Now, as we began to approach within two or three days' journey of the abode of their enemies, we advanced only at night, resting during the day. But they did not fail to practise constantly their accustomed superstitions, in order to ascertain what was to be the result of their undertaking; and they often asked me if I had had a dream, and seen their enemies, to which I replied in the negative. Yet I did not cease to encourage them, and inspire in them hope. When night came, we set out on the journey until the next day, when we withdrew into the interior of the forest, and spent the rest of the day there. About ten or eleven o'clock, after taking a little walk about our encampment, I retired. While sleeping, I dreamed that I saw our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning in the lake near a mountain, within sight. When I expressed a wish to help them, our allies, the savages, told me we must let them all die, and that they were of no importance. When I awoke, they did not fail to ask me, as usual, if I had had a dream. I told them that I had, in fact, had a dream. This, upon being related, gave them so much confidence that they did not doubt any longer that good was to happen to them.

When it was evening, we embarked in our canoes to continue our course; and, as we advanced very quietly and without making any noise, we met on the 29th of the month the Iroquois, about ten o'clock at evening, at the extremity of a cape which extends into the lake on the western bank. They had come to fight. We both began to utter loud cries, all getting their arms in readiness. We withdrew out on the water, and the Iroquois went on shore, where they drew up all their canoes close to each other and began to fell trees with poor axes, which they acquire in war sometimes, using also others of stone. Thus they barricaded themselves very well.

Our forces also passed the entire night, their canoes being drawn up close to each other, and fastened to poles, so that they might not get separated, and that they might be all in readiness to fight, if occasion required. We were out upon the water, within arrow range of their barricades. When they were armed and in array, they despatched two canoes by themselves to the enemy to inquire if they wished to fight, to which the latter replied that they wanted nothing else; but they said that, at present, there was not much light, and that it would be necessary to wait for daylight, so as to be able to recognize each other; and that, as soon as the sun rose, they would offer us battle. This was agreed to by our side. Meanwhile, the entire night was spent in dancing and singing, on both sides, with endless insults and other talk; as, how little courage we had, how feeble a resistance we would make against their arms, and that, when day came, we should realize it to our ruin. Ours also were not slow in retorting, telling them they would see such execution of arms as never before, together with an abundance of such talk as is not unusual in the siege of a town. After this singing, dancing, and bandying words on both sides to the fill, when day came, my companions and myself continued under cover, for fear that the enemy would see us. We arranged our arms in the best manner possible, being, however, separated, each in one of the canoes of the savage Montagnais. After arming ourselves with light armor, we each took an arquebuse, and went on shore. I saw the enemy go out of their barricade, nearly two hundred in number, stout and rugged in appearance. They came at a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which greatly amused me, having three chiefs at their head. Our men also advanced in the same order, telling me that those who had three large plumes were the chiefs, and that they had only these three, and that they could be distinguished by these plumes, which were much larger than those of their companions, and that I should do what I could to kill them. I promised to do all in my power, and said that I was very sorry they could not understand me, so that I might give order and shape to their mode of attacking their enemies, and then we should, without doubt, defeat them all; but that this could not now be obviated, and that I should be very glad to show them my courage and good-will when we should engage in the fight.

* * * * *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OP THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS AT LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

A. The fort of the Iroquois. B. The enemy. C. Canoes of the enemy, made of oak bark, each holding ten, fifteen, or eighteen men. D. Two chiefs who were killed. E. One of the enemy wounded by a musket-shot of Sieur de Champlain. F. Sieur de Champlain. G. Two musketeers of Sieur de Champlain. H. Montagnais, Ochastaiguins, and Algonquins. I. Canoes of our allied savages made of birch bark. K. The woods.

NOTES. The letters A, F, G, and K, are wanting but the objects to which they point are easily recognized. The letter H has been placed on the canoes of the allies instead of the collected body of the allies immediately above them.

* * * * *

As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two hundred paces towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my companions, who went into the woods with some savages. Our men began to call me with loud cries; and, in order to give me a passage-way, they opened in two parts, and put me at their head, where I marched some twenty paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about thirty paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me, and, halting, gazed at me, as I did also at them. When I saw them making a move to fire at us, I rested my musket against my cheek, and aimed directly at one of the three chiefs. With the same shot, two fell to the ground; and one of their men was so wounded that he died some time after. I had loaded my musket with four balls. When our side saw this shot so favorable for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could not have heard it thunder. Meanwhile, the arrows flew on both sides. The Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been so quickly killed, although they were equipped with armor woven from cotton thread, and with wood which was proof against their arrows. This caused great alarm among them. As I was loading again, one of my companions fired a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a degree that, seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage, and took to flight, abandoning their camp and fort, and fleeing into the woods, whither I pursued them, killing still more of them. Our savages also killed several of them, and took ten or twelve prisoners. The remainder escaped with the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on our side with arrow-shots; but they were soon healed.

After gaining the victory, our men amused themselves by taking a great quantity of Indian corn and some meal from their enemies, also their armor, which they had left behind that they might run better. After feasting sumptuously, dancing and singing, we returned three hours after, with the prisoners. The spot where this attack took place is in latitude 43 deg. and some minutes, [348] and the lake was called Lake Champlain. [349]

ENDNOTES:

337. The River of the Iroquois, so called by Champlain, was long known by that name, says Charlevoix, because these Indians generally descended it, in order to make their inroads into the colony. Fort Richelieu, at the mouth of the river, erected in 1641, was named after the celebrated Cardinal, the river having already taken his name. This fort having been demolished, another was built by M. de Sorel, a French officer in command, which took his name, as likewise did the river. A fort was built on the same river at the present village of Chambly in 1664, and called Fort St. Louis. This wooden structure was replaced by another of stone, erected prior to 1721, to which the name of Chambly was given, as likewise by some writers to the river. The river has likewise sometimes been called the St. Johns, but the prevailing name is the Richelieu.

338. Read the 12th of July.

339. This fall is now avoided, and the navigation of the Richelieu secured by a canal connecting Chambly Basin and St. Johns, a distance of about ten miles.

340. It is not entirely certain what island is here referred to. It has been supposed to be the Island of St. Therese. But, taking all of Champlain's statements into consideration, the logical inference would be that it is the Isle aux Noix.

341. "These two words were used in Acadie to indicate the jongleur, or sorcerer. The word pilotois, according to P. Biard, Rel. 1611, p. 17, came from the Basques, the Souriquois using the word autmoin, which Lescarbot writes aoutmoin, and Champlain ostemoy. P. Lejeune, in the Relation of 1636, p. 13, informs us that the Montagnais called their Sorcerers manitousiouekbi: and according to P. Brebeuf. Rel. 1635. p.35. the Hurons designated theirs by the name arendiouane."—Laverdiere, in loco.

342. The distances are here overstated by more than threefold, both in reference to the lake and the islands. This arose, perhaps, from the slow progress made in the birch canoes with a party of sixty undisciplined savages, a method of travelling to which Champlain was unaccustomed; and he may likewise have been misled by the exaggerations of the Indians, or he may have sailed to comprehend their representation of distances.

