V. POLITICAL EXPEDIENCY. The South professes to fear the increased Negro vote; the North, the increased Foreign vote; the rich, the increased labor vote; the conservative, the increased illiterate vote. The Republicans since the recent presidential election fear the increased Democratic vote; the Democrats fear the woman voters' support was only temporary. The "wet" fears the increased dry vote; the "dry" the increased controlled wet vote. Certain very numerous elements fear the increased Catholic vote and still others the increased Jewish vote. The Orthodox Protestant and Catholic fear the increased free-thinking vote and the free-thinkers are decidedly afraid of the increased church vote. Labor fears the increased influence of the capitalistic class, and capitalists, especially of the manufacturing group, are extremely disturbed at the prospect of votes being extended to their women employees. Certain groups fear the increased Socialist vote and certain Socialists fear the "lady vote." Party men fear women voters will have no party consciousness and prove so independent as to disintegrate the party. Radical or progressive elements fear that women will be "stand-pat" partisans. Ballot reformers fear the increased corrupt vote and corruptionists fear the increased reform vote. Militarists are much alarmed lest women increase the peace vote and, despite the fact that the press of the country has poured forth increasing evidence that the women of every belligerent country have borne their full share of the war burden with such unexpected skill and ability that the authorities have been lavish in acknowledgment, seem certain that women of the United States will prove the exception to the world's rule and show the white feather if war threatens.

Ridiculous as this list of objections may appear, each is supported earnestly by a considerable group, and collectively they furnish the basis of opposition to woman suffrage in and out of Congress.

The answer to one is the answer to all.

Government by "the people" is expedient or it is not. If it is expedient, then obviously all the people must be included. If it is not expedient, the simplest logic leads to the conclusion that the classes to be deprived of the franchise should be determined by their qualities of unfitness for the vote. If education, intelligence, grasp of public questions, patriotism, willingness and ability to give public service, respect of law, are selected as fair qualifications for those to be entrusted with the vote and the opposite as the qualities of those to be denied the vote, it follows that men and women will be included in the classes adjudged fit to vote, and also in those adjudged unfit to vote. Meanwhile the system which admits the unworthy to the vote provided they are men, and shuts out the worthy provided they are women, is so unjust and illogical that its perpetuation is a sad reflection upon American thinking.

The clear thinker will arrive at the conclusion that women must be included in the electorate if our country wishes to be consistent with the principles it boasts as fundamental. The shortest method to secure this enfranchisement is the quickest method to extricate our country from the absurdity of its present position.

VI. THE LOW STANDARDS OF CITIZENSHIP which lead to controlled votes, bribery and various forms of corruptions, will be accentuated by woman suffrage with the doubling of every dangerous element, hence any effort to postpone its coming is justifiable. Woman suffrage will increase the proportion of intelligent voters. According to the Commissioners of Education there are now one-third more girls in the high schools of the country than boys. In 1914, the latest figures, 64,491 boys were graduated from the high schools of the United States and 96,115 girls. In the normal schools the educational report for 1915 states that 80 per cent. of the pupils were girls. The Census of 1910 reports a larger number of illiterate men than illiterate women.

Woman suffrage would increase the moral vote. Only one out of every twenty criminals are women. Women constitute a minority of drunkards and petty misdemeanants, and in all the factors that tend to handicap the progress of society women form a minority; whereas in churches, schools and all organizations working for the uplift of humanity, women are a majority. In all American states and countries that have adopted equal suffrage the vote of the disreputable woman is practically negligible, the slum wards of cities invariably having the lightest woman vote and the respectable residence wards the heaviest. Woman suffrage would increase the number of native born voters as for every 100 foreign white women immigrants coming to this country there are 129 men, while among Asiatic immigrants the men outnumber the women two to one, according to the Census of 1910.

