important, too. We have had people suggesting that these loans would be repudiated—a suggestion that is not only absurd, but is humorous when one realizes that about ten million of our people have invested in them. To get a House of Commons elected that would repudiate these loans would be a difficult task.

The widespread nature of the loans is sound for the people and the Government, and will help us not only to win the war, but, what is still more important, "to win the peace." We have in this struggle paid more and better wages to our people than ever before, conditions have been improved, masses of our people have led a fuller existence than ever before. We want to make these and still better conditions permanent. We cannot do that by a military victory only—we can only do it by finishing financially sound, and the man or woman who saves now and invests is one of our soundest reconstructors.

In the readjustments in industry that must come there will be temporary displacements, and the money invested will be invaluable to those affected. In our great task of reorganizing industries, of renovating and repairing, of building up new works and adding to our productiveness, finance is all-important. We shall need large sums for the development of our industry, for the transferring of war work back to peace pursuits, for the opening up of new industries and work, for the development of trade abroad and the selfish using up of resources that could be conserved, makes the work harder—might even, if extravagantly large, cripple us seriously at the end of this struggle.

The sacrifices of our men can achieve military victory, but weakness and self-indulgence at home can take the fruits of their victories away.

Those who are working and saving in our War Savings Movement are so convinced of its value, not only to the state, but to the individual, and for the character of our people, that they have expressed the very strongest conviction that it should go on after the War, and it will probably remain in our reconstruction.

We have also urged the wisdom of saving for the children's education and for dots for daughters, so that our young women may have some money in emergencies, or something of their own on marriage, and both of these are being done.

The great problem of education bulks very large in our reconstruction schemes. A new Education Bill for England and Wales has been prepared by Mr. Fisher—and his appointment is in itself a sign of our new attitude. He is Minister of Education and is really an educationist, having been Vice-Chancellor of Sheffield University when given the appointment. His Bill puts an end to that stigma on English education, the half-time system in Lancashire, and raises the age for leaving school to what it has been in Scotland for some years—sixteen years of age. It provides greater opportunities for secondary and technical training and improves education in every way. Its passage, or the passage of a still better Bill, is essential for any real work in reconstruction.

There are other schemes of education being planned and considered, and women are working with men on the education committee of the Ministry of Reconstruction.

The land question is all-important in reconstruction. We have fixed a minimum price for wheat for five years, as well as minimum wages for the labourers on land, men and women, and we have schemes and land for the settlement of soldiers. It is safe to predict that agriculture will be better looked after than it was before the war, and that we have learned a valuable lesson on food production, and the value of being more self-supporting.

There are people who talk airily and foolishly of "revolutions after the war"—of great labour troubles, of exorbitant and impossible demands, of irreconcilable quarrels. These people are themselves the creators and begettors of trouble, and mischievous in the highest degree. They belong, though they are much less attractive, to the same category as the person who tells you that the moral regeneration of the world is coming from this great war.

The "revolutionists" have to learn that there is no need to have any such crises happen, that they can only happen if we are foolish beyond belief and conception—for we have learned in this war how great and ample is the common meeting ground of all of us, how impossible it is for anyone to believe that we, who have fought together, suffered and lost together, while our men have died together, cannot find in consideration of claims enough common sense and wisdom to prevent any such disaster.

And one wonders where the people are going to be found who are going to be so unjust to the workers as to provide any reason for such dangers to be feared, for we know one thing in the war, that in the trenches, on the sea, behind the trenches and carrying on at home, the workers have done the greater part—and they, in their turn, know all others have borne their share. Out of such common knowledge and the consciousness that the practical work of democracy is to raise its people more and more, we shall have not revolution, but evolution of the best kind. And the moral regeneration of the world will come if we reconstruct the one thing that matters most and that is fundamental to all—ourselves—and it will not come if we do not. When one has said everything there is to be said of schemes and hopes of reconstruction—about the schemes for better homes, and a great housing scheme is wisely one of the foundation schemes of our reconstruction, for which plans are now being prepared, about schemes for the care of children, about schemes for endowment of motherhood, which are exercising the minds of many of our women, you are back again to the individual. When you think of education schemes, and schemes for teaching national service to the young, of work to teach care and thrift, you are back again to the problem of creating character.