343. Of the meaning of chaousarou, the name given by the Indians to this fish, we have no knowledge. It is now known as the bony-scaled pike, or gar pike, Lepidosteus osseus. It is referred to by several early writers after Champlain.

"I saw," says Sagard, "in the cabin of a Montagnais Indian a certain fish, which some call Chaousarou, as big as a large pike. It was only an ordinary sized one, for many larger ones are seen, eight, nine, and ten feet long, as is said. It had a snout about a foot and a half long, of about the same shape as that of the snipe, except that the extremity is blunt and not so pointed, and of a large size in proportion to the body. It has a double row of teeth, which are very sharp and dangerous;... and the form of the body is like that of a pike, but it is armed with very stout and hard scales, of silver gray color, and difficult to be pierced."—Sagard's History of Canada, Bk. iii. p. 765; Laverdiere. Sagard's work was published in 1636. He had undoubtedly seen this singular fish; but his description is so nearly in the words of Champlain as to suggest that he had taken it from our author.

Creuxius, in his History of Canada, published at Paris in 1664, describes this fish nearly in the words of Champlain, with an engraving sufficiently accurate for identification, but greatly wanting in scientific exactness. He adds, "It is not described by ancient authors, probably because it is only found in the Lake of the Iroquois;" that is, in Lake Champlain. From which it may be inferred that at that time it had not been discovered in other waters. By the French, he says, it is called piscis armatus. This is in evident allusion to its bony scales, in which it is protected as in a coat of mail.

It is described by Dr. Kay in the Natural History of New York, Zooelogy, Part I. p 271. On Plate XLIII. Fig. 139, of the same work, the reader will observe that the head of the fish there represented strikingly resembles that of the chaousarou of Champlain as depicted on his map of 1612. The drawing by Champlain is very accurate, and clearly identifies the Gar Pike. This singular fish has been found in Lake Champlain, the river St. Lawrence, and in the northern lakes, likewise in the Mississippi River, where is to be found also a closely related species commonly called the alligator gar. In the Museum of the Boston Society of Natural History are several specimens, one of them from St. John's River, Florida, four feet and nine inches in length, of which the head is seventeen and a half inches. If the body of those seen by Champlain was five feet, the head two and a half feet would be in about the usual proportion.

344. The Green Mountain range in Vermont, generally not more than twenty or twenty-five miles distant. Champlain was probably deceived as to the snow on their summits in July. What he saw was doubtless white limestone, which might naturally enough be taken for snow in the absence of any positive knowledge. The names of the summits visible from the lake are the following, with their respective heights. The Chin, 4,348 feet; The Nose, 4,044; Camel's Hump, 4,083; Jay's Peak, 4,018; Killington Peak, 3,924. This region was at an early period called Irocosia.

345. This is not an inaccurate description of the beautiful as well as rich and fertile valleys to be found among the hills of Vermont.

346. On entering the lake, they saw the Adirondack Mountains, which would appear very nearly in the south. The points visible from the lake were Mt. Marcy, 5,467 feet high above tide-water; Dix's Peak, 5,200; Nipple Top, 4,900; Whiteface, 4,900; Raven Hill, 2,100; Bald Peak, 2,065.— Vide Palmer's Lake Champlain, p. 12.

347. The river here referred to is the Hudson. By passing from Lake Champlain through the small stream that connects it with Lake George, over this latter lake and a short carrying place, the upper waters of the Hudson are reached. The coast of Norumbegue and that of Florida were both indefinite regions, not well defined by geographers of that day. These terms were supplied by Champlain, and not by his informants. He could not of course tell precisely where this unknown river reached the sea, but naturally inferred that it was on the southern limit of Norumbegue, which extended from the Penobscot towards Florida, which latter at that time was supposed to extend from the Gulf of Mexico indefinitely to the north.

348. This battle, or Skirmish, clearly took place at Ticonderoga, or Cheonderoga, as the Indians called it, where a cape juts out into the lake, as described by Champlain. This is the logical inference to be drawn from the whole narrative. It is to be observed that the purpose of the Indians, whom Champlain was accompanying, was to find their enemies, the Iroquois, and give them battle. The journey, or warpath, had been clearly marked out and described by the Indians to Champlain, as may be seen in the text. It led them along the western shore of the lake to the outlet of Lake George, over the fall in the little stream connecting the two lakes, through Lake George, and thence to the mountains beyond, where the Iroquois resided. They found the Iroquois, however, on the lake; gave them battle on the little cape alluded to; and after the victory and pursuit for some distance into the forest, and the gathering up of the spoils, Champlain and his allies commenced their journey homeward. But Champlain says he saw the fall in the stream that connects the two lakes. Now this little stream flows into Lake Champlain at Ticonderoga, and he would naturally have seen the fall, if the battle took place there, while in pursuit of the Iroquois into the forest, as described in the text. The fall was in the line of the retreat of the Iroquois towards their home, and is only a mile and three-quarters from the cape jutting out into the lake at Ticonderoga. If the battle had occurred at any point north of Ticonderoga, he could not have seen the fall, as they retreated immediately after the battle: if it had taken place south of that point, it would have been off the war-path which they had determined to pursue. We must conclude, therefore, that the battle took place at Ticonderoga, a little north of the ruins of the old Fort Carillon, directly on the shore of the lake. If the reader will examine the plan of the battle as given by Champlain's engraving, he will see that it conforms with great exactness to the known topography of the place. The Iroquois, who had their choice of positions are on the north, in the direction of Willow Point, where they can most easily retreat, and where Champlain and his allies can be more easily hemmed in near the point of the cape. The Iroquois are on lower ground, and we know that the surface there shelves to the north. The well-known sandy bottom of the lake at this place would furnish the means of fastening the canoes, by forcing poles into it, a little out from the shore during the night, as they actually did. On Champlain's map of 1632, this point is referred to as the location of the battle; and in his note on the map. No. 65, he says this is the place where the Iroquois were defeated by Champlain. All the facts of the narrative thus point to Ticonderoga, and render it indisputable that this was the scene of the first of the many recorded conflicts on this memorable lake. We should not have entered into this discussion so fully, had not several writers, not well informed, expressed views wholly inconsistent with known facts.

349. The Indian name of Lake Champlain is Caniaderiguaronte, the lake that is the gate of the country.—Vide Administration of the Colonies, by Thomas Pownall. 1768, p. 267. This name was very significant, since the lake and valley of Champlain was the "gate," or war-path, by which the hostile tribes of Iroquois approached their enemies on the north of the St. Lawrence, and vice-versa.



CHAPTER X.

RETURN FROM THE BATTLE, AND WHAT TOOK PLACE ON THE WAY.

After going some eight leagues, towards evening they took one of the prisoners, to whom they made a harangue, enumerating the cruelties which he and his men had already practised towards them without any mercy, and that, in like manner, he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They commanded him to sing, if he had courage, which he did; but it was a very sad song.