Woman suffrage would help to correct election procedure. In all states where women vote, the polling booths have been moved into homes, church parlors, school houses or other similar respectable places. Women serve as election officials and the subduing influence of woman's presence elsewhere has had its effect upon the elections. Women greatly increase the number of competent persons who can be drawn upon as election officials. No class of persons in the nation is so well trained as school teachers for this work. The presence of women as voters and officials would in itself eliminate certain types of irregularity and go a long way toward establishing a higher standard of election procedure. Woman suffrage cannot possibly make political conditions worse, since all the elements which combine to produce those conditions are less conspicuous among women than men. On the other hand the introduction of a new class possessing a very large number of persons who would unwillingly tolerate some of the conditions now prevailing offers evidence that a powerful influence for better things would come with the woman's vote.

VII. PROHIBITION HAS OUTSTRIPPED SUFFRAGE, THEREFORE SUFFRAGE SENTIMENT IS LESS STRONG.

It should be remembered that prohibition may be obtained by statutory enactment, a privilege denied woman suffrage; that it has been largely established by local option, another privilege denied woman suffrage. These facts account for the larger success as indicated by relative territory covered by prohibition and woman suffrage.



APPENDIX A

The Following Statement Shows the Extent of Suffrage Enjoyed by Women in Other Lands:

THE AUSTRALIAN PROVINCES granted municipal suffrage to women as follows: New South Wales, 1867; Victoria, 1869; West Australia, 1871; South Australia, 1880; Tasmania, 1884; Queensland, 1886. They granted full suffrage to women as follows: South Australia, 1897; West Australia, 1899; New South Wales, 1902; Tasmania, 1903; Queensland, 1905; Victoria, 1908.

* * * * *

Full suffrage was granted to the women of The Isle of Man, 1892; New Zealand, 1893; Finland, 1906; Norway, 1907; Denmark, 1915; Iceland, 1916.

* * * * *

CANADIAN PROVINCES extended municipal suffrage to women as follows: Ontario, 1884, to widows and spinsters assessed for not less than $400, married women entitled to vote on some propositions; New Brunswick, 1886, to women and spinsters rate payers; Nova Scotia, 1887, to all women rate payers; Manitoba, 1888, to all woman rate payers; British Columbia, 1888, widows and spinsters rate payers; Alberta, 1888, widows and spinsters rate payers; Saskatchewan, 1888, widows and spinsters rate payers; Prince Edward Island, 1888, widows and spinsters property holders; Quebec, 1892, widows and spinsters property holders. The full suffrage was granted to all women in the Provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia in 1916.

* * * * *

SOUTH AFRICA—Municipal suffrage was extended to women as follows: In The Transvaal, in 1854, to burghers' wives; in 1903 to white women on a property qualification; in Cape Colony, 1882, to all women on a property qualification; in Orange River Colony, 1904, to all women resident householders.

* * * * *

SWEDEN—Municipal suffrage for unmarried women, School Board and Ecclesiastical Franchise (without eligibility to office), 1862; School Board and Poor Law (with eligibility), 1889; eligibility to municipal and church councils, and extension of suffrage rights to married women, 1909.

* * * * *

In ENGLAND and WALES the first extension of suffrage to women was granted in 1834. Since that time various extensions of suffrage to men and to women have taken place. The first woman suffrage was given to widows and spinsters. The disability of married women was removed in 1900, and English and Welsh women now enjoy suffrage in all elections upon the same terms as men with the sole exception of the right to vote for members of Parliament.

* * * * *

SCOTLAND—1872—First extension of suffrage to women to elect School Boards (with eligibility). 1881—Municipal suffrage for unmarried women (with eligibility). 1900—Disability of married women in municipal elections removed. 1907—Town and County Council eligibility for married and unmarried established.

* * * * *

IRELAND—1837—First extension of suffrage to women to elect Poor Law Guardians. 1887—Municipal suffrage granted the women of Belfast. 1894—Municipal suffrage extended to other cities. 1911—Town and County Council eligibility for married and unmarried women established.



APPENDIX B

(In the table below, the 36 male suffrage states are grouped under classifications which represent, as far as can be represented in a table, the various degrees of difficulty met in the amending clauses of State Constitutions.)

A.—Amendment passed by the Legislature or Constitutional Convention:

Delaware: Amendments are not put to the referendum vote.

