* * * * *

We saw in this place some five to six hundred savages, all naked except their sexual parts, which they cover with a small piece of doe or seal-skin. The women are also naked, and, like the men, cover theirs with skins or leaves. They wear their hair carefully combed and twisted in various ways, both men and women, after the manner of the savages of Choueacoet. [220] Their bodies are well-proportioned, and their skin olive-colored. They adorn themselves with feathers, beads of shell, and other gewgaws, which they arrange very neatly in embroidery work. As weapons, they have bows, arrows, and clubs. They are not so much great hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.

In regard to their police, government, and belief, we have been unable to form a judgment; but I suppose that they are not different in this respect from our savages, the Souriquois and Canadians, who worship neither the moon nor the sun, nor any thing else, and pray no more than the beasts. [221] There are, however, among them some persons, who, as they say, are in concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in so doing lie for the most part. Sometimes they succeed in hitting the mark very well, and tell them things similar to those which actually happen to them. For this reason, they have faith in them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impostors who delude them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the simple villagers. They have chiefs, whom they obey in matters of war, but not otherwise, and who engage in labor, and hold no higher rank than their companions. Each one has only so much land as he needs for his support.

Their dwellings are separate from each other, according to the land which each one occupies. They are large, of a circular shape, and covered with thatch made of grasses or the husks of Indian corn. [222] They are furnished only with a bed or two, raised a foot from the ground, made of a number of little pieces of wood pressed against each other, on which they arrange a reed mat, after the Spanish style, which is a kind of matting two or three fingers thick: on these they sleep. [223] They have a great many fleas in summer, even in the fields. One day as we went out walking, we were beset by so many of them that we were obliged to change our clothes.

All the harbors, bays, and coasts from Choueacoet are filled with every variety of fish, like those which we have before our habitation, and in such abundance that I can confidently assert that there was not a day or night when we did not see and hear pass by our barque more than a thousand porpoises, which were chasing the smaller fry. There are also many shell-fish of various sorts, principally oysters. Game birds are very plenty.

It would be an excellent place to erect buildings and lay the foundations of a State, if the harbor were somewhat deeper and the entrance safer. Before leaving the harbor, the rudder was repaired; and we had some bread made from flour, which we had brought for our subsistence, in case our biscuit should give out. Meanwhile, we sent the shallop with five or six men and a savage to see whether a passage might be found more favorable for our departure than that by which we had entered.

After they had gone five or six leagues and were near the land, the savage made his escape [224], since he was afraid of being taken to other savages farther south, the enemies of his tribe, as he gave those to understand who were in the shallop. The latter, upon their return, reported that, as far as they had advanced, there were at least three fathoms of water, and that farther on there were neither shallows nor reefs.

We accordingly made haste to repair our barque, and make a supply of bread for fifteen days. Meanwhile, Sieur de Poutrincourt, accompanied by ten or twelve arquebusiers, visited all the neighboring country, which is very fine, as I have said before, and where we saw here and there a large number of little houses.

Some eight or nine days after, while Sieur de Poutrincourt was walking out, as he had previously done, [225] we observed the Savages taking down their cabins and sending their women, children, provisions, and other necessaries of life into the woods. This made us suspect some evil intention, and that they purposed to attack those of our company who were working on shore, where they stayed at night in order to guard that which could not be embarked at evening except with much trouble. This proved to be true; for they determined among themselves, after all their effects had been put in a place of security, to come and surprise those on land, taking advantage of them as much as possible, and to carry off all they had. But, if by chance they should find them on their guard, they resolved to come with signs of friendship, as they were wont to do, leaving behind their bows and arrows.

Now, in view of what Sieur de Poutrincourt had seen, and the order which it had been told him they observed when they wished to play some bad trick, when we passed by some cabins, where there was a large number of women, we gave them some bracelets and rings to keep them quiet and free from fear, and to most of the old and distinguished men hatchets, knives, and other things which they desired. This pleased them greatly, and they repaid it all in dances, gambols, and harangues, which we did not understand at all. We went wherever we chose without their having the assurance to say any thing to us. It pleased us greatly to see them; show themselves so simple in appearance.

We returned very quietly to our barque, accompanied by some of the savages. On the way, we met several small troops of them, who gradually gathered together with their arms, and were greatly astonished to see us so far in the interior, and did not suppose that we had just made a circuit of nearly four or five leagues about their territory. Passing near us, they trembled with fear, lest harm should be done them, as it was in our power to do. But we did them none, although we knew their evil intentions. Having arrived where our men were working, Sieur de Poutrincourt inquired if every thing was in readiness to resist the designs of this rabble.

He ordered every thing on shore to be embarked. This was done, except that he who was making the bread stayed to finish a baking, and two others with him. They were told that the savages had some evil intent, and that they should make haste to embark the coming evening, since they carried their plans into execution only at night, or at daybreak, which in their plots is generally the hour for making a surprise.

Evening having come, Sieur de Poutrincourt gave orders that the shallop should be sent ashore to get the men who remained. This was done as soon as the tide would permit, and those on shore were told that they must embark for the reason assigned. This they refused in spite of the remonstrances that were made setting forth the risks they ran and the disobedience to their chief. They paid no attention to it, with the exception of a servant of Sieur de Poutrincourt, who embarked. Two others disembarked from the shallop and went to the three on shore, who had stayed to eat some cakes made at the same time with the bread.

But, as they were unwilling to do as they were told, the shallop returned to the vessel. It was not mentioned to Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had retired, thinking that all were on board.

The next day, in the morning, the 15th of October, the savages did not fail to come and see in what condition our men were, whom they found asleep, except one, who was near the fire. When they saw them in this condition, they came, to the number of four hundred, softly over a little hill, and sent them such a volley of arrows that to rise up was death. Fleeing the best they could towards our barque, shouting, "Help! they are killing us!" a part fell dead in the water; the others were all pierced with arrows, and one died in consequence a short time after. The savages made a desperate noise with roarings, which it was terrible to hear.

* * * * *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

THE ATTACK AT PORT FORTUNE.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Place where the French were making bread. B. The savages surprising the French, and shooting their arrows at them. C. French burned by the Savages. D. The French fleeing to the barque, completely covered with arrows. E. Troops of savages burning the French whom they had killed. F. Mountain bordering on the harbor. G. Cabins of the savages. H. French on the shore charging upon the Savages. I. Savages routed by the French. L. Shallop in which were the French. M. Savages around our shallop, who were surprised by our men. N. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt. O. The harbor. P. Small brook. Q. French who fell dead in the water as they were trying to flee to the barque. R. Brook coming from certain marshes. S. Woods under cover of which the savages came.

* * * * *

Upon the occurrence of this noise and that of our men, the sentinel, on our vessel, exclaimed, "To arms! They are killing our men!" Consequently, each one immediately seized his arms; and we embarked in the shallop, some fifteen or sixteen of us, in order to go ashore. But, being unable to get there on account of a sand-bank between us and the land, we threw ourselves into the water, and waded from this bank to the shore, the distance of a musket-shot. As soon as we were there, the savages, seeing us within arrow range, fled into the interior. To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously swift. All that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a cross, which had been set up the day before, and then to go here and there to see if we could get sight of any of them. But it was time wasted, therefore we came back. Three hours afterwards, they returned to us on the sea-shore. We discharged at them several shots from our little brass cannon; and, when they heard the noise, they crouched down on the ground to avoid the fire. In mockery of us, they beat down the cross and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly, and caused us to go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done before. We set up again the cross, and reinterred the dead, whom they had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to burn them. We returned without any result, as we had done before, well aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and that we should have to renew the undertaking when it should please God.

On the 16th of the month, we set out from Port Fortune, to which we had given this name on account of the misfortune which happened to us there. This place is in latitude 41 deg. 20', and some twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre. [226]

ENDNOTES:

210. Clearly a mistake. Champlain here says they "continued their course north," whereas, the whole context shows that they must have gone south.

211. "The sandy point" running out nearly three leagues was evidently the island of Monomoy, or its representative, which at that time may have been only a continuation of the main land. Champlain does not delineate on his map an island, but a sand-bank nearly in the shape of an isosceles triangle, which extends far to the south-east. Very great changes have undoubtedly taken place on this part of the coast since the visit of Champlain. The sand-bar figured by him has apparently been swept from the south-east round to the south-west, and is perhaps not very much changed in its general features except as to its position. "We know from our studies of such shoals," says Prof. Mitchell, Chief of Physical Hydrography, U. S. Coast Survey, "that the relative order of banks and beaches remains about the same, however the system as a whole may change its location."—Mass. Harbor Commissioners' Report. 1873, p. 99.