Meanwhile, our men kindled a fire; and, when it was well burning, they each took a brand, and burned this poor creature gradually, so as to make him suffer greater torment. Sometimes they stopped, and threw water on his back. Then they tore out his nails, and applied fire to the extremities of his fingers and private member. Afterwards, they flayed the top of his head, and had a kind of gum poured all hot upon it; then they pierced his arms near the wrists, and, drawing up the sinews with sticks, they tore them out by force; but, seeing that they could not get them, they cut them. This poor wretch uttered terrible cries, and it excited my pity to see him treated in this manner, and yet showing such firmness that one would have said, at times, that he suffered hardly any pain at all. They urged me strongly to take some fire, and do as they did. I remonstrated with them, saying that we practised no such cruelties, but killed them at once; and that, if they wished me to fire a musket-shot at him, I should be willing to do so. They refused, saying that he would not in that case suffer any pain. I went away from them, pained to see such cruelties as they practised upon his body. When they saw that I was displeased, they called me, and told me to fire a musket-shot at him. This I did without his feeing it, and thus put an end, by a single shot, to all the torments he would have suffered, rather than see him tyrannized over. After his death, they were not yet satisfied, but opened him, and threw his entrails into the lake. Then they cut off his head, arms, and legs, which they scattered in different directions; keeping the scalp which they had flayed off, as they had done in the case of all the rest whom they had killed in the contest. They were guilty also of another monstrosity in taking his heart, cutting it into several pieces, and giving it to a brother of his to eat, as also to others of his companions, who were prisoners: they took it into their mouths, but would not swallow it. Some Algonquin savages, who were guarding them, made some of them spit it out, when they threw it into the water. This is the manner in which these people behave towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to die fighting, or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many do, rather than fall into the hands of their enemies. After this execution, we set out on our return with the rest of the prisoners, who kept singing as they went along, with no better hopes for the future than he had had who was so wretchedly treated.

Having arrived at the falls of the Iroquois, the Algonquins returned to their own country; so also the Ochateguins, [350] with a part of the prisoners: well satisfied with the results of the war, and that I had accompanied them so readily. We separated accordingly with loud protestations of mutual friendship; and they asked me whether I would not like to go into their country, to assist them with continued fraternal relations; and I promised that I would do so.

I returned with the Montagnais. After informing myself from the prisoners in regard to their country, and of its probable extent, we packed up the baggage for the return, which was accomplished with such despatch that we went every day in their canoes twenty-five or thirty leagues, which was their usual rate of travelling. When we arrived at the mouth of the river Iroquois, some of the savages dreamed that their enemies were pursuing them. This dream led them to move their camp forthwith, although the night was very inclement on account of the wind and rain; and they went and passed the remainder of the night, from fear of their enemies, amid high reeds on Lake St. Peter. Two days after, we arrived at our settlement, where I gave them some bread and peas; also some beads, which they asked me for, in order to ornament the heads of their enemies, for the purpose of merry-making upon their return. The next day, I went with them in their canoes as far as Tadoussac, in order to witness their ceremonies. On approaching the shore, they each took a stick, to the end of which they hung the heads of their enemies, who had been killed, together with some beads, all of them singing. When they were through with this, the women undressed themselves, so as to be in a state of entire nudity, when they jumped into the water, and swam to the prows, of the canoes to take the heads of their enemies, which were on the ends of long poles before their boats: then they hung them about their necks, as if it had been some costly chain, singing and dancing meanwhile. Some days after, they presented me with one of these heads, as if it were something very precious; and also with a pair of arms taken from their enemies, to keep and show to the king. This, for the sake of gratifying them, I promised to do.

After some days, I went to Quebec, whither some Algonquin savages came, expressing their regret at not being present at the defeat of their enemies, and presenting me with some furs, in consideration of my having gone there and assisted their friends.

Some days after they had set out for their country, distant about a hundred and twenty leagues from our settlement, I went to Tadoussac to see whether Pont Grave had returned from Gaspe, whither he had gone. He did not arrive until the next day, when he told me that he had decided to return to France. We concluded to leave an upright man, Captain Pierre Chavin of Dieppe, to command at Quebec, until Sieur de Monts should arrange matters there.

ENDNOTES:

350. The Indian allies on this expedition were the Algonquins (Algoumequins), the Hurons (Ochatequins), and the Montagnais (Montagnets). The two former, on their way to Quebec, had met Champlain near the river St. Anne, and joined him and the Montagnais, who belonged in the neighborhood of Tadoussac, or farther east.—Vide antea, p. 202. They now, at the falls near the Basin of Chambly, departed to their homes, perhaps on the Ottawa River and the shores of Lake Huron.



CHAPTER XI.

RETURN TO FRANCE, AND WHAT OCCURRED UP TO THE TIME OP RE-EMBARKATION.

After forming this resolution, we went to Quebec to establish him in authority, and leave him every thing requisite and necessary for the settlement, together with fifteen men. Every thing being arranged, we set out on the first day of September [351] for Tadoussac, in order to fit out our vessel for returning to France.

We set out accordingly from the latter place on the 5th of the month, and on the 8th anchored at Isle Percee. On Thursday the 10th, we set out from there, and on the 18th, the Tuesday following, we arrived at the Grand Bank. On the 2d of October, we got soundings. On the 8th, we anchored at Conquet [352] in Lower Brittany. On Saturday the 10th, we set out from there, arriving at Honfleur on the 13th.

After disembarking, I did not wait long before taking post to go to Sieur de Monts, who was then at Fontainebleau, where His Majesty was. Here I reported to him in detail all that had transpired in regard to the winter quarters and our new explorations, and my hopes for the future in view of the promises of the savages called Ochateguins, who are good Iroquois. [353] The other Iroquois, their enemies, dwell more to the south. The language of the former does not differ much from that of the people recently discovered and hitherto unknown to us, which they understand when spoken.

I at once waited upon His Majesty, and gave him an account of my voyage, which afforded him pleasure and satisfaction. I had a girdle made of porcupine quills, very well worked, after the manner of the country where it was made, and which His Majesty thought very pretty. I had also two little birds, of the size of blackbirds and of a carnation color; [354] also, the head of a fish caught in the great lake of the Iroquois, having a very long snout and two or three rows of very sharp teeth. A representation of this fish may be found on the great lake, on my geographical map. [355]

After I had concluded my interview with His Majesty, Sieur de Monts determined to go to Rouen to meet his associates, the Sieurs Collier and Le Gendre, merchants of Rouen, to consider what should be done the coming year. They resolved to continue the settlement, and finish the explorations up the great river St. Lawrence, in accordance with the promises of the Ochateguins, made on condition that we should assist them in their wars, as I had given them to understand.

Pont Grave was appointed to go to Tadoussac, not only for traffic, but to engage in any thing else that might realize means for defraying the expenses.

Sieur Lucas Le Gendre, of Rouen, one of the partners, was ordered to see to the purchase of merchandise and supplies, the repair of the vessels, obtaining crews, and other things necessary for the voyage.

