Wee stayed there 6 weeks, and came back with a company of people of the nation of the Sault, that came along with us loaden with booty. We weare 12 dayes before we could overtake our company that went to the lake. The spring approaches, which [is] the fitest time to kill the Oriniack. A wildman and I with my brother killed that time above 600, besides other beasts. We came to the lake side with much paines, ffor we sent our wildmen before, and we two weare forced to make cariages 5 dayes through the woods. After we mett with a company that did us a great deale of service, ffor they carryed what we had, and arrived att the appointed place before 3 dayes ended. Here we made a fort. Att our arrivall we found att least 20 cottages full.

One very faire evening we went to finde what we hide before, which we finde in a good condition. We went about to execut our resolution, fforseeing that we must stay that yeare there, ffor which wee weare not very sorry, being resolved to know what we heard before. We waited untill the Ice should vanish, but received [news] that the Octanaks built a fort on the point that formes that Bay, which resembles a small lake. We went towards it with all speede. We had a great store of booty which we would not trust to the wildmen, ffor the occasion makes the thiefe. We overloaded our slide on that rotten Ice, and the further we went the Sun was stronger, which made our Trainage have more difficultie. I seeing my brother so strained, I tooke the slide, which was heavier then mine, and he mine. Being in that extent above foure leagues from the ground, we sunke downe above the one halfe of the legge in the Ice, and must advance in spight of our teeth. To leave our booty was to undoe us. We strived so that I hurted myselfe in so much that I could not stand up right, nor any further. This putt us in great trouble. Uppon this I advised my brother to leave me with his slide. We putt the two sleds one by another. I tooke some cloathes to cover mee. After I stripped myselfe from my wett cloathes, I layed myselfe downe on the slide; my brother leaves me to the keeping of that good God. We had not above two leagues more to goe. He makes hast and came there in time and sends wildmen for me and the slids. There we found the perfidiousnesse of the Octanaks. Seeing us in Extremitie, would prescribe us laws. We promised them whatever they asked. They came to fetch me.

For eight dayes I was so tormented I thought never to recover. I rested neither day nor night; at last by means that God and my brother did use, which was by rubbing my leggs with hott oyle of bears and keeping my thigh and leggs well tyed, it came to its former strenght. After a while I came to me selfe. There comes a great company of new wildmen to seeke a nation in that land for a weighty buissinesse. They desired me to goe a long, so I prepare myselfe to goe with them. I marched well 2 dayes; the 3rd day the sore begins to breake out againe, in so much that I could goe no further. Those left me, albeit I came for their sake. You will see the cruelties of those beasts, and I may think that those that liveth on fish uses more inhumanities then those that feed upon flesh; neverthelesse I proceeded forwards the best I could, but knewed [not] where for the most part, the sun being my onely guide.

There was some snow as yett on the ground, which was so hard in the mornings that I could not percave any tracks. The worst was that I had not a hattchett nor other arme, and not above the weight of ten pounds of victualls, without any drink. I was obliged to proceed five dayes for my good fortune. I indured much in the morning, but a litle warmed, I went with more ease. I looked betimes for som old cabbans where I found wood to make fire wherwith. I melted the snow in my cappe that was so greasy. One night I finding a cottage covered it with boughs of trees that I found ready cutt. The fire came to it as I began to slumber, which soone awaked me in hast, lame as I was, to save meselfe from the fire. My racketts, shoos, and stokens kept me my life; I must needs save them. I tooke them and flung them as farr as I could in the snow. The fire being out, I was forced to looke for them, as dark as it was, in the said snow, all naked & very lame, and almost starved both for hungar and cold. But what is it that a man cannot doe when he seeth that it concerns his life, that one day he must loose? Yett we are to prolong it as much as we cane, & the very feare maketh us to invent new wayes.

The fifth day I heard a noyse and thought it of a wolfe. I stood still, and soone perceived that it was of a man. Many wild men weare up and downe looking for me, fearing least the Bears should have devoured me. That man came neere and saluts me, and demands whether it was I. We both satt downe; he looks in my sacke to see if I had victualls, where he finds a peece as bigg as my fist. He eats this without participation, being their usuall way. He inquireth if I was a hungary. I tould him no, to shew meselfe stout and resolute. He takes a pipe of tobacco, and then above 20 pounds of victualls he takes out of his sack, and greased, and gives it me to eate. I eat what I could, and gave him the rest. He bids me have courage, that the village was not far off. He demands if I knewed the way, but I was not such as should say no. The village was att hand. The other wildmen arrived but the day before, and after a while came by boats to the lake. The boats weare made of Oriniacks' skins. I find my brother with a company of Christinos that weare arrived in my absence. We resolved to cover our buissinesse better, and close our designe as if we weare going a hunting, and send them before; that we would follow them the next night, which we did, & succeeded, but not without much labor and danger; for not knowing the right way to thwart the other side of the lake, we weare in danger to perish a thousand times because of the crums of Ice. We thwarted a place of 15 leagues. We arrived on the other side att night. When we came there, we knewed not where to goe, on the right or left hand, ffor we saw no body. Att last, as we with full sayle came from a deepe Bay, we perceived smoake and tents. Then many boats from thence came to meete us. We are received with much Joy by those poore Christinos. They suffered not that we trod on ground; they leade us into the midle of their cottages in our own boats, like a couple of cocks in a Basquett. There weare some wildmen that followed us but late. We went away with all hast possible to arrive the sooner att the great river. We came to the seaside, where we finde an old howse all demollished and battered with boulletts. We weare told that those that came there weare of two nations, one of the wolf, the other of the long-horned beast. All those nations are distinguished by the representation of the beasts or animals. They tell us particularities of the Europians. We know ourselves, and what Europ is, therefore in vaine they tell us as for that.

We went from Isle to Isle all that summer. We pluckt abundance of Ducks, as of all other sort of fowles; we wanted nor fish nor fresh meate. We weare well beloved, and weare overjoyed that we promised them to come with such shipps as we invented. This place hath a great store of cows. The wildmen kill them not except for necessary use. We went further in the bay to see the place that they weare to passe that summer. That river comes from the lake and empties itselfe in the river of Sagnes, called Tadousack, which is a hundred leagues in the great river of Canada, as where we weare in the Bay of the north. We left in this place our marks and rendezvous. The wildmen that brought us defended us above all things, if we would come directly to them, that we should by no means land, and so goe to the river to the other sid, that is, to the north, towards the sea, telling us that those people weare very treacherous. Now, whether they tould us this out of pollicy, least we should not come to them ffirst, & so be deprived of what they thought to gett from us [I know not]. In that you may see that the envy and envy raigns every where amongst poore barbarous wild people as att Courts. They made us a mapp of what we could not see, because the time was nigh to reape among the bustards and Ducks. As we came to the place where these oats growes (they grow in many places), you would think it strang to see the great number of ffowles, that are so fatt by eating of this graine that heardly they will move from it. I have seene a wildman killing 3 ducks at once with one arrow. It is an ordinary thing to see five [or] six hundred swans together. I must professe I wondred that the winter there was so cold, when the sand boyles att the watter side for the extreame heate of the Sun. I putt some eggs in that sand, and leave them halfe an houre; the eggs weare as hard as stones. We passed that summer quietly, coasting the seaside, and as the cold began, we prevented the Ice. We have the commoditie of the river to carry our things in our boats to the best place, where weare most bests.

This is a wandring nation, and containeth a vaste countrey. In winter they live in the land for the hunting sake, and in summer by the watter for fishing. They never are many together, ffor feare of wronging one another. They are of a good nature, & not great whore masters, having but one wife, and are [more] satisfied then any others that I knewed. They cloath themselves all over with castors' skins in winter, in summer of staggs' skins. They are the best huntsmen of all America, and scorns to catch a castor in a trappe. The circumjacent nations goe all naked when the season permitts it. But this have more modestie, ffor they putt a piece of copper made like a finger of a glove, which they use before their nature. They have the same tenents as the nation of the beefe, and their apparell from topp to toe. The women are tender and delicat, and takes as much paines as slaves. They are of more acute wits then the men, ffor the men are fools, but diligent about their worke. They kill not the yong castors, but leave them in the watter, being that they are sure that they will take him againe, which no other nation doth. They burne not their prisoners, but knock them in the head, or slain them with arrows, saying it's not decent for men to be so cruell. They have a stone of Turquois from the nation of the buff and beefe, with whome they had warrs. They pollish them, and give them the forme of pearle, long, flatt, round, and [hang] them att their nose. They [find] greene stones, very fine, att the side of the same bay of the sea to the norwest. There is a nation called among themselves neuter. They speake the beefe and Christinos' speech, being friends to both. Those poore people could not tell us what to give us. They weare overjoyed when we sayd we should bring them commodities. We went up on another river, to the upper lake. The nation of the beefe sent us guifts, and we to them, by [the] ambassadors. In the midle of winter we joyned with a Company of the fort, who gladly received us. They weare resolved to goe to the ffrench the next spring, because they weare quite out of stocke. The feast of the dead consumed a great deale of it. They blamed us, saying we should not trust any that we did not know. They upon this asked if we are where the trumpetts are blowne. We sayd yea, and tould that they weare a nation not to be trusted, and if we came to that sea we should warre against them, becaus they weare bad nation, and did their indeavour to tak us to make us their slaves.