212. Batturier. This word is an adjective, formed with the proper termination from the noun, batture, which means a bank upon which the sea beats, reef or sand-bank. Cap Batturier may therefore be rendered sand-bank cape, or the cape of the sand-banks. Batturier does not appear in the dictionaries, and was doubtless coined by Champlain himself, as he makes, farther on, the adjective truitiere, in the expression la riviere truitiere, from the noun, truite.

213. The distances here given appear to be greatly overstated. From Nauset to the southern point of Monomoy, as it is to-day, the distance is not more than six leagues. But, as the sea was rough, and they were apparently much delayed, the distance might naturally enough be overestimated.

214. The anchorage was in Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor.

215. Harding's Beach Point.

216. They were now in Stage Harbor, in Chatham, to which Champlain, farther on gives the name of Port Fortune.

217. This is the narrow bay that stretches from Morris Island to the north, parallel with the sea, separated from it only by a sand-bank, and now reaching beyond Chatham into the town of Orleans. By comparing Champlain's map of Port Fortune with modern charts, it will be seen that the "bay extending back on the north some three leagues" terminated, in 1606, a little below Chatham Old Harbor. The island on Champlain's map marked G. was a little above the harbor, but has been entirely swept away, together with the neck north of it, represented on Champlain's map as covered with trees. The bay now extends, as we have stated above, into the town of Orleans. The island G, known in modern times as Ram Island, disappeared in 1851, although it still continued to figure on Walling's map of 1858: The two other little bays mentioned in the text scarcely appear on Champlain's map; and he may have inadvertently included in this bay the two that are farther north, viz. Crow's Pond and Pleasant Bay, although they do not fall within the limits of his map.

218. Vide antea, notes 168, 204, 205.

219. Indian corn, Zea mays, is a plant of American origin. Columbus saw it among the natives of the West Indies, "a sort of grain they call Maiz, which was well tasted, bak'd, or dry'd and made into flour."— Vide History of the Life and Actions of Chris. Columbus by his Son Ferdinand Columbus, Churchill's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 510.

It is now cultivated more or less extensively in nearly every part of the world where the climate is suitable. Champlain is the first who has left a record of the method of its cultivation in New England, vide antea, p. 64, and of its preservation through the winter. The Pilgrims, in 1620, found it deposited by the Indians in the ground after the manner described in the text. Bradford says they found "heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, haveing never seen any such before:"—His. Plym. Plantation, p. 82. Squanto taught the English how to "set it, and after how to dress and tend it"—Idem, p. 100.

"The women," says Roger Williams, "set or plant, weede and hill, and gather and barne all the corne and Fruites of the field," and of drying the corn, he adds, "which they doe carefully upon heapes and Mats many dayes, they barne it up, covering it up with Mats at night, and opening when the Sun is hot"

The following are testimonies as to the use made by the natives of the Indian corn as food:—

"They brought with them in a thing like a Bow-case, which the principall of them had about his wast, a little of their Corne powdered to Powder, which put to a little water they eate."—Mourts Relation, London, 1622, Dexter's ed., p. 88.

"Giving us a kinde of bread called by them Maizium."—Idem, p. 101.

"They seldome or never make bread of their Indian corne, but seeth it whole like beanes, eating three or four cornes with a mouthfull of fish or flesh, sometimes eating meate first and cornes after, filling chinckes with their broth."—Wood's New Eng. Prospect, London, 1634. Prince Society's ed., pp. 75, 76.

"Nonkekich. Parch'd meal, which is a readie very wholesome, food, which they eate with a little water hot or cold: ... With spoonfull of this meale and a spoonfull of water from the Brooke, have I made many a good dinner and supper."—Roger Williams's Key, London, 1643, Trumbull's ed., pp. 39, 40.

"Their food is generally boiled maize, or Indian corn, mixed with kidney beans or Sometimes without.... Also they mix with the said pottage several sorts of roots, as Jerusalem artichokes, and ground nuts, and other roots, and pompions, and squashes, and also several sorts of nuts or masts, as oak-acorns, chesnuts, walnuts: These husked and dried, and powdered, they thicken their pottage therewith."— Historical Collections of the Indians, by Daniel Gookin, 1674, Boston, 1792. p. 10.

220. The character of the Indian dress, as here described, does not differ widely from that of a later period.—Vide Mourt's Relation, 1622, Dexter's ed., p. 135: Roger Williams's Key, 1643, Trumbull's ed., p. 143, et seq.; History of New England, by Edward Johnson, 1654, Poole's ed., pp. 224, 225.

Champlain's observations were made in the autumn before the approach of the winter frosts.

Thomas Morton, writing in 1632, says that the mantle which the women "use to cover their nakednesse with is much longer then that which the men use; for as the men have one Deeres skinn, the women haue two soed together at the full length, and it is so lardge that it trailes after them, like a great Ladies trane, and in time," he sportively adds, "I thinke they may have their Pages to beare them up."—New Eng. Canaan, 1632, in Force's Tracts, Vol. II, p. 23.

221. This conclusion harmonizes with the opinion of Thomas Morton, who says that the natives of New England are "sine fide, sine lege, et sine rege, and that they have no worship nor religion at all."—New Eng. Canaan, 1632, in Force's Tracts, Vol. II. p. 21.

Winslow was at first of the same opinion, but afterward saw cause for changing his mind.—Vide Winslow's Relation, 1624, in Young's Chronicles, P 355. See also Roger Williams's Key, Trumbull's ed., p. 159.

222. "Their houses, or wigwams," says Gookin, "are built with small poles fixed in the ground, bent and fastened together with barks of trees, oval or arborwise on the top. The best sort of their houses are covered very neatly, tight, and warm with the bark of trees, stripped from their bodies at such seasons when the sap is up; and made into great flakes with pressures of weighty timbers, when they are green; and so becoming dry, they will retain a form suitable for the use they prepare them for. The meaner sort of wigwams are covered with mats they make of a kind of bulrush, which are also indifferent tight and warm, but not so good as the former."—Vide Historical Collections, 1674, Boston, 1792, p. 9.

223. The construction of the Indian couch, or bed, at a much later period may be seen by the following excerpts: "So we desired to goe to rest: he layd us on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at one end and we at the other, it being only plancks layd a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them."—Mourt's Relation, London. 1622, Dexter's ed., pp. 107, 108. "In their wigwams, they make a kind of couch or mattresses, firm and strong, raised about a foot high from the earth; first covered with boards that they split out of trees; and upon the boards they spread mats generally, and sometimes bear skins and deer skins. These are large enough for three or four persons to lodge upon: and one may either draw nearer or keep at a more distance from the heat of the fire, as they please; for their mattresses are six or eight feet broad."—Gookin's Historical Collections, 1674, Boston, 1792, p. 10.

224. This exploration appears to have extended about as far as Point Gammon, where, being "near the land," their Indian guide left them, as stated in the text.

225. On the map of Port Fortune, or Chatham, the course of one of these excursions is marked by a dotted line, to which the reader is referred.—Vide notes on the map of Port Fortune.

226. Port Fortune, perhaps here used, to signify the port of chance or hazard; referring particularly to the dangers they encountered in passing round Monomoy to reach it. The latitude of Stage Harbor in Chatham is 41 deg. 40'. The distance from Mallebarre or Nauset to Port Fortune, or Stage Harbor, by water round the Southern point of Monomoy is at the present time about nine leagues. The distance may possibly have been greater in 1606, or Champlain may have increased the distance by giving a wide berth to Monomoy in passing round it.



CHAPTER XV.

THE INCLEMENCY OF THE WEATHER NOT PERMITTING US AT THAT TIME TO CONTINUE OUR DISCOVERIES, WE RESOLVED TO RETURN TO OUR SETTLEMENT. WHAT HAPPENED TO US UNTIL WE REACHED IT.

After having gone some six or seven leagues, we sighted an island, which we named La Soupconneuse, [227] because in the distance we had several times thought it was not an island. Then the wind became contrary, which caused us to put back to the place whence we had set out, where we stayed two or three days, no savage during this time presenting himself to us.

On the 20th, we set out anew and coasted along to the south-west nearly twelve leagues, [228] where we passed near a river which is small and difficult of access in consequence of the shoals and rocks at its mouth, and which I called after my own name. [229] This coast is, so far as we saw, low and sandy. The wind again grew contrary and very strong, which caused us to put out to sea, as we were unable to advance on one tack or the other; it, however, finally abated a little and grew favorable. But all we could do was to return again to Port Fortune, where the coast, though low, is fine and good, yet difficult of access, there being no harbors, many reefs, and shallow water for the distance of nearly two leagues from land. The most that we found was seven or eight fathoms in some channels, which, however, continued only a cable's length, when there were suddenly only two or three fathoms; but one should not trust the water who has not well examined the depth with the lead in hand.