After these matters were arranged, Sieur de Monts returned to Paris, I accompanying him, where I stayed until the end of February. During this time, Sieur de Monts endeavored to obtain a new commission for trading in the newly discovered regions, and where no one had traded before. This he was unable to accomplish, although his requests and proposals were just and reasonable.

But, finding that there was no hope of obtaining this commission, he did not cease to prosecute his plan, from his desire that every thing might turn out to the profit and honor of France.

During this time, Sieur de Monts did not express to me his pleasure in regard to me personally, until I told him it had been reported to me that he did not wish to have me winter in Canada, which, however, was not true, for he referred the whole matter to my pleasure.

I provided myself with whatever was desirable and necessary for spending the winter at our settlement in Quebec. For this purpose I set out from Paris the last day of February following, [356] and proceeded to Honfleur, where the embarkation was to be made. I went by way of Rouen, where I stayed two days. Thence I went to Honfleur, where I found Pont Grave and Le Gendre, who told me they had embarked what was necessary for the settlement. I was very glad to find that we were ready to set sail, but uncertain whether the supplies were good and adequate for our sojourn and for spending the winter.

ENDNOTES:

351. September, 1609.

352. A small seaport town in the department of Finisterre, twelve miles west of Brest.

353. The Ochateguins, called by the French Hurons, were a branch of the Iroquois. Their real name was Yendots. They were at this time allied with the Algonquins, in a deadly war with their Iroquois cousins, the Five Nations.—Vide Gallatins Synopsis, Transactions of Am. Antiq. Society, Cambridge, 1836, Vol. II. p. 69, et passim.

354. The Scarlet tanager, Pyranga rubra, of a scarlet color, with black wings and tail. It ranges from Texas to Lake Huron.

355. Vide antea, p. 216; and map. 1612.

356. Anno Domini 1610.



SECOND VOYAGE OF SIEUR. DE CHAMPLAIN TO NEW FRANCE, IN THE YEAR 1610.



CHAPTER I.

DEPARTURE FROM FRANCE TO RETURN TO NEW FRANCE, AND OCCURRENCES UNTIL OUR ARRIVAL AT THE SETTLEMENT.

The weather having become favorable, I embarked at Honfleur with a number of artisans on the 7th of the month of March. [357] But, encountering bad weather in the Channel, we were obliged to put in on the English coast at a place called Porlan, [358] in the roadstead of which we stayed some days, when we weighed anchor for the Isle d'Huy, [359] near the English coast, since we found the roadstead of Porlan very bad. When near this island, so dense a fog arose, that we were obliged to put in at the Hougue. [360]

Ever since the departure from Honfleur, I had been afflicted with a very severe illness, which took away my hopes of being able to make the voyage; so that I embarked in a boat to return to Havre in France, to be treated there, being very ill on board the vessel. My expectation was, on recovering my health, to embark again in another vessel, which had not yet left Honfleur, in which Des Marais, son-in-law of Pont Grave, was to embark; but I had myself carried, still very ill, to Honfleur, where the vessel on which I had set out put in on the 15th of March, for some ballast, which it needed in order to be properly trimmed. Here it remained until the 8th of April. During this time, I recovered in a great degree; and, though still feeble and weak, I nevertheless embarked again.

We set out anew on the 18th of April, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 19th, and fighting the Islands of St. Pierre on the 22nd. [361] When off Menthane, we met a vessel from St. Malo, on which was a young man, who, while drinking to the health of Pont Grave, lost control of himself and was thrown into the Sea by the motion of the vessel and drowned, it being impossible to render him assistance on account of the violence of the wind.

On the 26th of the month, we arrived at Tadoussac, where there were vessels which had arrived on the 18th, a thing which had not been seen for more than sixty years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to this country. [362] This was owing to the mild winter and the small amount of ice, which did not prevent the entrance of these vessels. We learned from a young nobleman, named Sieur du Parc, who had spent the winter at our settlement, that all his companions were in good health, only a few having been ill, and they but slightly. He also informed us that there had been scarcely any winter, and that they had usually had fresh meat the entire season, and that their hardest task had been to keep up good cheer.

This winter shows how those undertaking in future such enterprises ought to proceed, it being very difficult to make a new settlement without labor; and without encountering adverse fortune the first year, as has been the case in all our first settlements. But, in fact, by avoiding salt food and using fresh meat, the health is as good here as in France.

The savages had been waiting from day to day for us to go to the war with them. When they learned that Pont Grave and I had arrived together, they rejoiced greatly, and came to speak with us.

I went on shore to assure them that we would go with them, in conformity with the promises they had made me, namely, that upon our return from the war they would show me the Trois Rivieres, and take me to a sea so large that the end of it cannot be seen, whence we should return by way of the Saguenay to Tadoussac. I asked them if they still had this intention, to which they replied that they had, but that it could not be carried out before the next year, which pleased me. But I had promised the Algonquins and Ochateguins that I would assist them also in their wars, they having promised to show me their country, the great lake, some copper mines, and other things, which they had indicated to me. I accordingly had two strings to my bow, so that, in case one should break, the other might hold.

On the 28th of the month, I set out from Tadoussac for Quebec, where I found Captain Pierre, [363] who commanded there, and all his companions in good health. There was also a savage captain with them, named Batiscan, with some of his companions, who were awaiting us, and who were greatly pleased at my arrival, singing and dancing the entire evening. I provided a banquet for them, which gratified them very much. They had a good meal, for which they were very thankful, and invited me with seven others to an entertainment of theirs, not a small mark of respect with them. We each one carried a porringer, according to custom, and brought it home full of meat, which we gave to whomsoever we pleased.

Some days after I had set out from Tadoussac, the Montagnais arrived at Quebec, to the number of sixty able-bodied men, en route for the war. They tarried here some days, enjoying themselves, and not omitting to ply me frequently with questions, to assure themselves that I would not fail in my promises to them. I assured them, and again made promises to them, asking them if they had found me breaking my word in the past. They were greatly pleased when I renewed my promises to them.

They said to me: "Here are numerous Basques and Mistigoches" (this is the name they give to the Normans and people of St. Malo), "who say they will go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the truth?" I answered no, and that I knew very well what they really meant; that they said this only to get possession of their commodities. They replied to me: "You have spoken the truth. They are women, and want to make war only upon our beavers." They went on talking still farther in a facetious mood, and in regard to the manner and order of going to the war.

They determined to set out, and await me at the Trois Rivieres, thirty leagues above Quebec, where I had promised to join them, together with four barques loaded with merchandise, in order to traffic in peltries, among others with the Ochateguins, who were to await me at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois, as they had promised the year before, and to bring there as many as four hundred men to go to the war.

ENDNOTES:

357. In the title above, Champlain calls this his SECOND VOYAGE, by which he means doubtless to say that this is the second voyage which he had undertaken as lieutenant. The first and second voyages, of 1603 and of 1604, were not made under his direction.