In the beginning of Spring there came a company of men that came to see us from the elders, and brought us furrs to intice us to see them againe. I cannot omitt [a] pleasant encounter that happened to my brother as we weare both in a cottag. Two of the nation of the beefe came to see us; in that time my brother had some trade in his hands. The wildmen satt neere us. My brother shews unto them the Image which [re]presented the flight of Joseph and holy mary with the child Jesus, to avoid the anger of herod, and the Virgin and child weare riding the asse, and Joseph carrying a long cloake. My brother shewing that animal, naming it tatanga, which is a buffe, the wildmen, seeing the representation of a woman, weare astonished and weeps, pulls their haire, and tumbles up and downe to the fire, so continued half an houre, till he was in a sweat, and wetted with his tears the rest of the wildmen that weare there. One of them went out of the cottage. My brother and I weare surprized; thought they might have seene a vision, ffor instantly the man putt his hands on his face, as if he should make the signe of the crosse. Now as he came to himselfe, he made us understand, ffor I began to know much of their speech, that first we weare Devills, knowing all what is and what was done; moreover, that he had his desire, that was his wif and child, whome weare taken by the nation of the beefe foure years agoe. So he tooke the asse for the nation of the beefe, the Virgin mary for the picture of his wife, and Jesus for his son, and Joseph for himselfe, saying, "There am I with my long robe, seeking for my wife and child."

By our ambassadors I came to know an other Lake which is northerly of their countrey. They say that it's bigger then all the rest. The upper end is allways frozen. Their ffish comes from those parts. There are people that lives there and dare not trade in it towards the south. There is a river so deepe and blacke that there is no bottome. They say that fish goes neither out nor in to that river. It is very warme, and if they durst navigate in it, they should not come to the end in 40 dayes. That river comes from the lake, and the inhabitants makes warrs against the birds, that defends & offends with theire bills that are as sharpe as sword. This I cannot tell for truth, but told me. All the circumjacent neighbours do incourage us, saying that they would venter their lives with us, for which we weare much overjoyed to see them so freely disposed to goe along with us. Here nothing but courage. "Brother, doe not lye, ffor the ffrench will not believe thee." All men of courage and vallour, lett them fetch commodities, and not stand lazing and be a beggar in the cabbane. It is the way to be beloved of women, to goe and bring them wherewithall to be joyfull. We present guifts to one and to another for to warne them to that end that we should make the earth quake, and give terror to the Iroquoits if they weare so bold as to shew themselves. The Christinos made guifts that they might come with us. This was graunted unto them, to send 2 boats, to testifie that they weare retained slaves among the other nations, although they furnish them with castors. The boats ready, we embarque ourselves. We weare 700. There was not seene such a company to goe downe to the ffrench. There weare above 400 Christinos' boats that brought us their castors, in hopes that the people should give some marchandises for them. Att their retourne the biggest boats could carry onely the man and his wife, and could scarce carry with them 3 castors, so little weare their boats. In summer time I have seene 300 men goe to warrs, and each man his boat, ffor they are that makes the least boats. The company that we had filled above 360 boats. There weare boats that caryed seaven men, and the least two. It was a pleasur to see that imbarquing, ffor all the yong women went in stark naked, their hairs hanging down, yett it is not their coustoms to doe soe. I thought it their shame, but contrary they thinke it excellent & old custome good. They sing a loud and sweetly. They stood in their boats, and remained in that posture halfe a day, to encourage us to come and lodge with them againe. Therefore they are not alltogether ashamed to shew us all, to intice us, and inanimate the men to defend themselves valliantly and come and injoy them.

In two dayes we arrived att the River of the sturgeon, so called because of the great quantity of sturgeons that we tooke there. Here we weare to make our provissions to passe the lake some 14 dayes. In the said tearme wee dryed up above a million of sturgeons. [Footnote: He no doubt meant to say, above "un mille," or "above a thousand."] The women followed us close; after our abode there two dayes they overtooke us. We had severall fals allarums, which putt us in severall troubles. They woundred to have found an Oryanck dead uppon the place, with a boullet in his body. There thousand lyes weare forged. Therefore we goe from thence, but before we come to the Longpoint whereof we spoak before, the wildmen called it okinotoname, we perceive smoake. We goe to discover what it was, and by ill looke we found it was a Iroquoits boat of seaven men, who doubtlesse stayed that winter in the lake of the hurrons, and came there to discover somewhat. I cannot say that they weare the first that came there. God graunt that they may be the last. As they saw us, away they, as swift as their heels could drive. They left their boat and all. They to the woods, and weare pursued, but in vaine, ffor they weare gone before three houres. The pursuers came backe; the one brings a gun, the one a hattchett, the other a kettle, and so forth. The councell was called, where it was decreed to go backe and shooke off to goe downe to the ffrench till the next yeare. This vexed us sore to see such a fleete and such an opportunity come to nothing, foreseeing that such an other may be not in tenne years. We weare to persuade them to the contrary, but checked soundly, saying we weare worse then Ennemyes by perswading them to goe and be slained. In this we must lett theire feare passe over, and we back to the river of the sturgeons, where we found our wives, very buissie in killing those creatures that comes there to multiplie. We dayly heare some newe reporte. All every where ennemy by fancy.

We in the meane time buissie ourselves in the good of our country, which will recompence us badly ffor such toyle and labour. Twelve dayes are passed, in which time we gained some hopes of faire words. We called a councell before the company was disbanded, where we represented, if they weare discouvers, they had not vallued the losse of their kettle, knowing well they weare to gett another where their army layed, and if there should be an army it should appeare and we in such an number, they could be well afraid and turne backe. Our reasons weare hard and put in execution. The next day we embarqued, saving the Christinos, that weare afraid of a sight of a boat made of another stuff then theirs, that they went back as we came where the Iroquoits' boat was. Our words proved true and so proceeded in our way.

Being come nigh the Sault, we found a place where 2 of these men sweated, & for want of covers buried themselves in the sand by the watter side to keepe their bodyes from the flyes called maringoines, which otherwise had killed them with their stings. We thwarted those 2 great lakes with great pleasur, having the wind faire with us. It was a great satisfaction to see so many boats, and so many that never had before commerce with the ffrench. So my brother and I thought wee should be wellcomed. But, O covetousnesse, thou art the cause of many evils! We made a small sayle to every boate; every one strived to be not the last. The wind was double wayes favourable to us. The one gave us rest, the other advanced us very much, which wee wanted much because of the above said delay. We now are comed to the cariages and swift streames to gett the lake of the Castors. We made them with a courage, promptitud, and hungar which made goe with hast as well as the wind. We goe downe all the great river without any encounter, till we came to the long Sault, where my brother some years before made a shipwrake. Being in that place we had worke enough. The first thing wee saw was severall boats that the Ennemy had left att the riverside. This putt great feare in the hearts of our people. Nor they nor we could tell what to doe; and seeing no body appeared we sent to discover what they weare. The discovers calls us, and bids us come, that those who weare there could doe us no harme.

You must know that 17 ffrench made a plott with foure Algonquins to make a league with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the Iroquoits in the passage att their retourne with their castors on their ground, hoping to beat and destroy them with ease, being destitut of necessary things. If one hath his gun he wants his powder, and so the rest. Att the other side without doubt had notice that the travelers weare abroad, and would not faile to come downe with a company, and to make a valiant deede and heroick action was to destroy them all, and consequently make the ffrench tremble as well as the wildmen, ffor the one could not live without the other; the one for his commodities, the other ffor his castors; so that the Iroqoits pretending to wait for us at the passage came thither fflocking. The ffrench and wild company, to putt the Iroquoit in some feare, and hinder his coming there so often with such confidence, weare resolved to lay a snare against him. That company of souldiers being come to the farthest place of that long sault without being discovered, thought allready to be conquerors making cariage, having abroad 15 men to make discoveries, but mett as many ennemyes. They assaulted each other, and the Iroquoits found themselves weake, left there their lives and bodyes, saving 2 that made their escape, went to give notice to 200 of theirs that made ready as they heard the gunns, to help their foreguard. The ffrench seeing such great odds made a retreat, and warned by foure Algonquins that a fort was built not afar off, built by his nation the last yeare, they fled into it in an ill houre. In the meane while the Iroquoits consulted what they should doe; they sent to 550 Iroquoits of the lower nation and 50 Orijonot that weare not afar off. Now they would asault the ffrench in their ffort, the ffort not holding but 20 men. The hurrons could not come in and could not avoid the shott of the ennemy. Then the ffrench pulled downe the fort, and closed together they stoutly began to worke. Those that the ffrench had killed, cutt their heads off & put them uppon long poles of their fort. This skermish dured two dayes & two nights. The Iroquoits finds themselves plagued, ffor the ffrench had a kind of bucklers and shelters. Now arrives 600 men that they did not think of in the least. Here is nothing but cryes, fire, and flame day & night. Here is not to be doubted, the one to take the other, the one to defend himselfe till death. The hurrons seeing such a company submitted to the ennemyes, but are like to pay for their cowardise, being in their hands weare tyed, abused, smitten, and burned as if they weare taken by force, ffor those barbarous weare revenged on their boanes as any was wounded or killed in the battaille.