When you go into the great world of industry and its problems, of care of the workers in health and sickness, of securing justice and full opportunities, of developing and wisely using our resources, again you return to the individual.

When you want to make the art and beauty of life accessible to all, you come back to the question as to the individual's desire for it and appreciation of it.

Schemes in theory may be perfect—reconstruction may be planned without a flaw—but what does that help if we as individuals are blind and selfish?

The regeneration of the world cannot come from the sacrifice of our men alone, or even of some of us at home. The few may save countries and do great things, but the work of reconstruction rests on everybody. Nations are made up of individuals, and a nation cannot hope for moral and social regeneration except through individual self-denial, self-sacrifice and service.

It is in our own hearts and our own minds that the great task of reconstruction must be done.

The greatest task of reconstruction for most of us is to make all our actions worthy of our highest self—to bring to the problems that confront us, not one detached and prejudiced bit of us, but the whole mind and spirit of ourselves—the best of us always in unity.

That is life's greatest task, and calls for all we have to give, and all we are. There lies true reconstruction and the hope of all the world.



APPENDIX



APPENDIX

American Women's War Relief Fund, 123 Victoria Street, London, S.W. 1.

Association of Infant Consultation and Schools for Mothers, 4 Tavistock Square, London, W.C. 1.

British Women's Hospital, Bond Street, London, W. 1.

Glove Waistcoat Society, 75 Chancery Lane, E.C. 4.

Ministry of Food, Mrs. Pember Reeves, Mrs. C.S. Peel, Grosvenor House, W. 1.

National Federation of Women's Workers.

Women's Trade Union League, 34 Mecklenburgh Square, W.C. 1.

National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies.

Scottish Women's Hospitals, 62 Oxford Street, W.C. 1.

Women's Interests Committee, 62 Oxford Street, W.C.I.

National War Savings Committee, Salisbury Square, E.C. 4.

National Union of Women Workers (Women Patrols), Parliament Mansions, Victoria Street, S.W.I.

Queen Mary's Needlework Guild, St. James Palace, S.W.I.

National Food Economy League, 3 Woodstock Street, Oxford Street, W.C.I.

Prisoners of War, Help Committee, 4 Thurloe Place, Brompton Road, W.

Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, Devonshire House, W. 1.

Women's Branch, Food Production Department, Board of Agriculture, 72 Victoria Street, S.W.I.

Women's Service Bureau, L.S.W.S., 58 Victoria Street, S.W. 1.

Women's National Land Service Corps, 50 Upper Baker Street, W. 1.

Women Police Service, St. Stephens House, Westminster, S.W.I.

Young Women's Christian Association, 25 George Street, Hanover Square, W. 1.

V.A.D., Lady Ampthill, Devonshire House, W. 1.

* * * * *

MINISTRY OF MUNITIONS



PUBLICATIONS OF HEALTH OF MUNITION WORKERS' COMMITTEE

The following Memoranda have been prepared by the Committee and issued:

No. 1—Sunday Labour.

No. 2—Welfare Supervision.

No. 3—Industrial Canteens.

No. 4—Employment of Women.

No. 5—Hours of Work.

No. 6—Canteen Construction and Equipment (Appendix to No. 3).

No. 7—Industrial Fatigue and Its Causes. No. 8—Special Industrial Diseases.

No. 9—Ventilation and Lighting of Munition Factories and Workshops.

No. 10—Sickness and Injury.

No. 11—Investigation of Workers' Food and Suggestions as to Dietary. (Report by Leonard E. Hill, F.R.S.)

No. 12—Statistical Information Concerning Output in Relation to Hours of Work. (Report by H.M. Vernon, M.D.)

No. 13—Juvenile Employment.

No. 14—Washing Facilities and Baths.

No. 15—The Effect of Industrial Conditions Upon Eyesight.

No. 16—Medical Certificates for Munition Workers.

also, Feeding the Munition Worker.

Published by H.M. STATIONERY OFFICE,

London, W.C.



You have read this book and you will agree with the Publisher that it ought to have an immediate and wide distribution. Will you help him to eliminate wasteful advertising by sending the post card enclosed, giving your opinion of the book to one of your friends. / / AND / / Since you have probably seen the imprint of G. Arnold Shaw on a book for the first time, will you spend a few minutes scanning the following pages, to discover what the best critical opinion is upon other recent Shaw publications. They are intended for the discriminating few as our trademark, "Aere Perennius" "more lasting than brass," indicates.