358. Portland in Dorsetshire, England.

359. Isle d'Huy. This plainly refers to the Isle of Wight. On Ortelius's carte of 1603. it is spelled Vigt: and the orthography, obtained probably through the ear and not the eye, might easily have been mistaken by Champlain.

360. La Hougue. There are two small islands laid down on the carte of Ortelius. 1603, under the name Les Hougueaux, and a hamlet nearby called Hougo, which is that, doubtless, to which Chaimplain here refers.

361. Comparing this statement with the context, it will be clear that the passage should read the 8th, and not the 18th of April. The "Islands of St. Pierre," Isles S. Pierre, includes the Island of St. Peter and the cluster surrounding it.

362. M. Ferland infers from this statement that the Basques, Normans, and Bretons had been accustomed for the last sixty years, from the last voyage of Roberval in 1549, to extend their fishing and fur-trading voyages as far as Tadoussac.—Vide Cours d'Hist. du Canada, as cited by Laverdiere.

363. Captain Pierre Chavin, of Dieppe. Vide antea, p. 227.



CHAPTER II.

DEPARTURE FROM QUEBEC TO ASSIST OUR ALLIED SAVAGES IN THEIR WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, THEIR ENEMIES; AND ALL THAT TRANSPIRED UNTIL OUR RETURN TO THE SETTLEMENT.

I set out from Quebec on the 14th of June, to meet the Montagnais, Algonquins, and Ochateguins, who were to be at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois. When I was eight leagues from Quebec, I met a canoe, containing two savages, one an Algonquin, and the other a Montagnais, who entreated me to advance as rapidly as possible, saying that the Algonquins and Ochateguins would in two days be at the rendezvous, to the number of two hundred, with two hundred others to come a little later, together with Yroquet, one of their chiefs. They asked me if I was satisfied with the coming of these savages. I told them I could not be displeased at it, since they had kept their word. They came on board my barque, where I gave them a good entertainment. Shortly after conferring with them about many matters concerning their wars, the Algonquin savage, one of their chiefs, drew from a sack a piece of copper a foot long, which he gave me. This was very handsome and quite pure. He gave me to understand that there were large quantities where he had taken this, which was on the bank of a river, near a great lake. He said that they gathered it in lumps, and, having melted it, spread it in sheets, smoothing it with stones. I was very glad of this present, although of small value. [364]

Arriving at Trois Rivieres, I found all the Montagnais awaiting me, and the four barques as I stated above, which had gone to trade with them.

The savages were delighted to see me, and I went on shore to speak with them. They entreated me, together with my companions, to embark on their canoes and no others, when we went to the war, saying that they were our old friends. This I promised them, telling them that I desired to set out at once, since the wind was favorable; and that my barque was not so swift as their canoes, for which reason I desired to go on in advance. They earnestly entreated me to wait until the morning of the next day, when we would all go together, adding that they would not go faster than I should. Finally, to satisfy them, I promised to do this, at which they were greatly pleased.

On the following day, we all set out together, and continued our route until the morning of the next day, the 19th of the month, when we arrived at an island [365] off the river of the Iroquois, and waited for the Algonquins, who were to be there the same day. While the Montagnais were felling trees to clear a place for dancing, and for arranging themselves for the arrival of the Algonquins, an Algonquin canoe was suddenly seen coming in haste, to bring word that the Algonquins had fallen in with a hundred Iroquois, who were strongly barricaded, and that it would be difficult to conquer them, unless they should come speedily, together with the Matigoches, as they call us.

The alarm at once sounded among them, and each one got into his canoe with his arms. They were quickly in readiness, but with confusion; for they were so precipitous that, instead of making haste, they hindered one another. They came to our barque and the others, begging me, together with my companions, to go with them in their canoes, and they were so urgent that I embarked with four others. I requested our pilot, La Routte, to stay in the barque, and send me some four or five more of my companions, if the other barques would send some shallops with men to aid us; for none of the barques were inclined to go with the savages, except Captain Thibaut, who, having a barque there, went with me. The savages cried out to those who remained, saying that they were woman-hearted, and that all they could do was to make war upon their peltry.

Meanwhile, after going some half a league, all the savages crossing the river landed, and, leaving their canoes, took their bucklers, bows, arrows, clubs, and swords, which they attach to the end of large sticks, and proceeded to make their way in the woods, so fast that we soon lost sight of them, they leaving us, five in number, without guides. This displeased us; but, keeping their tracks constantly in sight, we followed them, although we were often deceived. We went through dense woods, and over swamps and marshes, with the water always up to our knees, greatly encumbered by a pike-man's corselet, with which each one was armed. We were also tormented in a grievous and unheard-of manner by quantities of mosquitoes, which were so thick that they scarcely permitted us to draw breath. After going about half a league under these circumstances, and no longer knowing where we were, we perceived two savages passing through the woods, to whom we called and told them to stay with us, and guide us to the whereabouts of the Iroquois, otherwise we could not go there, and should get lost in the woods. They stayed to guide us. After proceeding a short distance, we saw a savage coming in haste to us, to induce us to advance as rapidly as possible, giving me to understand that the Algonquins and Montagnais had tried to force the barricade of the Iroquois but had been repulsed, that some of the best men of the Montagnais had been killed in the attempt, and several wounded, and that they had retired to wait for us, in whom was their only hope. We had not gone an eighth of a league with this savage, who was an Algonquin captain, before we heard the yells and cries on both sides, as they jeered at each other, and were skirmishing slightly while awaiting us. As soon as the savages perceived us, they began to shout, so that one could not have heard it thunder. I gave orders to my companions to follow me steadily, and not to leave me on any account. I approached the barricade of the enemy, in order to reconnoitre it. It was constructed of large trees placed one upon an other, and of a circular shape, the usual form of their fortifications. All the Montagnais and Algonquins approached likewise the barricade. Then we commenced firing numerous musket-shots through the brush-wood, since we could not see them, as they could us. I was wounded while firing my first shot at the side of their barricade by an arrow, which pierced the end of my ear and entered my neck. I seized the arrow, and tore it from my neck. The end of it was armed with a very sharp stone. One of my companions also was wounded at the same time in the arm by an arrow, which I tore out for him. Yet my wound did not prevent me from doing my duty: our savages also, on their part, as well as the enemy, did their duty, so that you could see the arrows fly on all sides as thick as hail. The Iroquois were astonished at the noise of our muskets, and especially that the balls penetrated better than their arrows. They were so frightened at the effect produced that, seeing several, of their companions fall wounded and dead, they threw themselves on the ground whenever they heard a discharge, supposing that the shots were sure. We scarcely ever missed firing two or three balls at one shot, resting our muskets most of the time on the side of their barricade. But, seeing that our ammunition began to fail, I said to all the savages that it was necessary to break down their barricades and capture them by storm; and that, in order to accomplish this, they must take their shields, cover themselves with them, and thus approach so near as to be able to fasten stout ropes to the posts that supported the barricades, and pull them down by main strength, in that way making an opening large enough to permit them to enter the fort. I told them that we would meanwhile, by our musketry-fire, keep off the enemy, as they endeavored to prevent them from accomplishing this; also that a number of them should get behind some large trees, which were near the barricade, in order to throw them down upon the enemy, and that others should protect these with their shields, in order to keep the enemy from injuring them. All this they did very promptly. And, as they were about finishing the work, the barques, distant a league and a half, hearing the reports of our muskets, knew that we were engaged in conflict; and a young man from St. Malo, full of courage, Des Prairies by name, who like the rest had come with his barque to engage in peltry traffic, said to his companions that it was a great shame to let me fight in this way with the savages without coming to my assistance; that for his part he had too high a sense of honor to permit him to do so, and that he did not wish to expose himself to this reproach; Accordingly, he determined to come to me in a shallop with some of his companions, together with some of mine whom he took with him. Immediately upon his arrival, he went towards the fort of the Iroquois, situated on the bank of the river. Here he landed, and came to find me. Upon seeing him, I ordered our savages who were breaking down the fortress to stop, so that the new-comers might have their share of the sport. I requested Sieur des Prairies and his companions to fire some salvos of musketry, before our savages should carry by storm the enemy, as they had decided to do. This they did, each one firing several shots, in which all did their duty well. After they had fired enough, I addressed myself to our savages, urging them to finish the work. Straightway, they approached the barricade, as they had previously done, while we on the flank were to fire at those who should endeavor to keep them from breaking it down. They behaved so well and bravely that, with the help of our muskets, they made an opening, which, however, was difficult to go through, as there was still left a portion as high as a man, there being also branches of trees there which had been beaten down, forming a serious obstacle. But, when I saw that the entrance was quite practicable, I gave orders not to fire any more, which they obeyed. At the same instant, some twenty or thirty, both of savages and of our own men, entered, sword in hand, without finding much resistance. Immediately, all who were unharmed took to flight. But they did not proceed far; for they were brought down by those around the barricade, and those who escaped were drowned in the river. We captured some fifteen prisoners, the rest being killed by musket-shots, arrows, and the sword. When the fight was over, there came another shallop, containing some of my companions. This although behind time, was yet in season for the booty, which, however, was not of much account. There were only robes of beaver-skin, and dead bodies, covered with blood, which the savages would not take the trouble to plunder, laughing at those in the last shallop, who did so; for the others did not engage in such low business. This, then, is the victory obtained by God's grace, for gaining which they gave us much praise.