In this great extremity our small company of one and twenty did resist 5 days against 800 men, and the two foremost dayes against 200 which weare seaven dayes together without intermission, & the worst was that they had no watter, as we saw, ffor they made a hole in the ground out of which they gott but litle because they weare on a hill. It was to be pitied. There was not a tree but was shot with buletts. The Iroquoits come with bucklers to make a breach. The ffrench putt fire to a barill of powder, thinking to shoake the Iroquoits or make him goe back; but did to their great prejudice, for it fell againe in their fort, which made an end of their combat. Uppon this the Ennemy enters, kills and slains all that he finds, so one did not make an escape, saveing one that was found alive; but he stayed not long, for in a short time after his fortune was as the rest; for as he was brought to one of the Forts of the Irokoits, as he was bid to sit down he finds a Pistolet by him, and takes it at adventure, not knowing whether it was charged or no. He puts the end to the breast of him that tyed him, and killd him in the presence of all his camerades; but without any more adoe he was burnt very cruelly. All the French though dead were tyed to posts along the River side, and the 4 Algonquins. As for the hurons they were burnt at their discretion. Some neverthelesse escaped to bring the certain newes how all passed. [Footnote: Frenchmen massacred at Long Sault. See Introduction.] It was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there 8 dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt. I beleeve for certain that the Iroqoits lost many men, having to doe with such brave and valiant souldiers as that company was. Wee visited that place and there was a fine Fort; three were about the other two.

Wee went down the river without making any carriage, and wee adventured very much. As Soon as wee were at the lower end many of our wildmen had a mind to goe back and not to goe any further, thinking really that all the French were killed. As for my Brother and I, wee did fear very much that after such a thing the pride of the enemy would make them attempt anything upon the habitations of mount Royall, which is but 30 leagues from thence. Wee did advise them to make a ffort, or to put us in one of the enemies', and to send immediately two very light boats, that could not be overtaken if the enemy should discover them; and that being arrived at the habitation, they should make them shoot the peeces of Ordnance, and that as soon as the night should come wee would embarque our selves and should hear the noise, or else wee should take councell of what wee should doe, and stay for them at the height of the Isle of mount Royall; which was done accordingly without any hazard, for all the enemies were gone dispairing of our comeing down, and for what they had done and for what they had lost, which by the report of some Hurons was more then four score men; and if the French had had a Fort flanke & some water they had resisted the enemy miraculously and forced them to leave them for want of powder and shott and also of other provisions. They were furnished for the whole summer. Our two boats did goe, but the rest were soe impatient that they resolved to follow them, being willing to run the same hazard; and wee arrived the next morning and were in sight when the peeces were shott off, with a great deale of Joy to see so great a number of boats that did almost cover the whole River.

Wee stayd 3 dayes at mont-Royall, and then wee went down to the three Rivers. The wildmen did aske our advice whether it was best for them to goe down further. We told them no, because of the dangers that they may meet with at their returne, for the Irokoits could have notice of their comeing down, and so come and lay in ambush for them, and it was in the latter season, being about the end of August. Well, as soon as their businesse was done, they went back again very well satisfyed and wee very ill satisfied for our reception, which was very bad considering the service wee had done to the countrey, which will at another time discourage those that by our example would be willing to venture their lives for the benefit of the countrey, seeing a Governor that would grow rich by the labours and hazards of others.

Before I goe further I have a mind to let you know the fabulous beleafe of those poore People, that you may see their ignorance concerning the soul's immortality, being separated from the body. The kindred and the friends of the deceased give notice to the others, who gather together and cry for the dead, which gives warning to the young men to take the armes to give some assistance and consolation to the deceased. Presently the corps is covered with white skins very well tyed. Afterwards all the kindred come to the cottage of the deceased and begin to mourn and lament. After they are weary of making such musick the husbands or Friends of the deceased send their wives for gifts to pacifie a little the Widdow and to dry her tears. Those guifts are of skins and of what they can get, for at such a ceremony they are very liberall. As soon as that is done and the night comes, all the young men are desired to come and doe what they will to have done to them. So that when darknesse has covered the whole face of the Earth they come all singing with staves in their hands for their armes, and after they are set round the cabbin, begin to knock and make such a noise that one would thinke they have a mind to tear all in peeces, and that they are possessed of some Devills. All this is done to expell and frighten the soule out of that poor and miserable body that she might not trouble his carcase nor his bones, and to make it depart the sooner to goe and see their Ancestors, and to take possession of their immortall glory, which cannot be obtained but a fortnight towards the setting of the sun. The first step that she makes is of seven dayes, to begin her course, but there are many difficulties, ffor it is through a very thick wood full of thorns, of stones and flints, which [brings] great trouble to that poor soule. At last having overcome all those dangers and toyles she comes to a River of about a Quarter of a mile broad where there is a bridge made onely of one planke, being supported by a beame pointed at one end, which is the reason that planke rises and falls perpetually, having not any rest nor stay, and when the soule comes near the side of that river, she meets with a man of extraordinary stature, who is very leane and holds a dagger of very hard wood and very keen in his hands, and speakes these words when he sees the petitioning soule come near: Pale, pale, which signifies, Goe, goe; and at every word the bridge ballances, and rises his knife, and the traveller offering himselfe, receives a blow by which he is cut in two, and each halfe is found upon that moving, and according as he had lived they stay upon it; that is, if his body was valiant the passage was soon made free to him, for the two halfes come together and joyn themselves again. So passe to the other side where she finds a bladder of bear's grease to grease herselfe and refresh herselfe for that which she is to do, which being done she finds a wood somewhat cleerer and a straight road that she must goe, and for 5 dayes neither goe to the right nor to the left hand, where at last being arrived she finds a very great and cleer fire, through which she must resolve to passe. That fire is kindled by the young men that dyed since the beginning of the world to know whether those that come have loved the women or have been good huntsmen; and if that soule has not had any of those rare Vertues she burnes and broiles the sole of her feet by going through the fire; but quite contrary if she has had them qualityes, she passes through without burning her selfe in the least, and from that so hot place she finds grease and paint of all sorts of colour with which she daubs and makes herselfe beautifull, to come to that place so wished for. But she has not yet all done, nor made an end of her voyage; being so dress'd she continues her course still towards the same pole for the space of two dayes in a very cleer wood, and where there is very high and tall trees of which most be oakes, which is the reason that there is great store of bears. All along that way they do nothing else but see their enemies layd all along upon the ground, that sing their fatall song for having been vanquished in this world and also in the other, not daring to be so bold as to kill one of those animalls, and feed onely upon the down of these beasts. Being arrived, if I may say, at the doore of that imaginarie paradise, they find a company of their ancestors long since deceased, by whom they are received with a great deale of ceremony, and are brought by so venerable a company within halfe a daye's journey of the place of the meeting, and all along the rest of the way they discourse of things of this world that are passd; for you must know they travell halfe a day without speaking one word, but keepe a very deep silence, for, said they, it is like the Goslings to confound one another with words. As soon as they are arrived they must have a time to come to themselves, to think well upon what they are to speak without any precipitation, but with Judgement, so that they are come where all manner of company with drumms & dryd bumpkins, full of stones and other such instruments. The elders that have brought her there cover her with a very large white skin, and colour her leggs with vermillion and her feet likewise, and so she is received amongst the Predestinates. There is a deep silence made as soon as she is come in, and then one of the elders makes a long speech to encourage the young people to go a hunting to kill some meat to make a feast for entertainment of the soul of their countryman, which is put in execution with a great deal of diligence and hast; and while the meat is boyling or roasting, and that there is great preparations made for the feast, the young maidens set out themselves with the richest Jewells and present the beesome to the new-comer. A little while after the kettles are filled, there is feasting every where, comedies acted, and whatsoever is rare is there to be seene; there is dancing every where. Now remaines nothing but to provide that poor soule of a companion, which she does presently, for she has the choice of very beautifull women, and may take as many as she pleases, which makes her felicity immortall.

By this you may see the silly beleefe of these poor People. I have seen right-minded Jesuites weep bitterly hearing me speake of so many Nations that perish for want of Instruction; but most of them are like the wildmen, that thinke they offend if they reserve any thing for the next day. I have seen also some of the same company say, "Alas, what pity 'tis to loose so many Castors. Is there no way to goe there? The fish and the sauce invite us to it; is there no meanes to catch it? Oh, how happy should I be to go in those countreys as an Envoye, being it is so good a countrey." That is the relation that was made me severall times by those wildmen, for I thought they would never have done. But let us come to our arrivall againe.

The Governour, seeing us come back with a considerable summe for our own particular, and seeing that his time was expired and that he was to goe away, made use of that excuse to doe us wrong & to enrich himselfe with the goods that wee had so dearly bought, and by our meanes wee made the country to subsist, that without us had beene, I beleeve, oftentimes quite undone and ruined, and the better to say at his last beeding, no castors, no ship, & what to doe without necessary commodities. He made also my brother prisoner for not having observed his orders, and to be gone without his leave, although one of his letters made him blush for shame, not knowing what to say, but that he would have some of them at what price soever, that he might the better maintain his coach & horses at Paris. He fines us four thousand pounds to make a Fort at the three Rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it, and moreover 6,000 pounds for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our Relations and Friends. But the Bougre did grease his chopps with it, and more, made us pay a custome which was the 4th part, which came to 14,000 pounds, so that wee had left but 46,000 pounds, and took away L. 24,000. Was not he a Tyrant to deal so with us, after wee had so hazarded our lives, & having brought in lesse then 2 years by that voyage, as the Factors of the said country said, between 40 and 50,000 pistolls? For they spoke to me in this manner: "In which country have you been? From whence doe you come? For wee never saw the like. From whence did come such excellent castors? Since your arrivall is come into our magazin very near 600,000 pounds Tournois of that filthy merchandise, which will be prized like gold in France." And them were the very words that they said to me.

Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to goe and demand Justice in France. It had been better for him to have been contented with his losses without going and spend the rest in halfe a year's time in France, having L. 10,000 that he left with his wife, that was as good a Houswife as he. There he is in France; he is paid with fair words and with promise to make him goe back from whence he came; but he feeing no assurance of it, did engage himselfe with a merchant of Rochell, who was to send him a Ship the next spring. In that hope he comes away in a fisher boat to the pierced Island, some 20 leagues off from the Isle d'eluticosty, [Footnote: Eluticosty, Anticosti, an island at the mouth of the river St. Lawrence.] the place where the ship was to come; that was to come whilst he was going in a shallop to Quebucq, where I was to goe away with him to the rendezvous, being he could not do anything without me; but with a great deel of difficulty it proved, so that I thought it possible to goe tast of the pleasures of France, and by a small vessell that I might not be idle during his absence. He presently told me what he had done, and what wee should doe. Wee embarked, being nine of us. In a few dayes wee came to the pierced Island, where wee found severall shipps newly arrived; & in one of them wee found a father Jesuit that told us that wee should not find what wee thought to find, and that he had put a good order, and that it was not well done to distroy in that manner a Country, and to wrong so many Inhabitants. He advised me to leave my Brother, telling me that his designs were pernicious. Wee see ourselves frustrated of our hopes. My Brother told me that wee had store of merchandize that would bring much profit to the french habitations that are in the Cadis. I, who was desirous of nothing but new things, made no scruple.

Wee arrived at St. Peter, in the Isle of Cape Breton, at the habitation of Monsr. Denier, where wee delivered some merchandizes for some Originack skins; from thence to Camseau where every day wee were threatned to be burned by the french; but God be thanked, wee escaped from their hands by avoiding a surprize. And in that place my Brother told me of his designe to come and see new England, which our servants heard, and grumbled and laboured underhand against us, for which our lives were in very great danger. Wee sent some of them away, and at last with much labour & danger wee came to Port Royall, which is inhabited by the french under the English Government, where some few dayes after came some English shipps that brought about our designes, where being come wee did declare our designes. Wee were entertained, and wee had a ship promissed us, and the Articles drawn, and wee did put to sea the next spring for our discovery, and wee went to the entry of Hudson's streight by the 61 degree. Wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the yeare was far spent by the indiscretion of our master, that onely were accustomed to see some Barbadoes Sugers, and not mountaines of Suger candy, which did frighten him, that he would goe no further, complaining that he was furnished but for 4 months, & that he had neither Sailes, nor Cord, nor Pitch, nor Towe, to stay out a winter. Seeing well that it was too late, he would goe no further, so brought us back to the place from whence wee came, where wee were welcome, although with great losse of goods & hope, but the last was not quite lost. Wee were promissed 2 shipps for a second voyage. They were made fit and ready, and being the season of the yeare was not yet come to be gone, one of them 2 shipps was sent to the Isle of Sand, there to fish for the Basse [Footnote: This fishing expedition was to the well-known Sable Island. In 1676 "The King granted Medard Chouart, Sieur des Grozelliers, and Pierre Esprit, Sieur des Radision, the privilege of establishing fisheries for white porpoises and seal in the river St. Lawrence in New France."] to make Oyle of it, where wee came in very bad weather, and the ship was lost in that Island, but the men were saved. The expectation of that ship made us loose our 2nd voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to doe. They went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee had disputed a long time it was found that the right was on our side, and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own Party. In the meantime the Commissioners of the King of Great Brittain arrived in that place, and one of them would have us goe with him to New Yorke, and the other advised us to come to England and offer our selves to the King, which wee did. Those of new England in generall made profers unto us of what ship wee would if wee would goe on in our Designes; but wee answered them that a scalded cat fears the water though it be cold.

Wee are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the Commissioners called Collonell George Carteret, was taken by the Hollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the Plague and the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Carteret, who spoke to his Majestie, who gave us good hopes that wee should have a ship ready for the next spring, and that the king did allow us 40 shillings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the Town by his order, where wee stayed 3 months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter. Wee are sent for from that place, the season growing neare, and put into the hands of Sir Peter Colleton. The ship was got ready something too late, and our master was not fit for such a Designe. But the Hollanders being come to the River of Thames had stopp'd the passage, soe wee lost that opportunity. So wee were put off till the next yeare, & a little while after that same ship was sent to Virginia and other places to know some news of the Barbadoes, and to be informed if that Island was not in danger; which if it had been lost, had taken from the English Ladyes the meanes or the pleasure of drinking french wine. Those of Burdeaux & of Rochell were great loosers in the expectation of the ship, that was not gone to the Isle of Sand, but to Holland. Wee lost our second voyage, for the order was given to late for the fitting another ship, which cost a great deale of money to noe purpose. The third yeare wee went out with a new company in 2 small vessells, my Brother in one & I in another, & wee went together 400 leagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden great storme did rise & put us asunder. The sea was soe furious 6 or 7 houres after that it did almost overturne our ship, so that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God be thanked, and the other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him. I hope to embarke myselfe by the helpe of God this fourth yeare, & I beseech him to grant me better successe then I have had hitherto, & beseech him to give me Grace & to make me partaker of that everlasting happinesse which is the onely thing a man ought to look after.

I have here put the names of severall Nations amongst which I have been for the most part, which I think may extend to some 900 leagues by the reckoning of my Travells.

The names of the Nations that live in the South:—

Avieronons. Khionontateronons. Oscovarahronoms. Aviottronons. Ohcrokonanechronons. Huattochronoms. Anontackeronons. Ahondironons. Skinchiohronoms. Sonontueronons. Ougmarahronoms. Attitachronons. Oyongoironons. Akrahkuaeronoms. Ontorahronons. Audastoueronons. Oneronoms. Aoveatsiovaenhronons. Konkhaderichonons. Eressaronoms. Attochingochronons. Andonanchronons. Attionendarouks. Maingonis. Kionontateronons. Ehriehronoms. Socoquis. Ouendack. Tontataratonhronoms. Pacoiquis. Ariotachronoms.

All these Nations are sedentaries, and live upon corn and other grains, by hunting and fishing, which is plentifull, and by the ragouts of roots. There were many destroyed by the Iroquoits, and I have seen most of those that are left.

The names of the Nations that live in the North:—

Chisedeck. Nipifiriniens. Piffings. Bersiamites. Tivifeimi. Malhonniners. Sagfeggons. Outimaganii. Afinipour. Attikamegues. Ouachegami. Trinivoick. Ovaouchkairing or Mitchitamon. Nafaonakouetons. Algonquins. Orturbi. Pontonatemick. Kischeripirini. Ovasovarin. Escouteck. Minifigons. Atcheligonens. Panoestigons. Kotakoaveteny. Annikouay. Nadoucenako. Kinoncheripirini. Otanack. Titascons. Matouchkarini. Ouncisagay. Christinos. Ountchatarounongha. Abaouicktigonions. Nadouceronons. Sagahigavirini. Roquay. Quinipigousek. Sagnitaovigama. Mantonech. Tatanga.

The two last are sedentary and doe reap, and all the rest are wandering people, that live by their hunting and Fishing, and some few of Rice that they doe labour for, and a great many of them have been destroyed by the Iroquoites. Besides all the above-named Nations I have seen eight or nine more since my voyages.



VOYAGES OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON.

The Relation of a Voyage made by Peter Raddisson, Esquire, to the North parts of America, in the years 1682 and 1683.

In the first place, I think myself oblidg'd to vindicat myself from the imputation of inconstancy for acting in this voyage against the English Intrest, and in the yeare 1683 against the French Intrest, for which, if I could not give a very good account, I might justly lye under the sentenc of capritiousness & inconstancy. But severall Persons of probity and good repute, being sensible what my brother-in-Law, Mr Chouard Des Groisiliers, and myself performed in severall voyadges for the Gentlemen conserned in the Hudson's Bay Trade, relating to the Comers of Bever skins, and the just cause of dissattisfaction which both of us had, to make us retire into France. I have no cause to believe that I in the least deserve to bee taxed with lightness or inconstancy for the Imployments wherein I since ingaged, although they were against the Interests of the said Company, for it is suffitiently known that my Brother nor myself omitted nothing that lay in our power, having both of us severall times adventur'd our lives, and did all that was possible for Persons of courage and Honour to perform for the advantage and profit of the said Company, ever since the yeare 1665 unto the yeare 1674. But finding that all our advise was slighted and rejected, and the Councill of other persons imbrac'd and made use of, which manifestly tended to the ruin of the setlement of the Beaver Trade, & that on all occasions wee were look'd upon as useless persons, that deserved neither reward nor incouragement, this unkinde usage made us at last take a resolution, though with very great reluctancy, to return back into France; for in the maine it is well knowne that I have a greater inclination for the Interest of England than for that of ffrance, being marry'd at London unto an Honorable familly, [Footnote: He married, between 1666 and 1673, for his second wife, the daughter of Sir John Kirke. He was one of the original founders of the Hudson's Bay Company, having subscribed L. 300 to the common stock in 1670. He was one of the seven members on the Committee of management for the Company, and was no doubt instrumental in securing to Radisson a permanent pension of 1,200 livres a year, after he left the service of France. In all probability, Radisson emigrated to Canada with his family in 1694, for in that year his son's name thus appears as holding a land patent: "1695. Another patent of confirmation to 'Sieur Etienne Volant Radisson' of the concession made to him the 19th of October, 1694, of the isles, islets, and 'baitures' not granted, that are to be found across Lake St Peter, above the islands granted to the 'Sieur Sorel,' from the edge of the north channel, as far as the great middle channel, called the channel of Platte Island," etc., etc. As Peter Radisson's will can nowhere be found at Somerset House, London, he probably died in Canada.] whos alliance had also the deeper ingadged me in the Intrest of the Nation. Morover, all my friends know the tender love I had for my wife, and that I declared unto them how much I was troubled in being reduced to the necessity of leaving her. I hope thes considerations will vindicate my proceedings touching the severall Interests which I espous'd, and what I shall relate in this ensuing Narrative touching my proceedings in regard of the English in this voyadge in the River, and also in Nelson's harbour in the year 1683, and will justify me against what has ben reported to my prejudice to render me Odious unto the nation. For it will appeare that having had the good fortune to defend my setlment against those which at that time I look'd upon as my Ennemy's, & defeated them by frustrating their designes, I improv'd the advantage I had over them the best I could; yet would they do me right, they must own that they had more just cause to give me thanks than to complaine of me, having ever used them kindly as long as they pleas'd to live with me. I freely confess I used all the skill I could to compass my designes, & knowing very well what these Gentlemen intended against me, I thought it better to surprise them than that they should me; knowing that if they had ben afore hand with me, I should have passed my time wors with them than they did with me. I come now to discours of my voyadge, not thinking it materiall heere to mention the campaign I made in the french fleet, since I left England, in the Expeditions for Guinea, Tobaga, [Footnote: This expedition was commanded by Jean, Count d'Estrees. He reduced the Island of Tobaga. He was made a Marshal of France, and sent out, 1 August, 1687, as Viceroy over America.] and other occasions wherein I was concern'd before I ingadged in this voyadge.