BOOKS BY MEMBERS OF THE UNIVERSITY LECTURERS

A significant proof of the growth of the Association's influence in recent years is afforded by the fact that our Secretary, Mr. G. Arnold Shaw, has been enabled to enter the publishing field successfully. We reverse thus the plan of campaign of the ordinary lecture bureau which is usually impressed with the possibilities of a man who has won fame as an author rather than as a lecturer; we discover that a man is a first rate lecturer and then we proceed to make him an author—also of the front rank as the reviews quoted below show.

ART AND ARCHITECTURE

BY IAN C. HANNAH, F.S.A.

Some Irish Religious Houses........ .50 Irish Cathedrals................... .50

BY I.B. STOUGHTON HOLBORN

The Need for Art in Life. (Third Thousand)........... .75 "One of the greatest little books of the Age."—Boston Transcript.

Architectures of European Religions, Illustrated.... 2.00

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

The interest of these books depend not merely upon the interesting personality of the famous lecturer and the equally fascinating personalities of his two brothers, but also on the exquisite literary style to which the critics have paid such eloquent testimony.

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS AND LLEWELLYN POWYS

Confessions of Two Brothers....... 1.50

BY THEODORE FRANCIS POWYS

The Soliloquy of a Hermit......... 1.00 This book can be compared to Amiel's Journal in the opinion of a prominent London publisher.



ESSAYS AND CRITICISM

The essays contained in the following books deal with the best lecture subjects of our various members; they are specially recommended to those who wish to pursue further the study outlined in our lecture courses.

BY I.B. STOUGHTON HOLBORN

THE NEED FOR ART IN LIFE........... 75

"The thoughtful man who reads it will feel that a new classic has been added to the world's literature."—BOSTON TRANSCRIPT.

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS

VISIONS AND REVISIONS, A Book of Literary Devotions 2.00

"Seventeen essays remarkable for the omission of all that is tedious and cumbersome in literary appreciations."—REVIEW OF REVIEWS.

SUSPENDED JUDGMENTS, Essays on Books and Sensations 2.00

"Anything written by John Cowper Powys is arresting and thrilling. This is superlatively true of his essays in literary criticism."—CINCINNATI ENQUIRER.

"A book of infinite delight to the book lover, for few present day writers have the ability in the same measure as Mr. Powys to express every shade of impression and sensation, and his ripe judgment will appeal to all."—BOSTON GLOBE.

ONE HUNDRED BEST BOOKS, with commentary and an essay on Books and Reading.............. 75

"Of each of the hundred books he gives a brief, sparkling, thoroughly informative and delightfully interesting critical view. If book reviewers could do the job as well as Mr. Powys, the book pages would be the most popular part of a newspaper."—EVENING TELEGRAM, PHILADELPHIA.

* * * * *

FICTION

Critics of literature seldom succeed as creative artists and so it is specially remarkable that the highest authorities give even more unqualified praise to the fiction of our members than to their essays. We need not emphasize further our lack of appreciation for the literary value of "best-sellers"; our aim has not been to produce topical tracts for the times but novels that will survive. It is more to us that competent critics should compare Mr. Powys' fiction to that of Hardy, Dostoievsky and Emily Bronte than that the public should buy it by the hundred thousand. Those who are not convinced that "you can place 'Wood and Stone' unhesitatingly at the side of Dostoievsky's masterpieces" should reflect that this is not the over-enthusiasm of "America's newest Publisher" but the verdict of a London publisher who has long held a pre-eminent position; it is therefore peculiarly satisfactory to point out that our first novel "Wood and Stone" was

PUBLISHED UNDER THE IMPRINT OF

WILLIAM HEINEMANN G. ARNOLD SHAW



IN LONDON IN NEW YORK

FICTION

BY IAN CAMPBELL HANNAH QUAKER-BORN, A ROMANCE OF THE GREAT WAR............ 1.35

BY I.B. STOUGHTON HOLBORN THE CHILD OF THE MOAT, A story of 1557 for girls... 1.25 "Of such absorbing interest and literary merit that it will doubtless take its place among the classics."—ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY.