* * * * *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

FORT DES IROQUOIS.

A. The fort of the Iroquois. B. The Iroquois throwing themselves into the river to escape the pursuit of the Montagnais and Algonquins who followed for the purpose of killing them. D. Sieur de Champlain and five of his men. E. The savages friendly to us. F. Sieur des Prairies of St. Malo with his comrades. G. Shallop of Sieur des Prairies. H. Great trees cut down for the purpose of destroying the fort of the Iroquois.

* * * * *

The savages scalped the dead, and took the heads as a trophy of victory, according to their custom. They returned with fifty wounded Montagnais and Algonquins and three dead, singing and leading their prisoners with them. They attached to sticks in the prows of their canoes the heads and a dead body cut into quarters, to eat in revenge, as they said. In this way, they went to our barques off the River of the Iroquois.

My companions and I embarked in a shallop, where I had my wound dressed by the surgeon, De Boyer, of Rouen, who likewise had come here for the purpose of traffic. The savages spent all this day in dancing and singing.

The next day, Sieur de Pont Grave arrived with another shallop, loaded with merchandise. Moreover, there was also a barque containing Captain Pierre, which he had left behind, it being able to come only with difficulty, as it was rather heavy and a poor sailer.

The same day there was some trading in peltry, but the other barques carried off the better part of the booty. It was doing them a great favor to search out a strange people for them, that they might afterwards carry off the profit without any risk or danger.

That day, I asked the savages for an Iroquois prisoner which they had, and they gave him to me. What I did for him was not a little; for I saved him from many tortures which he must have suffered in company with his fellow-prisoners, whole nails they tore out, also cutting off their fingers, and burning them in several places. They put to death on the same day two or three, and, in order to increase their torture, treated them in the following manner.

They took the prisoners to the border of the water, and fastened them perfectly upright to a stake. Then each came with a torch of birch bark, and burned them, now in this place, now in that. The poor wretches, feeling the fire, raised so loud a cry that it was something frightful to hear; and frightful indeed are the cruelties which these barbarians practise towards each other. After making them suffer greatly in this manner and burning them with the above-mentioned bark, taking some water, they threw it on their bodies to increase their suffering. Then they applied the fire anew, so that the skin fell from their bodies, they continuing to utter loud cries and exclamations, and dancing until the poor wretches fell dead on the spot.

As soon as a body fell to the ground dead, they struck it violent blows with sticks, when they cut off the arms, legs, and other parts; and he was not regarded by them as manly, who did not cut off a piece of the flesh, and give it to the dogs. Such are the courtesies prisoners receive. But still they endure all the tortures inflicted upon them with such constancy that the spectator is astonished.

As to the other prisoners, which remained in possession of the Algonquins and Montagnais, it was left to their wives and daughters to put them to death with their own hands; and, in such a matter, they do not show themselves less inhuman than the men, but even surpass them by far in cruelty; for they devise by their cunning more cruel punishments, in which they take pleasure, putting an end to their lives by the most extreme pains.

The next day there arrived the Captain Yroquet, also another Ochateguin, with some eighty men, who regretted greatly not having been present at the defeat. Among all these tribes there were present nearly two hundred men, who had never before seen Christians, for whom they conceived a great admiration.

We were some three days together on an island off the river of the Iroquois, when each tribe returned to its own country.

I had a young lad, who had already spent two winters at Quebec, and who was desirous of going with the Algonquins to learn their language. Pont Grave and I concluded that, if he entertained this desire, it would be better to send him to this place than elsewhere, that he might ascertain the nature of their country, see the great lake, observe the rivers and tribes there, and also explore the mines and objects of special interest in the localities occupied by these tribes, in order that he might inform us upon his return, of the facts of the case. We asked him if it was his desire to go, for I did not wish to force him. But he answered the question at once by consenting to the journey with great pleasure.

Going to Captain Yroquet, who was strongly attached to me, I asked him if he would like to take this young boy to his country to spend the winter with him, and bring him back in the spring. He promised to do so, and treat him as his own son, saying that he was greatly pleased with the idea. He communicated the plan to all the Algonquins, who were not greatly pleased with it, from fear that some accident might happen to the boy, which would cause us to make war upon them. This hesitation cooled the desire of Yroquet, who came and told me that all his companions failed to find the plan a good one. Meanwhile, all the barques had left, excepting that of Pont Grave, who, having some pressing business on hand, as he told me, went away too. But I stayed with my barque to see how the matter of the journey of this boy, which I was desirous should take place, would result. I accordingly went on shore, and asked to speak with the captains, who came to me, and we sat down for a conference, together with many other savages of age and distinction in their troops. Then I asked them why Captain Yroquet, whom I regarded as my friend, had refused to take my boy with him. I said that it was not acting like a brother or friend to refuse me what he had promised, and what could result in nothing but good to them; taking the boy would be a means of increasing still more our friendship with them and forming one with their neighbors; that their scruples at doing so only gave me an unfavorable opinion of them; and that if they would not take the boy, as Captain Yroquet had promised, I would never have any friendship with them, for they were not children to break their promises in this manner. They then told me that they were satisfied with the arrangement, only they feared that, from change of diet to something worse than he had been accustomed to, some harm might happen to the boy, which would provoke my displeasure. This they said was the only cause of their refusal.