At the time my Brother-in-Law and I were dissattisfy'd with the Hudson's Bay Company, wee were severall times invited by the late Monsieur Colbert to return back for france, with large promises that wee should bee very kindly entertain'd. Wee refused a great while all the offers that were made us; but seeing our businesse went wors and wors with the company, without any likelyhood of finding any better usage, at last wee accepted the offer that was made unto us, of paying us 400 Lewi-Dors redy money, of discharging all our Debts, and to give us good Employments. These conditions being agreed upon, wee passed over into france in Xber, 1674.

As soon as wee got to Paris wee waited upon monsieur Colbert. Hee reproached us for preferring the English Interest before that of ffrance; but having heard our defence, and observ'd by what wee said unto him of our discoverys in the Northern parts of America, and of the acquaintance wee had with the Natives, how fit wee might bee for his purpos, hee soon assur'd us of his favor & protection, & also of the King's pardon for what was past, with an intire restoration unto the same state wee were in before wee left france, upon condition that wee should employ our care & industry for the advancement & increas of the comers of the Beaver Trade in the french Collonies in Canada. Hee also confirmed the promis had ben made us at London, of the gratuity of 400 french Pistolls, that all our Debts should bee discharg'd, & that wee should bee put into Employments. Our Letters Pattents of pardon & restoration were forthwith dispatch't, & monsieur Colbert would have it expressly mention'd in them, for what caus the King granted them, viz., to employ the greatest of our skill & industry with the Natives, for the utillity & advancement of the Beaver Trade in the french Collonies. The 400 peeces of Gould was pay'd us, & all things else promised was perform'd, excepting only the Employment, for the which wee were made to attend a great while, and all to no purpos.

But at last I perceaved the cause of this delay, & that my marrying in England made me bee suspected, because my wife remained there. Monsr. Colbert having delayed us a long time with sundry Excuses, one day hee explained himself, saying I should bring my wife over into france if I expected that a full confidence should bee put in mee. I represented unto him that it was nott a thing fully in my power to doe, my wife's father refusing to give me the Liberty of bringing her over into france; but I promiss'd him to use my best endeavors to that effect. In the meantime Monsr. Colbert intimated that hee would have my Brother-in-Law & myself make a voyadge unto Canada, to advise with the Governour what was best ther to bee done, assuring us that hee would write unto him in our behalf.

Wee undertook the voyadge, but being arriv'd at Quebeck, wee found that jelosy & interest which some Persons had over those that had the absolute command, at that time, of the Trade in Canada, & whos Creatures were Imploy'd for new Discoverys, ordered things so that the Count De Frontinac, the Governor, took no care to perform what wee had ben promis'd hee should have don for us; so that finding myself slighted, I left my Brother-in-Law with his familly in Canada, & returned back again for France, intending to serve at sea in the fleet. Accordingly I there passed the Campaigns above mention'd untill wee suffer'd shippwreck at the Isle D'ane, from which being escaped, I returned with the rest of the Army unto Brest, in the moneth of July, having lost all my Equipage in this disaster. The Vice Admirall & the Intendant wrote to Court in my favour, & upon the good character they were pleas'd to give of me, I receav'd a gratuity of 100 Louis D'ors upon the King's account, to renew my Equipage; & these Gentlemen also were pleased to tell me I should ere long have the command of a Man of Warr; but thinking that could not so easily bee, I desired leave to make a turn over into England under pretext of visitting my wife & to make a farther Tryall of bringing her over into france, whereupon I had my pass granted, with a farther gratuity of 100 Louis D'ors towards the charges of my voyage. I was comanded to make what dispatch possible might bee, & espetially to mind the business of bringing my wife along with me, & then I shold not doubt of having good Imployments.

I set forwards, & arrived in London the 4th of July, & amongst other discours told my father-in-Law, Sir John Kirk, of what great importance it was unto me of making my fortune in france to take my wife along with me thither; notwithstanding, hee would by no means give his consent thereunto, but desired me to write to my friends in France concerning some pretention hee had against the Inhabitants of Canada, [Footnote: John Kirke and his elder brothers, Sir David, Sir Lewis, and others, held a large claim against Canada, or rather France, dating back to 1633, which amounted in 1654, including principal and interest, to over—L. 34.000.] which I did. I endeavor'd also, during my stay at London, both by myself & by Friends, to try if the Gentlemen of the Company might conceave any better thoughts of me, & whether I might not by some means or other be restor'd unto their good liking; but all my endevors proved in vaine. I found no likelyhood of effecting what I so much desir'd, therefore I return'd into France & arrived at Brest the 12th of 8ber, 1679.... Having inform'd the Vice Admirall & the Intendant of the litle Successe I had in my voyadge, & that it was not through any neglect of myne, they order'd me to goe give an Account of it unto the Marquis De Signelay, which I did; & telling him I could not prevaile to bring my wife over along with me, hee revil'd me, & told me hee knew very well what an Inclination I had still for the English Intrest, saying with all that I must not expect any confidence should bee put in me, nor that I shold not have the least Imployment, whilst my wife stay'd in England.

Neverthelesse, hee promis'd to speak to his Father, Monsieur Colbert, touching my affaires, which hee also performed; & afterwards waiting upon him, hee spake unto me much after the same rate his sonn, the Marquis De Signelay had don before, as to what concerned my wife, & order'd me to goe unto monsieur Bellinzany, his chief agent for the businesse of Trade, who would farther inform me of his intentions. Meeting with Monsieur Belinzany, hee told me that monsieur Colbert thought it necessary that I should conferr with monsieur De La Chesnay, [Footnote: M. Du Chesneau was appointed 30 May, 1675, Intendant of Justice, Police, and Finance of Canada, Acadia, and Isles of Newfoundland.] a Canada Merchant who mannadg'd all the Trade of thos parts, & who was then at Paris, that with him some mesures should bee taken to make the best advantage of our Discoveries & intreagues in the Northern parts of Canada, to advance the Beaver Trade, & as much as possible might bee to hinder all strangers from driving that trade to the prejudice of the French Collonies. The said monsr. Belinzany also told me I could not more oblige monsr. Colbert, nor take any better cours to obtaine his friendship by any servis whatsoever, than by using all my skill & industry in drawing all the natives of thos Northern parts of America to traffick with & to favor the French, & to hinder & disswade them from trading with strangers, assuring me of a great reward for the servis I should render the state upon this account, & that Mr. De La Chesiiay would furnish me in Cannada with all things necessary for executing what dessignes wee should conclude upon together to this intent.

According to these Instructions I went unto Mr. De La Chesnay. Wee discours'd a long time together, & after severall inquiry's of the state of the countrys that I had most frequented, having communicated unto him my observations, hee propos'd unto me to undertake to establish a treaty for the Beaver trade in the Great Bay where I had ben some years before upon the account of the English. Wee spent two Dayes in adjusting the means of selling this business; at last it was agreed that I should make a voyadge into England to endevor to perswade my wife to come away, & also at the same time to inform myself what shipps the Hudson Bay Company intended to fit out for those parts. I performed this second voyage for England with some remainder of hopes to find the Gentlemen of the Company something better inclin'd towards me than they had ben formerly; but whether they then looked upon me as wholy unneccessary for their purpos, or as one that was altogether unable to doe them any harm, I was sufferr'd to come away without receaving the least token of kindnesse. All the satisfaction I had in the voyadge was that Prince Rupert was pleas'd to tell me that hee was very sorry my offers of servis was so much slighted.