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS WOOD AND STONE, A Romance reminiscent of the great Dostoievsky ................................. 1.75

"One of the best novels of the year."—EVENING POST, NEW YORK.

"His mastery of language, his knowledge of human impulses, his interpretation of the forces of nature and of the power of inanimate objects over human beings, all pronounce him a writer of no mean rank. He can express philosophy in terms of narrative without prostituting his art; he can suggest an answer without drawing a moral; with a clearer vision he could stand among the masters in literary achievement."—BOSTON TRANSCRIPT.

"Psychologically speaking, it is one of the most remarkable pieces of fiction ever written."—CHICAGO TRIBUNE.

RODMOOR, A Romance of the old Thrilling Romantic Order............1.50

"It is so far above the average English and American fiction that one can well exempt it from the necessity of following the rules. He has intellect, he has taste, he has a sure instinct for what is aesthetically fine. These qualities in themselves make his 'Rodmoor' a novel of exceptional distinction."—BOSTON TRANSCRIPT.

"Without exception the most exquisitely written novel of the year."—ATLANTIC MONTHLY.

HISTORY AND TRAVEL

BY IAN CAMPBELL HANNAH, M.A., D.C.L., F.S.A. Eastern Asia, A history 2.50 Capitals of the Northlands, A Tale of ten cities 2.00 The Heart of East Anglia (A History of Norwich) 2.00 The Berwick and Lothian Coast 2.00

POETRY

BY I.B. STOUGHTON HOLBORN CHILDREN OF FANCY 2.00 "A Notable volume of Verse."—Boston Globe.

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS WOLF'S-BANE 1.25 "We hesitate to say how many years it is necessary to go back in order to find their equals in sheer poetic originality."—Evening Post, New York. MANDRAGORA 1.25

THE WAR

BY IAN CAMPBELL HANNAH ARMS AND THE MAP 1.25

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS THE WAR AND CULTURE .60 "More weighty than many of the more pretentious treatises on the subject."—The Nation.

Any of the above books sent post-free on receipt of price by



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SPECIALLY SUITABLE FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

ARMS AND THE MAP

A STUDY IN NATIONALITIES AND FRONTIERS

BY IAN CAMPBELL HANNAH, M.A., D.C.L.

12mo, 256 pages, $1.25 net

This work, which has had a large sale in England, will be invaluable when the terms of peace begin to be seriously discussed. Every European people is reviewed and the evolution of the different nationalities is carefully explained. Particular reference is made to the so-called "Irredentist" lands, whose people want to be under a different flag from that under which they live.

The colonizing methods of all the nations are dealt with, and especially the place in the sun that Germany hasn't got.

NEW YORK TIMES says: "Such a volume as this will undoubtedly be of value in presenting ... facts of great importance in a brief and interesting fashion."

BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE says: "It is hard to find a man who presents his arguments so broad-mindedly as Dr. Hannah. His spirit is that of a catholic scholar striving earnestly to find the truth and present it sympathetically."

PHILADELPHIA NORTH AMERICAN says: "It is in no sense history, but rather a preparatory effort to mark broadly the outlines of any future peace settlement that would have even a fighting chance of permanency. Only in perusing a critical study of this character can the vast problems of post-bellum imminence be fully apprehended."

PHILADELPHIA PRESS says: "His work is immensely readable and particularly interesting at this time and will throw much fresh light on the situation."

OTHER BOOKS BY IAN C. HANNAH

Eastern Asia, A History $2.50 Capitals of the Northlands (A tale of ten cities) 2.00 The Berwick and Lothian Coast (in the County Coast Series) 2.00 The Heart of East Anglia (A History of Norwich) 2.00 Some Irish Religious Houses (Reprinted from the Archaeological Journal) 50c Irish Cathedrals (Reprinted from the Archaeological Journal) 50c

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VISIONS AND REVISIONS

A BOOK OF LITERARY DEVOTIONS

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS

8vo, 298 pp. Half White Cloth with Blue Fabriano Paper Sides, $2.00 net

This volume of essays on Great Writers by the well-known lecturer was the first of a series of three books with the same purpose as the author's brilliant lectures; namely, to enable one to discriminate between the great and the mediocre in ancient and modern literature: the other two books being "One Hundred Best Books" and "Suspended Judgments."