I replied that the boy would be able to adapt himself without difficulty to their manner of living and usual food, and that, if through sickness or the fortunes of war any harm should befall him, this would not interrupt my friendly feelings towards them, and that we were all exposed to accidents, which we must submit to with patience. But I said that if they treated him badly, and if any misfortune happened to him through their fault, I should in truth be displeased, which, however, I did not expect from them, but quite the contrary.

They said to me: "Since then, this is your desire, we will take him, and treat him like ourselves. But you shall also take a young man in his place, to go to France. We shall be greatly pleased to hear him report the fine things he shall have seen." I accepted with pleasure the proposition, and took the young man. He belonged to the tribe of the Ochateguins, and was also glad to go with me. This presented an additional motive for treating my boy still better than they might otherwise have done. I fitted him out with what he needed, and we made a mutual promise to meet at the end of June.

We parted with many promises of friendship. Then they went away towards the great fall of the River of Canada, while I returned to Quebec. On my way, I met Pont Grave on Lake St. Peter, who was waiting for me with a large patache, which he had fallen in with on this lake, and which had not been expeditious enough to reach the place where the savages were, on account of its poor sailing qualities.

We all returned together to Quebec, when Pont Grave went to Tadoussac, to arrange some matters pertaining to our quarters there. But I stayed at Quebec to see to the reconstruction of some palisades about our abode, until Pont Grave should return, when we could confer together as to what was to be done.

On the 4th of June, Des Marais arrived at Quebec, greatly to our joy; for we were afraid that some accident had happened to him at sea.

Some days after, an Iroquois prisoner, whom I had kept guarded, got away in consequence of my giving him too much liberty, and made his escape, urged to do so by fear, notwithstanding the assurances given him by a woman of his tribe we had at our settlement.

A few days after, Pont Grave wrote me that he was thinking of passing the winter at the settlement, being moved to do so by many considerations. I replied that, if he expected to fare better than I had done in the past, he would do well.

He accordingly hastened to provide himself with the supplies necessary for the settlement.

After I had finished the palisade about our habitation, and put every thing in order, Captain Pierre returned in a barque in which he had gone to Tadoussac to see his friends. I also went there to ascertain what would result from the second trading, and to attend to some other special business which I had there. Upon my arrival, I found there Pont Grave, who stated to me in detail his plans, and the reasons inducing him to spend the winter. I told him frankly what I thought of the matter; namely, that I believed he would not derive much profit from it, according to the appearances that were plainly to be seen.

He determined accordingly to change his plan, and despatched a barque with orders for Captain Pierre to return from Quebec on account of some business he had with him; with the intelligence also that some vessels, which had arrived from Brouage, brought the news that Monsieur de Saint Luc had come by post from Paris, expelled those of the religion from Brouage, re-enforced the garrison with soldiers, and then returned to Court; [366] that the king had been killed, and two or three days after him the Duke of Sully, together with two other lords, whose names they did not know. [367]

All these tidings gave great sorrow to the true French in these quarters. As for myself, it was hard for me to believe it, on account of the different reports about the matter, and which had not much appearance of truth. Still, I was greatly troubled at hearing such mournful news.

Now, after having stayed three or four days longer at Tadoussac, I saw the loss which many merchants must suffer, who had taken on board a large quantity of merchandise, and fitted out a great number of vessels, in expectation of doing a good business in the fur-trade, which was so poor on account of the great number of vessels, that many will for a long time remember the loss which they suffered this year.

Sieur de Pont Grave and I embarked, each of us in a barque, leaving Captain Pierre on the vessel. We took Du Parc to Quebec, where we finished what remained to be done at the settlement. After every thing was in good condition, we resolved that Du Parc, who had wintered there with Captain Pierre, should remain again, and that Captain Pierre should return to France with us, on account of some business that called him there.

We accordingly left Du Parc in command there, with sixteen men, all of whom we enjoined to live soberly, and in the fear of God, and in strict observance of the obedience due to the authority of Du Parc, who was left as their chief and commander, just as if one of us had remained. This they all promised to do, and to live in peace with each other.

As to the gardens, we left them all well supplied with kitchen vegetables of all sorts, together with fine Indian corn, wheat, rye, and barley, which had been already planted. There were also vines which I had set out when I spent the winter there, but these they made no attempt to preserve; for, upon my return, I found them all in ruins, and I was greatly displeased that they had given so little attention to the preservation of so fine and good a plot, from which I had anticipated a favorable result.

After seeing that every thing was in good order, we set out from Quebec on the 8th of August for Tadoussac, in order to prepare our vessel, which was speedily done.

ENDNOTES:

364. This testimony of the Algonquin chief is interesting, and historically important. We know of no earlier reference to the art of melting and malleating copper in any of the reports of the navigators to our northern coast. That the natives possessed this art is placed beyond question by this passage, as well as by the recent discovery of copper implements in Wisconsin, bearing the marks of mechanical fusion and malleation. The specimens of copper in the possession of the natives on the coast of New England, as referred to by Brereton and Archer, can well be accounted for without supposing them to be of native manufacture, though they may have been so. The Basques. Bretons, English, and Portuguese had been annually on our northern coasts for fishing and fur-trading for more than a century, and had distributed a vast quantity of articles for savage ornament and use; and it would, therefore, be difficult to prove that the copper chains and collars and other trinkets mentioned by Brereton and Archer were not derived from this source. But the testimony of the early navigators in the less frequented region of the St. Lawrence is not open to this interpretation. When Cartier advanced up the Gulf of Lawrence in 1535, the savages pointed out the region of the Saguenay, which they informed him was inhabited, and that from thence came the red copper which they called caignetdaze.

"Et par les sauuaiges que auions, nous a esse dict que cestoit le commencement du Saguenay & terre habitable. Et que de la ve noit le cuyure rouge qu'ilz appellent caignetdaze."—Brief Recit, par Jacques Cartier, 1545. D'Avezac ed., p. 9. Vide idem, p. 34.

When Cartier was at Isle Coudres, say fifty miles below Quebec, on his return, the Indians from the Saguenay came on board his ship, and made certain presents to their chief, Donnacona, whom Cartier had captured, and was taking home with him to France. Among these gifts, they gave him a great knife of red copper, which came from the Saguenay. The words of Cartier are as follows:—

"Donnerent audict Donnaconan trois pacquetz de peaulx de byeures & loups marins avec vng grand cousteau de cuyure rouge, qui vient du Saguenay & autres choses."—Idem, p. 44.