Some hours after we had returned to port, a son of Pont Grave, named Robert, lost a hand in firing a musket, which burst in several pieces, but without injuring any one near him.

Seeing now the wind continuing contrary, and being unable to put to sea, we resolved meanwhile to get possession of some savages of this place, and, taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the hand-mill, as punishment for the deadly assault which they had committed on five or six of our company. But it was very difficult to do this when we were armed, since, if we went to them prepared to fight, they would turn and flee into the woods, where they were not to be caught. It was necessary, accordingly, to have recourse to artifice, and this is what we planned: when they should come to seek friendship with us, to coax them by showing them beads and other gewgaws, and assure them repeatedly of our good faith; then to take the shallop well armed, and conduct on shore the most robust and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads and a fathom of match on his arm; [230] and there, while pretending to smoke with them (each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to draw them into the shallop; and, if they should be unwilling to enter, each one approaching should choose his man, and, putting the beads about his neck, should at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by force. But, if they should be too boisterous, and it should not be possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being firmly held; and, if by chance any of them should get away, there should be men on land to charge upon them with swords. Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque were to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in case they should come to assist them, under cover of which firearms the shallop could withdraw in security. The plan above-mentioned was well carried out as it had been arranged.

Some days after these events had transpired, there came savages by threes and fours to the shore, making signs to us to go to them. But we saw their main body in ambuscade under a hillock behind some bushes, and I suppose that they were only desirous of beguiling us into the shallop in order to discharge a shower of arrows upon us, and then take to flight. Nevertheless, Sieur de Poutrincourt did not hesitate to go to them with ten of us, well equipped and determined to fight them, if occasion offered. We landed at a place beyond their ambuscade, as we thought, and where they could not surprise us. There three or four of us went ashore together with Sieur de Poutrincourt: the others did not leave the shallop, in order to protect it and be ready for an emergency. We ascended a knoll and went about the woods to see if we could not discover more plainly the ambuscade. When they saw us going so unconcernedly to them, they left and went to other places, which we could not see, and of the four savages we saw only two, who went away very slowly. As they withdrew, they made signs to us to take our shallop to another place, thinking that it was not favorable for the carrying out of their plan. And, when we also saw that they had no desire to come to us, we re-embarked and went to the place they indicated, which was the second ambuscade they had made, in their endeavor to draw us unarmed to themselves by signs of friendship. But this we were not permitted to do at that time, yet we approached very near them without seeing this ambuscade, which we supposed was not far off. As our shallop approached the shore, they took to flight, as also those in ambush, after whom we fired some musket-shots, since we saw that their intention was only to deceive us by flattery, in which they were disappointed; for we recognized clearly what their purpose was, which had only mischief in view. We retired to our barque after having done all we could.

On the same day, Sieur de Poutrincourt resolved to return to our settlement on account of four or five sick and wounded men, whose wounds were growing worse through lack of salves, of which our surgeon, by a great mistake on his part, had brought but a small provision, to the detriment of the sick and our own discomfort, as the stench from their wounds was so great, in a little vessel like our own, that one could scarcely endure it. Moreover, we were afraid that they would generate disease. Also we had provisions only for going eight or ten days farther, however much economy might be practised; and we knew not whether the return would last as long as the advance, which was nearly two months.

At any rate, our resolution being formed, we withdrew, but with the satisfaction that God had not left unpunished the misdeeds of these barbarians. [231] We advanced no farther than to latitude 41 deg. 30', which was only half a degree farther than Sieur de Monts had gone on his voyage of discovery. We set out accordingly from this harbor. [232]

On the next day, we anchored near Mallebarre, where we remained until the 28th of the month, when we set sail. On that day the air was very cold, and there was a little snow. We took a direct course for Norumbegue or Isle Haute. Heading east-north-east, we were two days at sea without seeing land, being kept back by bad weather. On the following night, we sighted the islands, which are between Quinibequy and Norumbegue. [233] The wind was so strong that we were obliged, to put to sea until daybreak; but we went so far from land, although we used very little sail, that we could not see it again until the next day, when we saw Isle Haute, of which we were abreast.

On the last day of October, between the Island of Monts Deserts and Cap Corneille, [234] our rudder broke in several pieces, without our knowing the reason. Each one expressed his opinion about it. On the following night, with a fresh breeze, we came among a large number of islands and rocks, whither the wind drove us; and we resolved to take refuge, if possible, on the first land we should find.

We were for some time at the mercy of the wind and sea, with only the foresail set. But the worst of it was that the night was dark, and we did not know where we were going; for our barque could not be steered at all, although we did all that was possible, holding in our hands the sheets of the foresail, which sometimes enabled us to steer it a little. We kept continually sounding, to see if it were possible to find a bottom for anchoring, and to prepare ourselves for what might happen. But we found none. Finally, as we were going faster than we wished, it was recommended to put an oar astern together with some men, so as to steer to an island which we saw, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind. Two other oars also were put over the sides in the after part of the barque, to assist those who were steering, in order to make the vessel bear up on one tack and the other. This device served us so well, that we headed where we wished, and ran in behind the point of the island we had seen, anchoring in twenty-one fathoms of water until daybreak, when we proposed to reconnoitre our position and seek for a place to make another rudder. The wind abated. At daybreak, we found ourselves near the Isles Rangees, [235] entirely surrounded by breakers, and we praised God for having preserved us so wonderfully amid so many perils.

On the 1st of November, we went to a place which we deemed favorable for beaching our vessel and repairing our helm. On this day, I landed, and saw some ice two inches thick, it having frozen perhaps eight or ten days before. I observed also that the temperature of the place differed very much from that of Mallebarre and Port Fortune; for the leaves of the trees were not yet dead, and had not begun to fall when we set out, while here they had all fallen, and it was much colder than at Port Fortune.

On the next day, as we were beaching our barque, a canoe came containing Etechemin savages, who told the savage Secondon in our barque that Iouaniscou, with his companions, had killed some other savages, and carried off some women as prisoners, whom they had executed near the Island of Monts Deserts.

On the 9th of the month, we set out from near Cap Corneille, and anchored the same day in the little passage [236] of Sainte Croix River.

On the morning of the next day, we landed our savage with some supplies which we gave him. He was well pleased and satisfied at having made this voyage with us, and took away with him some heads of the savages that had been killed at Port Fortune. [237] The same day we anchored in a very pretty cove [238] on the south of the Island of Manan.

On the 12th of the month, we made sail; and, when under way, the shallop, which we were towing astern, struck against our barque so violently and roughly that it made an opening and stove in her upper works, and again in the recoil broke the iron fastenings of our rudder. At first, we thought that the first blow had stove in some planks in the lower part, which would have sunk us; for the wind was so high that all we could do was to carry our foresail. But finding that the damage was slight, and that there was no danger, we managed with ropes to repair the rudder as well as we could, so as to serve us to the end of our voyage. This was not until the 14th of November, when, at the entrance to Port Royal, we came near being lost on a point; but God delivered us from this danger as well as from many others to which we had been exposed. [239]

ENDNOTES:

227. La Soupconneuse, the doubtful, Martha's Vineyard. Champlain and Poutrincourt, in the little French barque, lying low on the water, creeping along the shore from Chatham to Point Gammon, could hardly fail to be doubtful whether Martha's Vineyard were an island or a part of the main land. Lescarbot, speaking of it, says, et fut appelee l'Ile Douteuse.

228. Nearly twelve leagues in a southwesterly direction from their anchorage at Stage Harbor in Chatham would bring them to Nobska Point, at the entrance of the Vineyard Sound. This was the limit of Champlain's explorations towards the south.

229. "Called after my own name." viz. Riviere de Champlain.—Vide map, 1612. This river appears to be a tidal passage connecting the Vineyard Sound and Buzzard's Bay, having Nouamesset and Uncatena Islands on the south-west, and Nobska Point, Wood's Boll, and Long Neck on the north-east. On our Coast Survey Charts, it is called Hadley River. Its length is nearly two miles, in a winding course. The mouth of this passage is full of boulders, and in a receding tide the current is rough and boisterous, and would answer well to the description in the text, as no other river does on the coast from Chatham to Wood's Holl. On the small French barque, elevated but a little above the surface of the water, its source in Buzzard's Bay could not be discovered, especially if they passed round Nobska Point, under the lee of which they probably obtained a view of the "shoals, and rocks" which they saw at the mouth of the river.