They must pass two legislatures by a two-thirds majority each time. The Legislature sits biennially. A Constitutional Convention can also pass amendments without reference to the people.

B.—Passed by majority one Legislature and majority vote of people on the referendum or by constitutional convention with referendum:

Missouri—Biennial Legislature. Initiative petition also possible.

South Dakota—Biennial. Constitutional Convention hard to call.

C.—Large Legislative vote necessary:

Florida, three-fifths, biennial.

Georgia, two-thirds, annual.

Maine, two-thirds, biennial.

Michigan, two-thirds, biennial. Initiative petition also possible.

North Carolina, three-fifths, biennial.

Ohio, three-fifths, biennial. Initiative petition also possible.

West Virginia, two-thirds, biennial.

D.—Same as C., but no, or infrequent Constitutional Conventions:

Louisiana, two-thirds, biennial, no Constitutional Convention.

Texas, two-thirds, biennial, no Constitutional Convention.

Maryland, three-fifths, biennial, 20 years interval between Constitutional Conventions.

E.—Difficult States:

Alabama—Legislature: three-fifths vote of one Legislature (quadrennial). People: Majority of all votes cast at the election.

Iowa—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (biennial). People: Majority of all voting for representatives.

Minnesota—Legislature: Majority vote of one Legislature (biennial). People: Majority of votes at the election.

New York—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (annual). People: Majority voting on amendment.

Virginia—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (biennial). People: Majority of people voting on amendment.

Oklahoma—Legislature: Majority vote of one Legislature (biennial). Initiative petition possible. People: Majority voting at election.

North Dakota—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (biennial). Initiative petition possible. People: Majority voting on the amendment. No Constitutional Convention.

South Carolina—Legislature: Two-thirds of two Legislatures (annual).—One before submission to people; the other after ratification by them. People: Majority voting for representatives.

Wisconsin—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (biennial). People: Majority voting at the election.

F.—Very Difficult States:

Arkansas—Legislature: Majority vote of one Legislature (biennial). People: Majority of all voting at election. Only three amendments at once. No Constitutional Convention.

Connecticut—Legislature: Majority vote of one Legislature; two-thirds vote a second Legislature (biennial). People: Majority votes of the people on the amendment. No Constitutional Convention.

Kentucky—Legislature; three-fifths vote of one Legislature (biennial). People: Majority of people voting on the amendment. Not more than two amendments at once.

Massachusetts—Legislature: Majority in Senate and two-thirds House in two Legislatures (annual). People: Majority voting on the amendment. No Constitutional Convention.

New Jersey—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (annual). People: Majority voting on amendment. Same amendment can be submitted only once in five years. No Constitutional Convention.

Mississippi—Legislature: Two-thirds vote of one Legislature; majority of a second, after the referendum vote (quadrennial). People: Majority voting at the election. No Constitutional Convention.

Pennsylvania—Legislature: Majority of the two Legislatures (biennial). People: Majority of people voting at election. Same amendment can be submitted only once in five years. No Constitutional Convention.

Rhode Island—Legislature: Majority of two Legislatures (annual). People: Three-fifths of all voting at election. No Constitutional Convention.

Tennessee—Legislature: Majority vote in one Legislature, and a two-thirds vote in a second (biennial). People: Majority of all voting for representatives. Same amendment can be submitted only once in six years.

G.—Most Difficult States:

Vermont—Legislature: Majority in House and two-thirds in Senate in one Legislature; majority of both houses in a second (biennial). People: Majority voting on the amendment. No Constitutional Convention. Constitution can be amended only once in ten years.

New Hampshire—Constitutional Convention alone can propose amendment. This convention is held once in seven years. People: Two-thirds majority vote on amendment.

Illinois—Legislature: Two-thirds vote of one Legislature (biennial). People: Majority voting at the election. Only one amendment at a time. Same amendment only once in four years.

Indiana—Legislature: Majority vote of two Legislatures (biennial). People: Majority of voters in state. While one amendment awaits action no other can be proposed. No Constitutional Convention.

New Mexico—Legislature Three-fourths vote of one Legislature (biennial). People: Three-fourths of those voting at election; two-thirds from each county.

THE END