I resolv'd with myself not to bee dejected at this coldnesse, & returned into france, thinking there to have found Monsieur De La Chesnay; but being come to Paris, I heard hee was gon, & I presently resolved to follow him to Canada, to execute what wee had concluded upon at Paris. I went to take my leave of monsieur Colbert, acquainting him of my dessigne, whereof hee approved very well. Hee wished me a good voyadge, advising me to be carefull. I went to visit the Society of the Jesuits at Paris, as being also concern'd with La Chesnay in the Beaver Trade. They gave mee some money for my voyadge. I went & took shipp at Rochell, & arrived at Quebeck the 25th of 7ber, 1682. As soon as I went ashore I spake with monsieur La Chesnay, who seem'd to bee very glad to see me, and after some discours of what wee had concluded upon at Paris, hee said the businesse must bee presently set about; & being privy unto the Court Intrigues, & fully acquainted with the mesures wee were to use in this enterprize, hee took me along with him unto the Governor's house, & ingadg'd me to demand his assistance & such orders as wee should stand in need of from him for the carrying on our Dessigne. But the Governor spake unto us in a way as if hee approved not of the businesse; whereupon La Chesnay demanded a Pass for me to return back unto Europ by the way of New England, in a vessel belonging to the Governor of Accadia, which was at that instant at Quebeck, & redy to saile in som short time.

These formalitys being over, Monsieur La Chesnay & I spake home to the businesse. Wee agreed upon the voyage, & of all things that were to bee setled relative unto our concerns & Intrest. Hee undertook to buy the Goods, & to furnish all things that concern'd the Treaty; to furnish me with a vessell well fitted & stored with good provisions. It was agreed that I should have one fourth part of the Beaver for my care and paines, & the danger I expos'd myself unto in making the setlment. My Brother-in-Law, Desgroisilliers, who was then at Quebeck, made a contract with De La Chesnay for the same voyage allmost on the same terms as I had don. All things being thus concluded, the Governor was desired that I might have leave to take three men along with me. Hee knew very well to what intent, but hee pretended to bee ignorant of it, for 'tis unlikely that hee could think I would return back to france without doing something about what La Chesnay & I had mention'd unto him, seeing I demanded these three men to goe along with me. One was my kinsman, John Baptista Des Grosiliers, of whom I made great account, having frequented the country all his life, & had contracted great familliarity & acquaintance with the natives about trade. Hee laid out L. 500 Tournais of his own money in the voyadge & charge, disbursed by monsieur De La Chesnay in the Enterprize. The second was Peter Allmand, whom I took for my Pilot, & the 3d was John Baptista Godfry, who understood perfectly well the Languadge of the natives, & one that I knew was capable of Treating. I set saile from Quebeck the 4th of 9ber, 1682, with my 3 men, in the Governor of Accady's vessell, having my orders to bee redy the Spring following, at the L'isle perse, hallow Isle, at the entrance of the River Saint Lawrence, unto which place La Chesnay was to send me a vessell well Equipp'd & fitted according to agreement for Executing the dessigne. Hee also promisd to send mee fuller Instructions in writing, for my directions when I should bee on the place.

Wee arrived at Accadia the 26th of november, 1682, and there winter'd. In the Spring I repair'd unto hallow Island. The vessell I expected arrived, but proved not so good as was promised, for it was only an old Barque of about 50 Tunns with an Equippage but of 12 men, thos with me being comprised in the number. There was goods enough on board to have carry'd on the Treaty, but Provisions were scant, so that had I not ben so deeply ingadg'd as I was in the businesse, such a kind of a vessell would have quite discouradg'd me. But the arrivall of my Brother-in-Law, Desgrosiliers, in a vessell of about 30 Tunns, with a crew of 15 men, incouradg'd me, so that wee joyntly resolved not to quit our Enterprize; but wee had much adoe to perswade our men to it, being unwilling to expose themselves to the danger of a voyadge of 900 Leagues in such small, ordinary vessells, & in such boisterous seas, where ther was also danger of Ice. However, they seeing us willing to run the same fortune as they did, they at length consented, & it was agree'd upon betwixt my Brother-in-Law & myself to steere the same cours, & to keep as neere each other as wee could, the better to assist one another as occasion required. Wee sailed from the Island the 11th July, 1682 [1683.] After the space of 19 dayes' sailing, being past the Straights of new found Land, the seamen on board my Brother-in-Law's vessell mutin'd against him, refusing to proceed any farther, pretending they feared being split with the Ice, also of ingadging in unknown countreys where they might be reduced to want Provisions in the Winter. Wee pacify'd the mutineers by threatnings & by promises, & the sight of a saile in 57 deg. 30 minutes, North Lat., upon the Coast of Brador, somwhat contributed thereunto, every one desiring to shun this sail. Wee were twixt him & the shoar, & they bore directly towards us, desirous to speak with us; but wee not being in a condition of making any resistance, I thought it the best not to stand towards him, but steering the same cours as hee did, wee recover'd under the shoar, & so out of Danger; they tackt about & stood off 2 hours before night, & wee lost sight of them. There was much ice in those seas, which drive to the Southwards. Wee put into Harbour to avoide the Danger of it, as also to take in fresh Water & some other Provisions at the Coast of the Indians called Esquimos, the most cruell of all the salvages when they meet an advantage to surprize Persons. Neverthelesse, they came to our shipp side, & traded with us for some hundred of Woolf Skins. Wee stay'd there 2 dayes, during which time there happned a nother mutiny, our men refusing to proceed any farther; but I pacify'd the seditious, & having put to sea I order'd our men to preserve the Wood & Water wee had taken on board the best they could, for my Brother-in-Law & I had resolved not to goe a shoare untill wee had gain'd our Port, unless wee were chased. The winds proving favorable, wee entred Hudson's Straight and sailed along on the Northern shoare; there was much Ice. Some of my Seamen kill'd a white Beare of Extraordinary biggness. They eat of it to such excess that they all fell Extremely sick with head akes & loosnesse, that I thought they would have dyed out. I was forc'd to give my Brother notice of this accident, & to desire his assistance, so that by takeing Orvietan & sweating they escaped that Danger, but all their skin pell'd off. Wee were inform'd by the Indians that those white Bears have a Poison in the Liver, that diffuses itself through the whole mass of the body, which occasions these distempers unto thos that eat of them.

I observ'd during this Disorder, neer Mile Island, at the western point, wee drove N. W. by the compass about 8 leagues in 6 hours, towards Cape Henry. Wee had much adoe to recover out of the Ice, & had like divers times to have perrish'd, but God was pleas'd to preserve us. My brother-in-Law, fearing to bear too much saile, stay'd behind. I arrived before him, the 26th of August, on the western coast of Hudson's Bay, & we met the 2nd of 7ber, at the entrance of the River called Kakivvakiona by the Indians, which significies "Let him that comes, goe." Being enter'd into this River, our first care was to finde a convenient place where to secure our vessells, & to build us a House. Wee sailed up the River about 15 miles, & wee stop't at a litle Canall, whrein wee lay our vessells, finding the place convenient to reside at. I left my brother-in-Law busy about building a house, & the next day after our arrivall I went up into the Country, to seek for Indians. To this purpos I went in a Canoo, with my nephew & another of my crew, being all 3 armed with firelocks & Pistolls, & in 8 dayes wee went about 40 leagues up the River, & through woods, without meeting one Indian or seeing any signe where any had lately ben; & finding severall Trees gnawed by Beavors, wee judged there was but few Inhabitants in those parts. In our travelling wee kill'd some Deere. But the 8th day after our departure, our canoo being drawn ashore & overturn'd neer the water side, reposing ourselves in a small Island, about evening an Indian pursuing a Deere espyed our Canoo. Thinking there were some of his own Nation, hee whistled to give notice of the Beast, that pass'd by to the litle Island not farr off from us. My nephew having first spyed the Indian, told me of it, not mynding the Deere. I presently went to the water side & called the Indian, who was a good while before hee spake, & then said hee understood me not, & presently run away into the woods.

I was glad of meeting this Indian, & it gave me some hopes of seeing more ere long. Wee stood upon our gard all night. Next morning I caus'd our canoo to bee carry'd the other side of the Island, to have it in readyness to use in case of danger. I caused a fier to bee made a 100 paces off. In the morning wee discovered nyne canoos at the point of the Island coming towards us, & being within hearing, I demanded who they were; they return'd a friendly answer. I told them the cause of my coming into their country, & who I was. One of the eldest of them, armed with his lance, Bow & arrows, etc., etc., rose up & took an arrow from his Quiver, making a signe from East to West & from North to South, broke it in 2 peeces, & flung it into the River, addressing himself to his companions, saying to this purpos: "Young men, bee not afraid; the Sun is favorable unto us. Our ennemys shall feare us, for this is the man that we have wished for ever since the dayes of our fathers." After which they all swimed a shore unto me, & coming out of their canoos I invited them unto my Fier. My nephew & the other man that was with him came also within 10 paces of us without any feare, although they see the Indian well armed. I asked them who was their Chief Commander, speaking unto him unknownst to me. Hee bowed the head, & another told me it was hee that I talked unto. Then I took him by the hand, and making him sit downe, I spoke unto him according to the genius of the Indians, unto whom, if one will bee esteemed, it is necessary to bragg of one's vallour, of one's strength and ablnesse to succour & protect them from their Ennemyes. They must also bee made believe that one is wholy for their Intrest & have a great complesance for them, espetially in making them presents. This amongst them is the greatest band of friendshipp. I would at this first enterview make myself known. The chief of these salvages sitting by me, I said to him in his Languadge, "I know all the Earth; your friends shall bee my friends; & I am come hether to bring you arms to destroy your Ennemys. You nor your wife nor children shall not dye of hunger, for I have brought Merchandize. Bee of good cheere; I will bee thy sonn, & I have brought thee a father; hee is yonder below building a fort, where I have 2 great shipps. You must give me 2 or 3 of your Canoos that your people may go visit your father."