230. A fathom of match on his arm. This was a rope, made of the tow of hemp or flax, loosely twisted, and prepared to retain the fire, so that, when once lighted, it would burn till the whole was consumed. It was employed in connection with the match-lock, the arm then in common use. The wheel-lock followed in order of time, which was discharged by means of a notched wheel of steel, so arranged that its friction, when in motion, threw sparks of fire into the pan that contained the powder. The snaphance was a slight improvement upon the wheel-lock. The flint-lock followed, now half a century since superseded by the percussion lock and cap.

231. They did not capture any of the Indians, to be reduced to a species of slavery, as they intended; but, as will appear further on, inhumanly butchered several of them, which would seem to have been an act of revenge rather than of punishment. The intercourse of the French with the natives of Cape Cod was, on the whole, less satisfactory than that with the northern tribes along the shores of Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. With the latter they had no hostile conflicts whatever, although the Indians were sufficiently implacable and revengeful towards their enemies. Those inhabiting the peninsula of Cape Cod, and as far north as Cape Anne, were more suspicious, and had apparently less clear conceptions of personal rights, especially the rights of property. Might and right were to them identical. Whatever they desired, they thought they had a right to have, if they had the power or wit to obtain it. The French came in contact with only two of the many subordinate tribes that were in possession of the peninsula; viz., the Monomoyicks at Chatham, and the Nausets at Eastham. The conflict in both instances grew out of an attempt on the part of the natives to commit a petty theft. But it is quite possible that the invasion of their territory by strangers, an unpardonable offence among civilized people, may have created a feeling of hostility that found a partial gratification in stealing their property; and, had not this occasion offered, the stifled feeling of hostility may have broken out in some other form. In general, they were not subsequently unfriendly in their intercourse with the English. The Nausets were, however, the same that sent a shower of arrows upon the Pilgrims in 1620, at the place called by them the "First Encounter," and not more than three miles from the spot where the same tribe, in 1605, had attacked the French, and Slain one of De Monts's men. It must, however, be said that, beside the invasion of their country, the Pilgrims had, some days before, rifled the granaries of the natives dwelling a few miles north of the Nausets, and taken away without leave a generous quantity of their winter's supply of corn; and this may have inspired them with a desire to be rid of visitors who helped themselves to their provisions, the fruit of their summer's toil, their dependence for the winter already upon them, with so little ceremony and such unscrupulous selfishness; for such it must have appeared to the Nausets in their savage and unenlightened state. It is to be regretted that these excellent men, the Pilgrims, did not more fully comprehend the moral character of their conduct in this instance. They lost at the outset a golden opportunity for impressing upon the minds of the natives the great practical principle enunciated by our Lord, the foundation of all good neighborhood, [Greek: Panta oun osa an thelaete ina poiosin hymin hoi anthropoi, houto kai hymeis poieite autois. Matth]. vii 12.—Vide Bradford's Hist. Plym. Plantation, pp. 82, 83; Mourt's Relation, London, 1622, Dexter's ed., pp. 21, 22, 30, 31, 55.

232. The latitude of Nobska Point, the most southern limit of their voyage, is 41 deg. 31', while the latitude of Nauset Harbor, the southern limit of that of De Monts on the previous year, 1605, is 41 deg. 49'. They consequently advanced but 18', or eighteen nautical miles, further south than they did the year before. Had they commenced this year's explorations where those of the preceding terminated, as Champlain had advised, they might have explored the whole coast as far as Long Island Sound. Vide antea, pp. 109, 110.

233. Between the Kennebec and Penobscot.

234. Vide antea, note 177.

235. Isles Rangees, the small islands along the coast south-west of Machias. Vide map of 1612.

236. Petit passage de la Riviere Saincte Croix, the southern strait leading into Eastport Harbor. This anchorage appears to have been in Quoddy Roads between Quoddy Head and Lubeck.

237. In reporting the stratagem resorted to for decoying the Indians into the hands of the French at Port Fortune, Champlain passes over the details of the bloody encounter, doubtless to spare himself and the reader the painful record; but its results are here distinctly stated. Compare antea, pp. 132, 133.

238. Sailing from Quoddy Head to Annapolis Bay, they would in their course pass round the northern point of the Grand Manan; and they probably anchored in Whale Cove, or perhaps in Long Island Bay, a little further south. Champlain's map is so oriented that both of these bays would appear to be on the south of the Grand Manan. Vide map of 1612.

239. Champlain had now completed his survey south of the Bay of Fundy. He had traced the shore-line with its sinuosities and its numberless islands far beyond the two distinguished headlands, Cape sable and Cape Cod, which respectively mark the entrance to the Gulf of Maine. The priority of these observations, particularly with reference to the habits, mode of life, and character of the aborigines, invests them with an unusual interest and value. Anterior to the visits of Champlain, the natives on this coast had come in contact with Europeans but rarely and incidentally, altogether too little certainly, if we except those residing on the southern coast of Nova Scotia, to have any modifying effect upon their manners, customs, or mode of life. What Champlain reports, therefore, of the Indians, is true of them in their purely savage state, untouched by any influences of European civilization. This distinguishes the record, and gives to it a special importance.



CHAPTER XVI.

RETURN FROM THE FOREGOING DISCOVERIES, AND WHAT TRANSPIRED DURING THE WINTER.

Upon our arrival, Lescarbot, who had remained at the settlement, assisted by the others who had stayed there, welcomed us with a humorous entertainment. [240]

Having landed and had time to take breath, each one began to make little gardens, I among the rest attending to mine, in order in the spring to sow several kinds of seeds which had been brought from France, and which grew very well in all the gardens.

Sieur de Poutrincourt, moreover, had a water-mill built nearly a league and a half from our settlement, near the point where grain had been planted. This mill [241] was built at a fall, on a little river which is not navigable on account of the large number of rocks in it, and which falls into a small lake. In this place, there is such an abundance of herring in their season that shallops could be loaded with them, if one were to take the trouble to bring the requisite apparatus. The savages also of this region come here sometimes to fish. A quantity of charcoal was made by us for our forge. During the winter, in order not to remain idle, I undertook the building of a road along the wood to a little, river or brook, which we named La Truitiere, [242] there being many trout there. I asked Sieur de Poutrincourt for two or three men, which he gave me to assist in making this passage-way. I got along so well that in a little while I had the road through. It extends through to trout-brook, and measures nearly two thousand paces. It served us as a walk under the shelter of the trees, which I had left on both sides. This led Sieur de Poutrincourt to determine to make another through the woods, in order that we might go straight to the mouth of Port Royal, it being a distance of nearly three leagues and a half by land from our settlement. He had this commenced and continued for about half a league from La Truitiere; but he did not finish it, as the undertaking was too laborious, and he was occupied by other things at the time more necessary. Some time after our arrival, we saw a shallop containing savages, who told us that a savage, who was one of our friends, had been killed by those belonging to the place whence they came, which was Norumbegue, in revenge for the killing of the men of Norumbegue and Quinibequy by Iouaniscou, also a savage, and his followers, as I have before related; and that some Etechemins had informed the savage Secondon, who was with us at that time.

The commander of the shallop was the savage named Ouagimou, who was on terms of friendship with Bessabez, chief of the river Norumbegue, of whom he asked the body of Panounias, [243] who had been killed. The latter granted it to him, begging him to tell his friends that he was very sorry for his death, and assuring him that it was without his knowledge that he had been killed, and that, inasmuch as it was not his fault, he begged him to tell them that he desired they might continue to live as friends. This Ouagimou promised to do upon his return. He said to us that he was very uneasy until he got away from them, whatever friendship they might show him, since they were liable to change; and he feared that they would treat him in the same manner as they had the one who had been killed. Accordingly, he did not tarry long after being dismissed. He took the body in his shallop from Norumbegue to our settlement, a distance of fifty leagues.

As soon as the body was brought on shore, his relatives and friends began to shout by his side, having painted their entire face with black, which is their mode of mourning. After lamenting much, they took a quantity of tobacco and two or three dogs and other things belonging to the deceased, and burned them some thousand paces from our settlement on the sea-shore. Their cries continued until they returned to their cabin.

The next day they took the body of the deceased and wrapped it in a red covering, which Mabretou, chief of this place, urgently implored me to give him, since it was handsome and large. He gave it to the relatives of the deceased, who thanked me very much for it. After thus; wrapping up the body, they decorated it with several kinds of matachiats; that is, strings of beads and bracelets of diverse colors. They painted the face, and put on the head many feathers and other things, the finest they had. Then they placed the body on its knees between two sticks, with another under the arms to sustain it. Around the body were the mother, wife, and others of the relatives and friends of the deceased, both women and girls, howling like dogs.