Within a year of its publication, four editions of "Visions and Revisions" were printed—an extraordinary record considering that it was only the second book issued by a new publisher. The value of the book to the student and its interest for the general reader are guaranteed by the international fame of the author as an interpreter of great literature and by the enthusiastic reviews it received from the American Press.

REVIEW OF REVIEWS, New York: "Seventeen essays ... remarkable for the omission of all that is tedious and cumbersome in literary appreciations, such as pedantry, muckraking, theorizing, and, in particular, constructive criticism."

BOOK NEWS MONTHLY, Philadelphia: "Not one line in the entire book that is not tense with thought and feeling. With all readers who crave mental stimulation ... 'Visions and Revisions' is sure of a great and enthusiastic appreciation."

THE NATION AND THE EVENING POST, New York: "Their imagery is bright, clear and frequently picturesque. The rhythm falls with a pleasing cadence on the ear."

BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE: "A volume of singularly acute and readable literary criticism."

CHICAGO HERALD: "An essayist at once scholarly, human and charming is John Cowper Powys.... Almost every page carries some arresting thought, quaintly appealing phrase, or picture spelling passage."

REEDY'S MIRROR, St. Louis: "Powys keeps you wide awake in the reading because he's thinking and writing from the standpoint of life, not of theory or system. Powys has a system but it is hardly a system. It is a sort of surrender to the revelation each writer has to make."

KANSAS CITY STAR: "John Cowper Powys' essays are wonderfully illuminating.... Mr. Powys writes in at least a semblance of the Grand Style."

"Visions and Revisions" contains the following essays:—

Rabelais Dickens Thomas Hardy Dante Goethe Walter Pater Shakespeare Matthew Arnold Dostoievsky El Greco Shelley Edgar Allan Poe Milton Keats Walt Whitman Charles Lamb Nietzsche Conclusion

G. ARNOLD SHAW PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY LECTURERS ASSOCIATION

GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL NEW YORK

* * * * *

SUSPENDED JUDGMENTS

ESSAYS ON BOOKS AND SENSATIONS

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS

8vo. about 400 pages. Half cloth with blue Fabriano paper sides $2.00 net

The Book News Monthly said of "Visions and Revisions":

"Not one line in the entire book that is not tense with thought and feeling."

The author of "Visions and Revisions" says of this new book of essays:

"In 'Suspended Judgments' I have sought to express with more deliberation and in a less spasmodic manner than in 'Visions,' the various after-thoughts and reactions both intellectual and sensational which have been produced in me, in recent years, by the re-reading of my favorite writers. I have tried to capture what might be called the 'psychic residuum' of earlier fleeting impressions and I have tried to turn this emotional aftermath into a permanent contribution—at any rate for those of similar temperament—to the psychology of literary appreciation.

"To the purely critical essays in this volume I have added a certain number of others dealing with what, in popular parlance, are called 'general topics,' but what in reality are always—in the most extreme sense of that word—personal to the mind reacting from them. I have called the book 'Suspended Judgments' because while one lives, one grows, and while one grows, one waits and expects."

SUSPENDED JUDGMENTS CONTAINS THESE ESSAYS:

THE ART OF DISCRIMINATION IN LITERATURE

MONTAIGNE EMILY BRONTE PASCAL JOSEPH CONRAD VOLTAIRE HENRY JAMES ROUSSEAU OSCAR WILDE BALZAC AUBREY BEARDSLEY VICTOR HUGO DE MAUPASSANT FRIENDS ANATOLE FRANCE RELIGION PAUL VERLAINE LOVE REMY DE GOURMONT CITIES WILLIAM BLAKE MORALITY BYRON EDUCATION

G. ARNOLD SHAW PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY LECTURERS ASSOCIATION

GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL NEW YORK

* * * * *

ONE HUNDRED BEST BOOKS

WITH COMMENTARY AND AN ESSAY ON

BOOKS AND READING

BY JOHN COWPER POWYS

This list is designed to supply the need of persons who wish to acquire a general knowledge of such books in world-literature as are at once exciting and thrilling to the ordinary mind and written in the style of the masters. It recognizes the fact that modern people are most interested in modern books; but it recognizes also that such books, to be worthy of this interest, must uphold the classical tradition of manner and form.

80 Pages 12mo. 75 Cents

THE END