This voyage of Cartier, made in 1535, was the earliest visit by any navigator on record to this region. It was eighty years before the Recollects or any other missionaries had approached the Gulf of St. Lawrence. There was, therefore, no intercourse previous to this that would be likely to furnish the natives with European utensils of any kind, particularly knives of red copper. It is impossible to suppose that this knife, seen by Cartier, and declared by the natives to have come from the Saguenay, a term then covering an indefinite region stretching we know not how far to the north and west, could be otherwise than of Indian manufacture. In the text, Champlain distinctly states on the testimony of an Algonquin chief that it was the custom of the Indians to melt copper for the purpose of forming it into sheets, and it is obvious that it would require scarcely greater ingenuity to fabricate moulds in which to cast the various implements which they needed in their simple arts. Some of these implements, with indubitable marks of having been cast in moulds, have been recently discovered, with a multitude of others, which may or may not have passed through the same process. The testimony of Champlain in the text, and the examples of moulded copper found in the lake region, render the evidence, in our judgment, entirely conclusive that the art of working copper both by fusion and malleation existed among the Indians of America at the time of its first occupation by the French.

During the period of five years, beginning in 1871, an enthusiastic antiquary, Mr. F. S. Perkins, of Wisconsin, collected, within the borders of his own State, a hundred and forty-two copper implements, of a great variety of forms, and designed for numerous uses, as axes, hatchets, spear-heads, arrowheads, knives, gouges, chisels, adzes, augers, gads, drills, and other articles of anomalous forms. These are now deposited in the archives of the Historical Society of Wisconsin. Other collections are gradually forming. The process is of necessity slow, as they are not often found in groups, but singly, here and there, as they are turned up by the plough or spade of other implements of husbandry. The statement of Champlain in the text, and the testimony of Carrier three-quarters of a century earlier, to which we have referred, give a new historical significance to these recent discoveries, and both together throw a fresh light upon the prehistoric period.

365. This was the Island St. Ignace, which lies opposite the mouth of the river Iroquois or Richelieu. Champlain's description is not sufficiently definite to enable us to identify the exact location of this conflict with the savages. It is, however, evident, from several intimations found in the text, that it was about a league from the mouth of the Richelieu, and was probably on the bank of that river.

366. For some account of Saint Luc, see Memoir, Vol. I. By those of the religion, ceux de la Religion, are meant the Huguenots, or Protestants.

367. The assassination of Henry IV. occurred on the 14th of May, 1610; but the rumor of the death of the Duke of Sully was erroneous. Maximelien de Bethune, the Duke of Sully, died on the 22d of December, 1641, at the age of eighty-two years.



CHAPTER III.

RETURN TO FRANCE.—MEETING A WHALE;—THE MODE OF CAPTURING THEM.

On the 13th of the month, we set out from Tadoussac, arriving at Ile Percee the next day, where we found a large number of vessels engaged in the fishery, dry and green.

On the 18th of the month, we departed from Ile Percee, passing in latitude 42 deg., without sighting the Grand Bank, where the green fishery is carried on, as it is too narrow at this altitude.

When we were about half way across, we encountered a whale, which was asleep. The vessel, passing over him, awakening him betimes, made a great hole in him near the tail, without damaging our vessel; but he threw out an abundance of blood.

It has seemed to me not out of place to give here a brief description of the mode of catching whales, which many have not witnessed, and suppose that they are shot, owing to the false assertions about the matter made to them in their ignorance by impostors, and on account of which such ideas have often been obstinately maintained in my presence.

Those, then, most skilful in this fishery are the Basques, who, for the purpose of engaging in it, take their vessels to a place of security, and near where they think whales are plenty. Then they equip several shallops manned by competent men and provided with hawsers, small ropes made of the best hemp to be found, at least a hundred and fifty fathoms long. They are also provided with many halberds of the length of a short pike, whose iron is six inches broad; others are from a foot and a half to two feet long, and very sharp. Each shallop has a harpooner, the most agile and adroit man they have, whose pay is next highest to that of the masters, his position being the most dangerous one. This shallop being outside of the port, the men look in all quarters for a whale, tacking about in all directions. But, if they see nothing, they return to the shore, and ascend the highest point they can find, and from which they can get the most extensive view. Here they station a man on the look-out. They are aided in catching sight of a whale both by his size and the water he spouts through his blow-holes, which is more than a puncheon at a time, and two lances high. From the amount of this water, they estimate how much oil he will yield. From some they get as many as one hundred and twenty puncheons, from others less. Having caught sight of this monstrous fish, they hasten to embark in their shallops, and by rowing or sailing they advance until they are upon him.

Seeing him under water, the harpooner goes at once to the prow of the shallop with his harpoon, an iron two feet long and half a foot wide at the lower part, and attached to a stick as long as a small pike, in the middle of which is a hole to which the hawser is made fast. The harpooner, watching his time, throws his harpoon at the whale, which enters him well forward. As soon as he finds himself wounded, the whale goes down. And if by chance turning about, as he does sometimes, his tail strikes the shallop, it breaks it like glass. This is the only risk they run of being killed in harpooning. As soon as they have thrown the harpoon into him, they let the hawser run until the whale reaches the bottom. But sometimes he does not go straight to the bottom, when he drags the shallop eight or nine leagues or more, going as swiftly as a horse. Very often they are obliged to cut their hawser, for fear that the whale will take them underwater. But, when he goes straight to the bottom, he rests there awhile, and then returns quietly to the surface, the men taking aboard again the hawser as he rises. When he comes to the top, two or three shallops are stationed around with halberds, with which they give him several blows. Finding himself struck, the whale goes down again, leaving a trail of blood, and grows weak to such an extent that he has no longer any strength nor energy, and returning to the surface is finally killed. When dead, he does not go down again; fastening stout ropes to him, they drag him ashore to their head-quarters, the place where they try out the fat of the whale, to obtain his oil. This is the way whales are taken, and not by cannon-shots, which many suppose, as I have stated above.

To resume the thread of my narrative: after wounding the whale, as mentioned, we captured a great many porpoises, which our mate harpooned to our pleasure and amusement. We also caught a great many fish having a large ear, with a hook and line, attaching to the hook a little fish resembling a herring, and letting it trail behind the vessel. The large ear, thinking it in fact a living fish, comes up to swallow it, thus finding himself at once caught by the hook, which is concealed in the body of the little fish. This fish is very good, and has certain tufts which are very handsome, and resemble those worn on plumes.

On the 22d of September, we arrived on soundings. Here we saw twenty vessels some four leagues to the west of us, which, as they appeared from our vessel, we judged to be Flemish.

On the 25th of the month, we sighted the Isle de Greneze, [368] after experiencing a strong blow, which lasted until noon.

On the 27th of the month, we arrived at Honfleur.

ENDNOTES:

368. Guernsey, which lay directly before them as they advanced up the English Channel, and was the first large island that met the eye on their way to Honfleur.