While the women and girls were shrieking, the savage named Mabretou made an address to his companions on the death of the deceased, urging all to take vengeance for the wickedness and treachery committed by the subjects of Bessabez, and to make war upon them as speedily as possible. All agreed to do so in the spring.

After the harangue was finished and the cries had ceased, they carried the body of the deceased to another cabin. After smoking tobacco together, they wrapped it in an elk-skin likewise; and, binding it very securely, they kept it until there should be a larger number of savages present, from each one of whom the brother of the deceased expected to receive presents, it being their custom to give them to those who have lost fathers, mothers, wives, brothers, or sisters.

On the night of the 26th of December, there was a southeast wind, which blew down several trees. On the last day of December, it began to snow, which continued until the morning of the next day. On the both of January following, 1607, Sieur de Poutrincourt, desiring to ascend the river Equille, [244] found it at a distance of some two leagues from our settlement sealed with ice, which caused him to return, not being able to advance any farther. On the 8th of February, some pieces of ice began to flow down from the upper part of the river into the harbor, which only freezes along the shore. On the both of May following, it snowed all night; and, towards the end of the month, there were heavy hoar-frosts, which lasted until the 10th or 12th of June, when all the trees were covered with leaves, except the oaks, which do not leaf out until about the 15th. The winter was not so severe as on the preceding years, nor did the snow continue so long on the ground. It rained very often, so that the savages suffered a severe famine, owing to the small quantity of snow. Sieur de Poutrincourt supported a part of them who were with us; namely, Mabretou, his wife and children, and some others.

We spent this winter very pleasantly, and fared generously by means of the ORDRE DE BON TEMPS, which I introduced. This all found useful for their health, and more advantageous than all the medicines that could have been used. By the rules of the order, a chain was put, with some little ceremonies, on the neck of one of our company, commissioning him for the day to go a hunting. The next day it was conferred upon another, and thus in succession. All exerted themselves to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home the finest game. We found this a very good arrangement, as did also the savages who were with us. [245]

There were some cases of mal de la terre among us, which was, however, not so violent as in the previous years. Nevertheless, seven died from it, and another from an arrow wound, which he had received from the savages at Port Fortune. [246]

Our surgeon, named Master Estienne, opened some of the bodies, as we did the previous years, and found almost all the interior parts affected. Eight or ten of the sick got well by spring.

At the beginning of March and of April, all began to prepare gardens, so as to plant seeds in May, which is the proper time for it. They grew as well as in France, but were somewhat later. I think France is at least a month and a half more forward. As I have stated, the time to plant is in May, although one can sometimes do so in April; yet the seeds planted then do not come forward any faster than those planted in May, when the cold can no longer damage the plants except those which are very tender, since there are many which cannot endure the hoar-frosts, unless great care and attention be exercised.

On the 24th of May, we perceived a small barque [247] of six or seven tons' burthen, which we sent men to reconnoitre; and it was found to be a young man from St. Malo, named Chevalier, who brought letters from Sieur de Monts to Sieur de Poutrincourt, by which he directed him to bring back his company to France. [248] He also announced to us the birth of Monseigneur, the Duke of Orleans, to our delight, in honor of which event we made bonfires and chanted the Te Deum. [249]

Between the beginning and the 20th of June, some thirty or forty savages assembled in this place in order to make war upon the Almouchiquois, and revenge the death of Panounias, who was interred by the savages according to their custom, who gave afterwards a quantity of peltry to a brother of his.[250] The presents being made, all of them set out from this place on the 29th of June for Choueacoet, which is the country of the Almouchiquois, to engage in the war.

Some days after the arrival of the above Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt sent him to the rivers St. John [251] and St. Croix [252] to trade for furs. But he did not permit him to go without men to bring back the barque, since some had reported that he desired to return to France with the vessel in which he had come, and leave us in our settlement. Lescarbot was one of those who accompanied him, who up to this time had not left Port Royal. This is the farthest he went, only fourteen or fifteen leagues beyond Port Royal.

While awaiting the return of Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt went to the head of Baye Francoise in a shallop with seven or eight men. Leaving the harbor and heading northeast a quarter east for some twenty-five leagues along the coast, we arrived at a cape where Sieur de Poutrincourt desired to ascend a cliff more than thirty fathoms high, in doing which he came near losing his life. For, having reached the top of the rock which is very narrow, and which he had ascended with much difficulty, the summit trembled beneath him. The reason was that, in course of time, moss had gathered there four or five feet in thickness, and, not being solid, trembled when one was on top of it, and very often when one stepped on a stone three or four others fell down. Accordingly, having gone up with difficulty, he experienced still greater in coming down, although some sailors, men very dexterous in climbing, carried him a hawser, a rope of medium size, by means of which he descended, This place was named Cap de Poutrincourt, [253] and is in latitude 45 deg. 40'.

We went as far as the head of this bay, but saw nothing but certain white stones suitable for making lime, yet they are found only in small quantities. We saw also on some islands a great number of gulls. We captured as many of them as we wished. We made the tour of the bay, in order to go to the Port aux Mines where I had previously been, [254] and whither I conducted Sieur de Poutrincourt, who collected some little pieces of copper with great difficulty. All this bay has a circuit of perhaps twenty leagues, with a little river at its head, which is very sluggish and contains but little water. There are many other little brooks, and some places where there are good harbors at high tide, which rises here five fathoms. In one of these harbors three or four leagues north of Cap de Poutrincourt, we found a very old cross all covered with moss and almost all rotten, a plain indication that before this there had been Christians there. All of this country is covered with dense forests, and with some exceptions is not very attractive. [255]

From the Port aux Mines [256] we returned to our settlement. In this bay there are strong tidal currents running in a south-westerly direction.

On the 12th of July, Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, arrived with three others in a shallop from a place called Niganis, [257] distant from Port Royal some hundred and sixty or hundred and seventy leagues, confirming the report which Chevalier had brought to Sieur de Poutrincourt.

On the 3d of July, [258] three barques were fitted out to send the men and supplies, which were at our settlement, to Canseau, distant one hundred and fifteen leagues from our settlement, and in latitude 45 deg. 20', where the vessel [259] was engaged in fishing, which was to carry us back to France.

Sieur de Poutrincourt sent back all his companions, but remained with eight others at the settlement, so as to carry to France some grain not yet quite ripe. [260]

On the 10th of August, Mabretou arrived from the war, who told us that he had been at Choueacoet, and had killed twenty savages and wounded ten or twelve; also that Onemechin, chief of that place, Marchin, and one other, had been killed by Sasinou, chief of the river of Quinibequy, who was afterwards killed by the companions of Onemechin and Marchin. All this war was simply on account of the savage Panounias, one of our friends who, as I have said above, had been killed at Norumbegue by the followers of Onemechin and Marchin. At present, the chiefs in place of Onemechin, Marchin, and Sasinou are their sons: namely, for Sasinou, Pememen; Abriou for his father, Marchin; and for Onemechin, Queconsicq. The two latter were wounded by the followers of Mabretou, who seized them under pretence of friendship, as is their fashion, something which both sides have to guard against. [261]

ENDNOTES:

240. Lescarbot, the author of a History of New France often referred to in our notes, published a volume entitled "LES MUSES DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE," in which may be found the play entitled LE THEATRE DE NEPTUNE, which he composed to celebrate the return of this expedition.

241. The mill is represented on Champlain's map of Port Royal as situated on the stream which he calls Riviere du Moulin, the River of the Mill. This is Allen River; and the site of the mill was a short distance south-east of the "point where corn had been planted," which was on the spot now occupied by the village of Annapolis.

242. Vide antea, note 212. see also the map of Port Royal, where the road is delineated, p. 24.

243. This Indian Panounias and his wife had accompanied De Monts in 1605, on his expedition to Cape Cod.—Vide antea, p. 55.

244. Now the Annapolis River.

245. The conceit of this novel order was a happy one, as it served to dispel the gloom of a long winter in the forests of La Cadie, as well as to improve the quality and variety of their diet. The noblesse, or gentlemen of the party, were fifteen, who served in turn and for a single day as caterer or steward, the turn of each recurring once in fifteen days. It was their duty to add to the ordinary fare such delicate fish or game as could be captured or secured by each for his particular day. They always had some delicacy at breakfast; but the dinner was the great banquet, when the most imposing ceremony was observed.

246. Champlain does not inform us how many of Poutrincourt's party were killed in the affray at Chatham. He mentions one as killed on the spot. He speaks of carrying away the "dead bodies" for burial. He also says they made a "deadly assault" upon "five or six of our company;" and another appears to have died of his wounds after their return to Port Royal, as stated in the text.

247. Une petite barque. The French barque was a small vessel or large boat, rigged with two masts; and those employed by De Monts along our coast varied from six to eighteen tons burden, and must not be confounded with our modern bark, which is generally much larger.