Hee made a long speech to thank me & to assure me that both himself & all his nation would venture their Lifes in my servis. I gave them some Tobacco & Pipes, & seeing one of them used a peece of flat Iron to cut his Tobacco, I desired to see that peece of Iron & flung it into the fier, wherat they all wonder'd, for at the same time I seemed to weep; & drying up my tears, I told them I was very much grieved to see my Brethren so ill provided of all things, & told them they should want for nothing whilst I was with them; & I tooke my sword I had by my side & gave it unto him from whom I took the peece of Iron; also I caus'd some bundles of litle knives to bee brought from my canoo, which I distributed amongst them. I made them smoke, & gave them to eate, & whilst they were eating, I set forth the presents I brought them, amongst the rest a fowling-peece, with some powder & shot for their chief commander. I told him, in presenting him with it, I took him for my Father; hee in like mannor took me to bee his sonn in covering me with his gowne. I gave him my blanket, which I desired him to carry unto his wife as a token from me, intending shee should bee my mother. Hee thanked me, as also did the rest, to the number of 26, who in testimony of their gratitude cast their garments at my feete & went to their canoos & brought all the furr Skins they had; after which ceremonys wee parted. They promised before noone they would send me 3 of their canoos, wherein they failed not. They put my Beavors in them, & wee went towards the place where I left my Brother-in-Law. I arrived the 12th of 7ber, to the great satisfaction of all our people, having inform'd them the happy success of my Journey by meeting with the Natives.

The very day I return'd from this litle Journey wee were alarm'd by the noise of some Great Gunns. The Indians that came along with us heard them, & I told them that these Gunns were from some of our shipps that were in the great River called Kawirinagaw, 3 or 4 leagues' distance from that wher wee were setled; but being desirous to bee sattisfyed what it should meane, I went in a Canoo unto the mouth of our River, & seeing nothing, I suppos'd wee were all mistaken, & I sent my nephew with another french man of my crew back with the salvages unto the Indians; but the same evening they heard the Gunns so plaine that ther was no farther cause of doubt but that ther was a shipp; upon which they return'd back to tell me of it, wherupon I presently went myself with 3 men to make the discovery. Having crossed over this great River Kawirinagaw, which signifies the dangerous, on the 16th, in the morning, wee discovered a Tent upon an Island. I sent one of my men privatly to see what it was. He came back soon after & told me they were building a House & that there was a shipp; wherupon I approached as neere as I could without being discover'd, & set myself with my men as it were in ambush, to surprize some of thos that were there & to make them prisoners to know what or who they might bee. I was as wary as might bee, & spent the whole night very neere the place where the Hous stood, without seeing anybody stirr or speak untill about noon next day, & then I see they were English, & drawing neerer them the better to observe them, I return'd to my canoo with my men. Wee shewed ourselves a Cannon-shott off & stayed as if wee had ben salvages that wonder'd to see anybody there building a House. It was not long before wee were discover'd, & they hollowed unto us, inviting us to goe unto them, pronouncing some words in the Indian tongue, which they Read in a Book. But seeing wee did not come unto them, they came unto us along the shoare, & standing right opposit unto us, I spoke unto them in the Indian tongue & in French, but they understood me not; but at last asking them in English who they were & what they intended to do there, they answer'd they were English men come hether to trade for Beaver. Afterwards I asked them who gave them permission, & what commission they had for it. They told me they had no commission, & that they were of New England. I told them I was setled in the country before them for the French Company, & that I had strength sufficient to hinder them from Trading to my prejudice; that I had a Fort 7 leagues off, but that the noise of their Gunns made me come to see them, thinking that it might bee a french shipp that I expected, which was to come to a River farther North then this where they were, that had put in there by some accident contrary to my directions; that I had 2 other shipps lately arriv'd from Canada, commanded by myself & my Brother, & therefore I advised them not to make any longer stay there, & that they were best bee gon & take along with them on board what they had landed.

In speaking I caus'd my canoo to draw as neer the shoare as could bee, that I might the better discern thos I talked with; & finding it was young Guillem that comanded the shipp, I was very glad of it, for I was intimately acquainted with him. As soon as hee knew mee hee invited me ashore. I came accordingly, & wee imbraced each other. Hee invited me on board his shipp to treat me. I would not seem to have any distrust, but having precaution'd myself went along with him. I caus'd my 3 men to come out of my canoo & to stay ashore with 2 Englishmen whilest I went on board with the Captain. I see on board a New England man that I knew very well. Before I enter'd the shipp the Captain caused English coullers to bee set up, & as soon as I came on board some great Gunns to bee fir'd. I told him it was not needfull to shoot any more, fearing least our men might bee allarm'd & might doe him some mischief. Hee proposed that wee might Traffick together. I told him I would acquaint our other officers of it, & that I would use my endeavor to get their consent that hee should pass the winter wher hee was without receaving any prejudice, the season being too far past to bee gon away. I told him hee might continue to build his House without any need of fortifications, telling him I would secure him from any danger on the part of the Indians, over whom I had an absolute sway, & to secure him from any surprize on my part. I would before our parting let him know with what number of men I would bee attended when I came to visit him, giving him to understand that if I came with more then what was agreed betwixt us, it would bee a sure signe our officers would not consent unto the proposal of our trading together. I also advised him hee should not fier any Gunns, & that hee should not suffer his men to goe out of the Island, fearing they might bee met by the french men that I had in the woods, that hee might not blame me for any accident that might ensue if hee did not follow my advice. I told him also the salvages advised mee my shipp was arrived to the Northwards, & promiss'd that I would come visit him againe in 15 days & would tell him farther. Wherof hee was very thankfull, & desired me to bee mindfull of him; after which wee seperated very well sattisfy'd with each other, hee verily beleeving I had the strenght I spake of, & I resolving always to hold him in this opinion, desiring to have him bee gone, or if hee persisted to interrupt me in my trade, to wait some opportunity of seizing his shipp, which was a lawfull Prize, having no Commission from England nor france to trade. But I would not attempt anything rashly, for fear of missing my ayme; especially I would avoide spilling blood.

Being returned with my men on board my Canoo, wee fell down the River with what hast wee could; but wee were scarce gon three Leagues from the Island where the new England shipp lay, but that wee discovered another shipp under saile coming into the River. Wee got ashore to the southwards, & being gon out of the Canoo to stay for the shipp that was sailing towards us, I caused a Fier to bee made; & the shipp being over against us, shee came to Anchor & sent not her Boat ashore that night untill next morning. Wee watched all night to observe what was don, & in the morning, seeing the long boat rowing towards us, I caused my 3 men, well armed, to stand at the entrance into the wood 20 paces from me, & I came alone to the water side. Mr Bridgar, whom the Company sent Governor into that country, was in the Boate, with 6 of the crew belonging unto the shipp wherof Capt Guillam was Commander, who was father, as I understood afterwards, unto him that Comanded the New England shipp that I had discover'd the day before. Seeing the shallopp come towards me, I spake a kinde of jargon like that of the salvages, which signify'd nothing, only to amuse those in the boat or to make them speake, the better to observe them, & to see if there might bee any that had frequented the Indians & that spak their Languadge. All were silent; & the boat coming a ground 10 or 12 paces from me, seeing one of the seamen leap in the water to come a shore, I showed him my wepons, forbidding him to stirr, telling him that none in the Boate should come a shore untill I knew who they were; & observing by the make of the shipp & the habit of the saylors that they were English, I spake in their Languadge, & I understood that the seamen that leapt in the water which I hinder'd to proceed any farther said aloud, "Governor, it is English they spake unto you;" & upon my continuing to ask who they were who comanded the shipp, & what they sought there, some body answer'd, "What has any body to doe to inquire? Wee are English." Unto which I reply'd, "And I am French, and require you to bee gon;" & at the same instant making signe unto my men to appeare, they shewed themselves at the entrance of the wood. Those of the shallop thinking in all likelyhood wee were more in number, were about to have answer'd me in mild terms & to tell me they were of London, that the shipp belong'd unto the Hudson Bay Company, & was Comanded by Capt Guillem. I inform'd them also who I was; that they came too late, & that I had taken possession of those parts in the name & behalf of the King of ffrance.

There was severall other things said, which is not needfull heere to relate, the English asserting they had right to come into thos parts, & I saying the contrary; but at last Mr Bridgar saying hee desired to come ashore with 3 of his crew to embrace me, I told him that I should bee very well sattisfy'd. Hee came a shore, & after mutuall salutations, hee asked of me if this was not the River Kakiwakionay. I answer'd it was not, & that it was farther to the Southward; that this was called Kawirinagau, or the dangerous. Hee asked of me if it was not the River where Sir Thomas Button, that comanded an English shipp, had formerly winter'd. I told him it was, & shew'd him the place, to the northwards. Then hee invited me to goe aboard. My crew being come up, disswaded me, especially my Nephew; yet, taking 2 hostages which I left ashore with my men, for I suspected Capt Guillem, having declared himself my Ennemy at London, being of the faction of those which were the cause that I deserted the English Intrest, I went aboard, & I did well to use this precaution, otherwise Capt Guillem would have stop't me, as I was since inform'd; but all things past very well. Wee din'd together. I discoursed of my Establishment in the country; that I had good numbers of ffrench men in the woods with the Indians; that I had 2 shipps & expected another; that I was building a Fort; to conclude, all that I said unto young Guillem, Master of the New England shipp, I said the same unto Mr Bridgar, & more too. He took all for currant, & it was well for me hee was so credulous, for would hee have ben at the troble I was of travelling 40 leagues through woods & Brakes, & lye on the could ground to make my Discoverys, hee wold soon have perceaved my weakness. I had reason to hide it & to doe what I did. Morover, not having men suffitient to resist with open force, it was necessary to use pollicy. It's true I had a great advantage in having the natives on my side, which was a great strength, & that indeed wherupon I most of all depended.