The vaisseau, often mentioned by Champlain, included all large vessels, those used for fishing, the fur-trade, and the transportation of men and supplies for the colony.

The chaloupe was a row-boat of convenient size for penetrating shallow places, was dragged behind the barque in the explorations of our coast, and used for minor investigations of rivers and estuaries.

The patache, an advice-boat, is rarely used by Champlain, and then in the place of the shallop.

248. It Seems that young Chevalier had come out in the "Jonas," the same ship that had brought out Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, and others, the year before. It had stopped at Canseau to fish for cod. It brought the unwelcome news that the company of De Monts had been broken up; that the Hollanders, conducted by a "French traitor named La Jeunesse," had destroyed the fur-trading establishments on the St. Lawrence, which rendered it impracticable to sustain, as heretofore, the expenses of the company. The monopoly of the fur-trade, granted to De Monts for ten years, had been rescinded by the King's Council. "We were very sad," says Lescarbot, "to see so fine and holy an undertaking broken off, and that so many labors and perils endured had resulted in nothing: and that the hope of establishing there the name of God and the Catholic Faith had disappeared. Notwithstanding, after M. de Poutrincourt had a long while mused hereupon, he said that, although he should have none to come with him, except his family, he would not forsake the enterprise."—His. Nou. France, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. pp. 591-2.

249. On the 16th of April, 1607, was born the second son of Henry IV. by Marie de Medicis, who received the title, Le Duc d'Orleans. In France, public rejoicings were universal. On the 22d of the month, he was invested with the insignia of the Order of St. Michael and the Holy Ghost with great pomp, on which occasion a banquet was given by the King in the great hall at Fontainebleau, and in the evening the park was illuminated by bonfires and a pyrotechnic display, which was witnessed by a vast concourse of people. The young prince was baptized privately by the Cardinal de Gondy, but the state ceremonies of his christening were delayed, and appear never to have taken place: he died in the fifth year of his age, never having received any Christian name.—Vide the Life of Marie de Medicis, by Miss Pardoe, London, 1852, Vol. I. p. 416; Memoirs of the Duke of Sully, Lennox, trans., Phila., 1817, Vol. IV. p. 140. In New France, the little colony at Port Royal attested their loyalty by suitable manifestations of joy. "As the day declined," Says Lescarbot, "we made bonfires to celebrate the birth of Monseigneur le Duc d'Orleans, and caused our cannon and falconets to thunder forth again, accompanied with plenty of musket-shots, having before for this purpose chanted a Te Deum." —Vide His. Nou. France, Paris, 1612, p.594.

250. Lescarbot says that about four hundred set out for the war against the Almouchiquois, at Choueacoet, or Saco. The savages were nearly two months in assembling themselves together. Mabretou had sent out his two sons, Actaudin and Actaudinech, to summon them to come to Port Royal as a rendezvous. They came from the river St. John, and from the region of Gaspe. Their purpose was accomplished, as will appear in the sequel.

251. At St. John, they visited the cabin of Secondon, the Sagamore, with whom they bartered for some furs. Lescarbot, who was in the expedition, says, "The town of Ouigoudy was a great enclosure upon a hill, compassed about with high and small trees, tied one against another; and within it many cabins, great and small, one of which was as large as a market-hall, wherein many households resided." In the cabin of Secondon. they saw some eighty or a hundred savages, all nearly naked. They were celebrating a feast which they call Tabagie. Their chief made his warriors pass in review before his guests.—Vide His. Nou. France, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. p. 598.

252. They found sack at St. Croix that had been left there by De Monts's colony three years before, of which they drank. Casks were still lying in the deserted court-yard: and others had been used as fuel by mariners, who had chanced to come there.

253. De Laet's map has C. de Poutrincourt; the map of the English and French Commissaries, C. Fendu or split Cape. Halliburton has Split Cape, so likewise has the Admiralty map of 1860.

It is situated at the entrance of the Basin of Mines, and about eight miles southwest of Parrsborough. The point of this cape is in latitude 45 deg. 20'.

254. Vide antea, p. 26.

255. The author is here speaking of the country about the Basin of Mines. The river at the head of the bay is the Shubenacadie. It is not easy to determine where the moss-covered cross was found. The distance from Cap de Poutrincourt is indefinite, and the direction could not have been exactly north. There is too much uncertainty to warrant even a conjecture as to its locality.

256. The port aux Mines is Advocate's Harbor.—Vide antea, p. 26, and note 67.

257. Niganis is a small Bay in the Island of Cape Breton, south of Cape North: by De Laet called Ninganis; English, and French Commissaries, Niganishe; modern maps, Niganish.

258. The 3d of July was doubtless an error of the printer for the 30th, as appears from the later date in the preceding paragraph, and the statement of Lescarbot, that he left on the 30th of July. He says they had one large barque, two small ones, and a shallop. One of the small ones was sent before, while the other two followed on the 30th; and he adds that Poutrincourt remained eleven days longer to await the ripening of their grain, which agrees with Champlain's subsequent statement, that he left with Poutrincourt on the 11th of August.—Vide His. Nou. France, 1612, p. 603.

259. The "Jonas."—Vide antea, p. 146.

260. Vide antea, note 258.

261. The implacable character of the American Indian is well illustrated in this skirmish which took place at Saco. The old chief Mabretou, whose life had been prolonged through several generations, had inspired his allies to revenge, and had been present at the conflict. The Indian Panounias had been killed in an affray, the particular cause of which is not stated. To avenge his death, many lives were lost on both sides. The two chiefs of Saco were slain, and in turn the author of their death perished by the hand of their friends. Lescarbot informs us that Champdore, under Poutrincourt, subsequently visited Saco, and concluded a formal peace between the belligerent parties, emphasizing its importance by impressive forms, and ceremonies.



CHAPTER XVII.

THE SETTLEMENT ABANDONED.—RETURN TO FRANCE OF SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT AND ALL HIS COMPANY.

On the 11th of August, we set out from our settlement in a shallop, and coasted along as far as Cape Fourchu, where I had previously been.

Continuing our course along the coast as far as Cap de la Heve, where we first landed with Sieur de Monts, on the 8th of May, 1604, [262] we examined the coast from this place as far as Canseau, a distance of nearly sixty leagues. This I had not yet done, and I observed it very carefully, making a map of it as of the other coasts.

Departing from Cap de la Heve, we went as far as Sesambre, an island so called by some people from St. Malo, [263] and distant fifteen leagues from La Heve. Along the route are a large number of islands, which we named Les Martyres, [264] since some Frenchmen were once killed there by the savages. These islands lie in several inlets and bays. In one of them is a river named St. Marguerite, [265] distant seven leagues from Sesambre, which is in latitude 44 deg. 25'. The islands and coasts are thickly covered with pines, firs, birches, and other trees of inferior quality. Fish and also fowl are abundant.

After leaving Sesambre, we passed a bay which is unobstructed, of seven or eight leagues in extent, with no islands except at the extremity, where is the mouth of a small river, containing but little water. [266] Then, heading north-east a quarter east, we arrived at a harbor distant eight leagues from Sesambre, which is very suitable for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and twenty tons. At its entrance is an island from which one can walk to the main land at low tide. We named this place Port Saincte Helaine, [267] which is in latitude 44 deg. 40' more or less.

From this place we proceeded to a bay called La Baye de Toutes Isles, [268] of some fourteen or fifteen leagues in extent, a dangerous place on account of the presence of banks, shoals, and reefs. The country presents a very unfavorable appearance, being filled with the same kind of trees which I have mentioned before. Here we encountered bad weather.

Hence we passed on near a river, six leagues distant, called Riviere de l'Isle Verte,[269] there being a green island at its entrance. This short distance which we traversed is filled with numerous rocks extending nearly a league out to sea, where the breakers are high, the latitude being 45 deg. 15'.

Thence we went to a place where there is an inlet, with two or three islands, and a very good harbor, [270] distant three leagues from l'Isle Verte. We passed also by several islands near and in a line with each other, which we named Isles Rangees, [271] and which are distant six or seven leagues from l'Isle Verte. Afterwards we passed by another bay [272] containing several islands, and proceeded to a place where we found a vessel engaged in fishing between some islands, which are a short distance from the main land, and distant four leagues from the Rangees. This place we named Port de Savalette, [273] the name of the master of the vessel engaged in fishing, a Basque, who entertained us bountifully; and was very glad to see us, since there were savages there who purposed some harm to him, which we prevented. [274]

Leaving this place, we arrived on the 27th of the month at Canseau, distant six leagues from Port de Savalette, having passed on our way a large number of islands. At Canseau, we found that the three barques had arrived at port in safety. Champdore and Lescarbot came out to receive us. We also found the vessel ready to sail, having finished its fishing and awaiting only fair weather to return. Meanwhile, we had much enjoyment among these islands, where we found the greatest possible quantity of raspberries.

All the coast which we passed along from Cape Sable to this place is moderately high and rocky, in most places bordered by numerous islands and breakers, which extend out to sea nearly two leagues in places, and are very unfavorable for the approach of vessels. Yet there cannot but be good harbors and roadsteads along the coasts and islands, if they were explored. As to the country, it is worse and less promising than in other places which we had seen, except on some rivers or brooks, where it is very pleasant; but there is no doubt that the winter in these regions is cold, lasting from six to seven months.

The harbor of Canseau [275] is a place surrounded by islands, to which the approach is very difficult, except in fair weather, on account of the rocks and breakers about it. Fishing, both green and dry, is carried on here.

From this place to the Island of Cape Breton, which is in latitude 45 deg. 45' and 14 deg. 50' of the deflection of the magnetic needle, [276] it is eight leagues, and to Cape Breton twenty-five. Between the two there is a large bay, [277] extending Some nine or ten leagues into the interior and making a passage between the Island of Cape Breton and the main land through to the great Bay of St. Lawrence, by which they go to Gaspe and Isle Percee, where fishing is carried on. This passage along the Island of Cape Breton is very narrow. Although there is water enough, large vessels do not pass there at all on account of the strong currents and the impetuosity of the tides which prevail. This we named Le Passage Courant, [278] and it is in latitude 45 deg. 45'.

The Island of Cape Breton is of a triangular shape, with a circuit of about eighty leagues. Most of the country is mountainous, yet in some parts very pleasant. In the centre of it there is a kind of lake, [279] where the sea enters by the north a quarter north-west, and also by the south a quarter Southeast. [280] Here are many islands filled with plenty of game, and shell-fish of various kinds, including oysters, which, however, are not of very good flavor. In this place there are two harbors, where fishing is carried on; namely, Le Port aux Anglois, [281] distant from Cape Breton some two or three leagues, and Niganis, eighteen or twenty leagues north a quarter north-west. The Portuguese once made an attempt to settle this island, and spent a winter here; but the inclemency of the season and the cold caused them to abandon their settlement.

On the 3rd of September, we set out from Canseau. On the 4th, we were off Sable Island. On the 6th, we reached the Grand Bank, where the catching of green fish is carried on, in latitude 45 deg. 30'. On the 26th, we entered the sound near the shores of Brittany and England, in sixty-five fathoms of water and in latitude 49 deg. 30'. On the 28th, we put in at Roscou, [282] in lower Brittany, where we were detained by bad weather until the last day of September, when, the wind coming round favorable, we put to sea in order to pursue our route to St. Malo, [283] which formed the termination of these voyages, in which God had guided us without shipwreck or danger.

END OF THE VOYAGES FROM THE YEAR 1604 TO 1608.

ENDNOTES:

262. Vide antea, p. 9 and note 22.

263. Sesambre. This name was probably suggested by the little islet, Cezembre, one of several on which are military works for the defence of St. Malo. On De Laet's map of 1633, it is written Sesembre; on that of Charlevoix. 1744, Sincenibre. It now appears on the Admiralty maps corrupted into Sambro. There is a cape and a harbor near this island which bear the same name.

264. The islands stretching along from Cap de la Heve to Sambro Island are called the Martyres Iles on De Laet's map, 1633.

265. The bay into which this river empties still retains the name of St. Margaret.

266. Halifax Harbor. Its Indian name was Chebucto, written on the map of the English and French Commissaries Shebuctu. On Champlain's map, 1612, as likewise on that of De Laet, 1633, it is called "Baye Senne," perhaps from saine, signifying the unobstructed bay.

267. Eight leagues from the Island Sesambre or Sambro Island would take them to Perpisawick Inlet, which is doubtless Le Port Saincte Helaine of Champlain. The latitude of this harbor is 44 deg. 41', differing but a single minute from that of the text, which is extraordinary, the usual variation being from ten to thirty minutes.

268. Nicomtau Bay is fifteen leagues from Perpisawick Inlet, but La Baye de Toutes Isles is, more strictly speaking, an archipelago, extending along the coast, say from Clam Bay to Liscomb Point, as may be seen by reference to Champlain's map, 1612, and that of De Laet, 1633, Cruxius, 1660, and of Charlevoix, 1744. The north-eastern portion of this archipelago is now called, according to Laverdiere, Island Bay.

269. Riviere de l'Isle Verte, or Green Island River, is the River St. Mary; and Green Island is Wedge Island near its mouth. The latitude at the mouth of the river is 45 deg. 3'. This little island is called I. Verte on De Laet's map, and likewise on that of Charlevoix; on the map of the English and French Commissaries, Liscomb or Green Island.

270. This inlet has now the incongruous name of Country Harbor: the three islands at its mouth are Harbor, Goose, and Green Islands. The inlet is called Mocodome on Charlevoix's map.

271. There are several islets on the east of St. Catharine's River, near the shore, which Laverdiere suggests are the Isles Rangees. They are exceedingly small, and no name is given them on the Admiralty charts.

272. Tor Bay.

273. Le Port de Savalette. Obviously White Haven, which is four leagues from the Rangees and six from Canseau, as stated in the text. Lescarbot gives a very interesting account of Captain Savalette, the old Basque fisherman, who had made forty-two voyages into these waters. He had been eminently successful in fishing, having taken daily, according to his own account, fifty crowns' worth of codfish, and expected his voyage would yield, ten thousand francs. His vessel was of eighty tons burden, and could take in a hundred thousand dry codfish. He was well known, and a great favorite with the voyagers to this coast. He was from St. Jean de Luz, a small seaport town in the department of the Lower Pyrenees in France, near the borders of Spain, distinguished even at this day for its fishing interest.

274. The Indians were in the habit of selecting from day to day the best of Savalette's fish when they came in, and appropriating them to their own use, nolens volens.

275. Canseau. Currency has been given to an idle fancy that this name was derived from that of a French navigator, but it has been abundantly disproved by the Abbe Laverdiere. It is undoubtedly a word of Indian origin.

276. The variation of the magnetic needle in 1871, fifteen miles South of the Harbor of Canseau, was, according to the Admiralty charts, 23 degrees west. The magnetic needle was employed in navigation as early as the year 1200, and its variation had been discovered before the time of Columbus. But for a long period its variation was supposed to be fixed; that is to say, was supposed to be always the same in the same locality. A few years before Champlain made his voyages to America, it was discovered that its variation in Paris was not fixed, but that it changed from year to year. If Champlain was aware of this, his design in noting its exact variation, as he did at numerous points on our coast, may have been to furnish data for determining at some future day whether the variation were changeable here as well as in France. But, whether he was aware of the discovery then recently made in Paris or not, he probably intended, by noting the declination of the needle, to indicate his longitude, at least approximately.

277. Chedabucto Bay.

278. The Strait of Canseau. Champlain gives it on his map, 1612. Pasage du glas; De Laet, 1633, Passage du glas; Creuxius, 1660, Fretum Campseium; Charlevoix, 1744, Passage de Canceau. It appears from the above that the early name was soon superseded by that which it now bears.

279. Now called La Bras d'Or, The Golden Arm.

280. There is, in fact, no passage of La Bras d'Or on the south-west; and Champlain corrects his error, as may be seen by reference to his map of 1612. It may also be stated that the sea enters from the north-east. Nordouest in the original is here probably a typographical error for nordest. There are, indeed, two passages, both on the north-east, distinguished as the Great and the Little Bras d'Or.

281. Le Port aux Anglois, the Harbor of the English. On De Laet's map, Port aux Angloix. This is the Harbor of Louisburgh, famous in the history of the Island of Cape Breton.

282. Roscofs, a small seaport town. On Mercator's Atlas of 1623, it is written Roscou, as in the text.

283. According to Lescarbot, they remained at St. Malo eight days, when they went in a barque to Honfleur, narrowly escaping shipwreck. Poutrincourt proceeded to Paris, where he exhibited to Henry IV. corn, wheat, rye, barley, and oats, products of the colony which he had so often promised to cherish, but whose means of subsistence he had now nevertheless ungraciously taken away. Poutrincourt also presented to him five oustards, or wild geese, which he had bred from the shell. The king was greatly delighted with them, and had them preserved at Fontainebleau. These exhibitions of the products of New France had the desired effect upon the generous heart of Henry IV.; and De Monts's monopoly of the fur-trade was renewed for one year, to furnish some slight aid in establishing his colonies in New France.



THE VOYAGES TO THE GREAT RIVER ST. LAWRENCE, MADE BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE KING IN THE MARINE, FROM THE YEAR 1608 TO THAT OF 1612.



CHAPTER I.

DETERMINATION OF SIEUR DE MONTS TO MAKE EXPLORATIONS IN THE INTERIOR; HIS COMMISSION, AND ITS INFRINGEMENT BY THE BASQUES, WHO DISARMED THE VESSEL OF PONT GRAVE; AND THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THEM WHICH THEY SUBSEQUENTLY MADE.

Having returned to France after a stay of three years in New France, [283] I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and related to him the principal events of which I had been a witness since his departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most remarkable coasts and harbors there.

Some time afterward, Sieur de Monts determined to continue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had been by order of the late King Henry the Great [284] in the year 1603, for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, commencing in latitude 48 deg. 40', that is, at Gaspe, at the entrance of the river, as far as the great fall, which is in latitude 45 deg. and some minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a careful examination of it as we have since done. [285]

Now after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, he resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an undertaking, notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. He honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage; and, in order to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, one commanded by Pont Grave, who was commissioned to trade with the savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I was to winter in the country.

Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one year, by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the savages, on penalties stated in the following commission:—

HENRY BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, marshals, prevosts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them, according to his authority, throughout the extent of their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting:

Acting upon the information which has been given us by those who have returned from New France, respecting the good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and the disposition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, We have resolved to continue the settlement previously undertaken there, in order that our subjects may go there to trade without hinderance. And in view of the proposition to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary of our chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and supplies for sustaining the expense of it, [286] it has pleased us to promise and assure him that none of our subjects but himself shall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurisdiction: this We desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and other considerations impelling us thereto, We command and decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in our stead and carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and forbidding all merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors and others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things with the savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communicate with them during the space of one year, within the jurisdiction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and the entire confiscation of their vessels, supplies, arms, and merchandise for the benefit of Sieur de Monts; and, in order that the punishment of their disobedience may be assured, you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur de Monts or his lieutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest all violators of our present prohibition and order, also their vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that action may be taken not only against the persons, but also the property of the offenders, as the case shall require. This is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and published in all localities and public places within your authority and jurisdiction, as you may deem necessary, by the first one of our officers or sergeants in accordance with this requisition, by virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same, properly attested once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful councillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is Our will that credence should be given as to the present original, in order that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, but that all may obey and act in accordance with Our will in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, mates, and second mates, and sailors of the same, and others on board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of the aforesaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, and others possessing power and authority from him, to search the aforesaid vessels which shall have engaged in the fur-trade after the present prohibition shall have been made known to them. It is Our will that, upon the requisition, of the aforesaid Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having authority, you should proceed against the disobedient and offenders, as the case may require: to this end. We give you power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwithstanding the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last, [287] any hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or appeals of whatsoever kind; on account of which, and for fear of disregarding which, it is Our will that there should be no delay, and, if any of these occur, We have withheld and reserved cognizance of the same to Ourselves and our Council, apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited the same to all our courts and judges: for this is Our pleasure.

Given at Paris the seventh day of January, in the year of grace, sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of Our reign. Signed, HENRY.

And lower down, By the King, Delomenie. And sealed with the single label of the great seal of yellow wax.

Collated with the original by me, Councillor, Notary, and secretary of the King.

I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation, where I found the vessel of Pont Grave in readiness. He left port on the 5th of April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 15th of May, in latitude 45 deg. 15'. On the 26th, we sighted Cape St. Mary,[288] in latitude 46 deg. 45', on the Island of Newfoundland. On the 27th of the month, we sighted Cape St. Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and also the Island of St. Paul, distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary.[289] On the 30th, we sighted Isle Percee and Gaspe,[290] in latitude 48 deg. 40', distant from Cape St. Lawrence from seventy to seventy-five leagues.

On the 3d of June, we arrived before Tadoussac, distant from Gaspe from eighty to ninety leagues; and we anchored in the roadstead of Tadoussac,[291] a league distant from the harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on account of its rapidity, and where there are sometimes violent winds, bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the harbor of Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to the first fall on this river, which comes from the north-north-west. The harbor is small, and can accommodate only about twenty vessels. It has water enough, and is under shelter of the river Saguenay and a little rocky island; which is almost cut by the river; elsewhere there are very high mountains with little soil and only rocks and sand, thickly covered with such wood as fir and birch. There is a small pond near the harbor, shut in by mountains covered with wood. There are two points at the mouth: one on the south-west side, extending out nearly a league into the sea, called Point St. Matthew, or otherwise Point aux Allouettes; and another on the north-west side, extending out one-eighth of a league, and called Point of all Devils.[292] from the dangerous nature of the place. The winds from the south-south-east strike the harbor, which are not to be feared; but those, however, from the Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at low tide: our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as the wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether Pont Grave had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop with the pilot of Pont Grave and a Basque, who came to inform me of what had happened to them because they attempted to hinder the Basque vessels from trading, according to the commission obtained by Sieur de Monts from his Majesty, that no vessels should trade without permission of Sieur de Monts, as was expressed in it; and that, notwithstanding the notifications which Pont Grave made in behalf of his Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly carrying on their traffic; and that they had used their arms and maintained themselves so well in their vessel that, discharging all their cannon upon that of Pont Grave, and letting off many musket-shots, he was severely wounded, together with three of his men, one of whom died, Pont Grave meanwhile making no resistance; for at the first shower of musketry he was struck down. The Basques came on board of the vessel and took away all the cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade, notwithstanding the prohibition of the King, and that when they were ready to set out for France they would restore to him his cannon and ammunition, and that they were keeping them in order to be in a state of security. Upon hearing all these particulars, I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, which we might have easily avoided.

Now, after hearing from the pilot all these things, I asked him why the Basque had come on board of our vessel. He told me that he came in behalf of their master, named Darache, and his companions, to obtain assurance from me that I would do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor.

I replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont Grave. The Basque said that, if I had need of any thing in their power, they would assist me accordingly. What led them to use this language was simply their recognition of having done wrong, as they confessed, and the fear that they would not be permitted to engage in the whale-fishery. After talking at length, I went ashore to see Pont Grave, in order to deliberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. He related to me in detail all that had happened. We concluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that the settlement must not be given up for this year, so that we considered it best, in order not to make a bad cause out of a just one, and thus work our ruin, to give them assurances on my part so long as I should remain there, and that Pont Grave should undertake nothing against them, but that justice should be done in France, and their differences should be settled there.

Darache, master of the vessel, begged me to go on board, where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long conference, I secured an agreement between Pont Grave and him, and required him to promise that he would undertake nothing against Pont Grave, or what would be prejudicial to the King and Sieur de Monts; that, if he did the contrary, I should regard my promise as null and void. This was agreed to, and signed by each.

In this place were a number of savages who had come for traffic in furs, several of whom came to our vessel with their canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing narrower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn over, in case one does not understand managing them, and are made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by little ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged; they are so light that a man can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight equal to that of a pipe. When they want to go overland to a river where they have business, they carry them with them. From Choueacoet along the coast as far as the harbor of Tadoussac, they are all alike.

ENDNOTES:

283. Champlain arrived on the shores of America on the 8th of May, 1604, and left on the 3rd of September, 1607. He had consequently been on our coast three years, three months, and twenty-five days.

284. The late King Henry the Great. Henry IV. died in 1610, and this introductory passage was obviously written after that event, probably near the time of the publication of his voyages in 1613.

285. In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain ascended the St. Lawrence as far as the falls of St. Louis, above Montreal.

286. The contribution by Henry IV. did not probably extend beyond the monopoly of the fur-trade granted by him in this commission.

287. This, we presume, was the act abrogating the charter of De Monts granted in 1603.

288. This cape still retains its ancient name, and is situated between St. Mary's Bay and Placentia Bay.

289. Cape St. Lawrence is the northernmost extremity of the Island of Cape Breton, and the Island of St. Paul is twenty miles north-east of it.

290. The Isle Percee, or pierced island, is a short distance north of the Island of Bonaventure, at the entrance of Mal Bay, near the village of Percee, where there is a government light. Gaspe Bay is some miles farther north. "Below the bay," says Charlevoix, "we perceive a kind of island, which is only a steep rock about thirty fathoms long, ten high, and four in breadth: it looks like part of an old wall, and they say it joined formerly to Mount Ioli, which is over against it on the continent. This rock has in the midst of it an opening like an arch, under which a boat of Biscay may pass with its sail up, and this has given it the name of the pierced island."—Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguieres, by Francis Xavier de Charlevoix, London, 1763, p. 12.