Having stay'd a good while on board I desir'd to go ashore, which being don, I made a signe to my men to bring the hostages, which they had carry'd into the woods. They brought them to the water side, & I sent them aboard their shipp. I confess I repented more then once of my going aboard. It was too rashly don, & it was happy for me that I got off as I did. Before I came ashore I promissed Mr. Bridgar & the Captain that in 15 Dayes I would visit them againe. In the mean time, the better to bee assured of their proceedings, I stay'd 2 dayes in the Woods to observe their actions; and having upon the matter seen their dessigne, that they intended to build a Fort, I passed the River to the Southwards to return to my Brother-in-Law, who might well bee in some feare for me. But coming unto him, hee was very glad of what had past, & of the good condition I had sett matters. Wee consulted together what mesures to take not to be surpriz'd & to maintaine ourselves the best wee could in our setlement for carrying on our Treaty. Wee endeavor'd to secure the Indians, who promis'd to loose their Lives for us; & the more to oblidge them to our side I granted them my nephew & another frenchman to goe along with them into the country to make the severall sorts of Indians to come traffick with us, & the more, to incourage them I sent presents unto the chiefest of them.

During my voyage of Discovering 2 English shipps, there happned an Ill accident for us. Our Company had kill'd 60 Deere, which had ben a great help towards our winter provisions; but by an Inundation of waters caused by great Rains they were all carry'd away. Such great floods are common in those parts. The loss was very great unto us, for wee had but 4 Barrells of Pork & 2 of Beef; but our men repair'd this Losse, having kill'd some more Deere and 4,000 white Partridges, somewhat bigger than thos of Europ. The Indians also brought us Provisions they had kill'd from severall parts at a great distance off. Ten dayes after my return from Discovering the English, I took 5 other men to observe what they did. I had forseen that wee should bee forced to stay for faire weather to crosse the mouth of the dangerous River of Kauvirinagaw, which also proved accordingly, for the season began to be boisterous; but having stay'd some time, at last wee got safe over, although it was in the night, & 14 dayes after our departure wee gained neere the place where Mr Bridgar lay. Wee presently see the shipp lay aground on the ooze, a mile from the place where they built their House. Being come neere the shipp, wee hailed severall times & no body answered, which oblig'd us to goe towards land, wondring at their silence. At length a man called us & beckn'd to us to come back. Going towards him & asking how all did, hee said something better, but that all were asleep. I would not disturb them & went alone unto the Governor's house, whom I found just getting up. After the common ceremonys were past, I consider'd the posture of things, & finding there was no great danger, & that I need not feare calling my people, wee went in all together. I made one of my men pass for Captain of the shipp that I said was lately arrived. Mr Bridgar beleev'd it was so, & all that I thought good to say unto him, endeavoring all along that hee should know nothing of the New England Interloper. Wee shot off severall Musquets in drinking healths, those of the vessell never being concern'd, wherby I judg'd they were careless & stood not well on their gard, & might bee easily surpriz'd. I resolved to vew them. Therefore, takeing leave of Mr. Bridgar, I went with my people towards the vessell. Wee went on board to rights without opposition. The Captain was somthing startled at first to see us, but I bid him not feare; I was not there with any dessigne to harme him; on the contrary, was ready to assist & help him wherin hee should comand me, advising him to use more Diligence than hee did to preserve himselfe & shipps from the Danger I see hee was in of being lost, which afterwards happned. But hee was displeas'd at my Counsill, saying hee knew better what to doe than I could tell him. That might bee, said I, but not in the Indians' country, where I had ben more frequent than he. However, hee desired me to send him som refreshments from time to time during the winter season, espetially some oyle & candles, of which hee stood in great want, which I promis'd to doe, & perform'd accordingly. Hee made me present of a peece of Beeff & a few Bisketts. Being fully inform'd of what I desired to know, & that I need not feare any harm these Gentlemen could doe me in regard of my trade, I took leave of the Captain, to goe see what passed on behalf of the new England Interloper.

I arrived there next day in the afternoon, & found they had employ'd the time better than the others had don, having built a Fort, well fortifyed with 6 great Gunns mounted. I fired a musket to give notice unto those in the Fort of my coming, & I landed on a litle beach under the Gunns. The lieutenant came out with another man well arm'd to see what wee were. When hee see me hee congratulated my safe return, & asked what news. I told him I had found, though with great difficulty, what I sought after, & that I came to visit them, having taken other men than those I had before; that one of those with me was captain of the shipp lately arrived, & the other 4 were of Cannada. The Lieutenant answer'd me very briskly: "Were they 40 Devills wee will not feare. Wee have built a Fort, & doe fear nothing." Yet hee invited mee into his Fort to treat me, provided I would go in alone, which I refused, intimating hee might have spoke with more modesty, coming to visit him in friendship & good will, & not in a hostile manner. I told him also I desired to discours with his Captain, who doubtless would have more moderation. Wherupon he sent to inform the Captain, who came unto me well armed, & told me that I need not bee jealous of the Fort hee had caused to bee built, that 'twas no prejudice to me, & that I should at any time comand it, adding withall that hee feared me not so much as hee did the English of London, & that hee built this fort to defend himself against the Salvages, & all thos that would attack him. I thank'd him for his civillitys unto me, & assur'd him I came not thither to shew any displesure for his building a fort, but to offer him 20 of my men to assist him, & to tell him that thos hee so much feared were arrived, offering my servis to defend him, telling him if hee would follow my consill I would defend him from all danger, knowing very well the Orders these new comers had, & also what condition they were in. I also told him that as to the difference which was betwixt us about the trade, it was referr'd unto the arbitrement of both our Kings; that for good luck to him, his father comanded the shipp newly arrived; that he brought a Governor for the English Company, whom I intended to hinder from assuming that Title in the Countrys wherin I was established for the french company, & as for his part, I would make him pass for a french man, therby to keep him from receaving any dammadge.

Having said thes things to the Captain of the fort, I made him call his men together, unto whom I gave a charge in his presence that they should not goe out of their fort, nor fire any Gunns, nor shew their cullers; that they should cover the head & stern of their shipp; & that they should suffer neither ffrench nor English to come near their fort, neither by land nor by Water, & that they should fier on any of my people as would offer to approach without my orders. The Captain promis'd all should bee observ'd that I had said, & comanded his men in my presence so to doe, desiring me to spare him 2 of my men as soon as I could, to guard them. I told him that his father, Captain of the Company's shipp, was sick, wherat hee seem'd to bee much trobled, & desired me to put him in a way to see him without any damadge. I told him the danger & difficulty of it; nevertheless, having privat reasons that this enterview of Father & Sonn might be procur'd by my means, I told him I would use my best endeavor to give him this satisfaction, & that I hop'd to effect it, provided hee would follow my directions. Hee agreed to doe what I advised, & after some litle studdy wee agreed that hee should come along with me disguis'd like one that lived in the woods, & that I wold make him passe for a french man. This being concluded, I sent my men next morning early to kill some fowle. They returned by 10 o'clocke with 30 or 40 Partridge, which I took into my canoo, with a Barrill of Oyle & some candles that I had promis'd the old Captain Guillem. I left one of my men hostage in the fort, and imbarked with young Guillem to goe shew him his father. The tyde being low, wee were forced to stop a mile short of the shipp, & goe ashore & walk up towards the shipp with our provisions. I left one of my men to keepe the Canoo, with orders to keep off, & coming neere the shipp I placed 2 of my best men betwixt the House Mr. Bridgar caus'd to bee built & the water side, comanding them not to shew themselves, & to suffer the Governor to goe to the vessell, but to seize him if they see him come back before I was got out of the shipp.

Having ordered things in this manner, I went with one of my men & young Guillem aboard the shipp, where wee againe entered without any opposition. I presented unto Captain Guillem the Provisions I had brought him, for which hee gave me thanks. Afterwards, I made my 2 men go into his cabbin, one of which was his son, though unknown to him. I desired Captain Guillem to bid 2 of his servants to withdraw, having a thing of consequence to inform him of, which being don, I told him the secret was that I had brought his sonn to give him a visit, having earnestly desired it of me; & having told him how necessary it was to keep it privat, to prevent the damadge might befall them both if it shold bee known, I presented the son unto his father, who Imbraced each other very tenderly & with great joy; yet hee told him hee exposed him unto a great deale of danger. They had some priviat discours togather, after which hee desired me to save my new French man. I told him I would discharge myself of that trust, & againe advised him to bee carefull of preserving his shipp, & that nothing should bee capable of making any difference betwixt us, but the Treaty hee might make with the Indians. Hee told me the shipp belonged to the Company; that as to the Trade, I had no cause to bee afraid on his account, & that though hee got not one skin, it would nothing troble him; hee was assured of his wages. I warned him that he should not suffer his men to scatter abroad, espetially that they should not goe towards his sonn's fort, which hee promis'd should bee observ'd. Whilst wee were in this discours, the Governor, hearing I was come, came unto the Shipp & told me that my Fort must needs bee neerer unto him than hee expected, seeing I return'd so speedily. I told him, smiling, that I did fly when there was need to serve my friends, & that knowing his people were sick & wanted refreshments, I would not loose time in supplying them, assuring him of giving him part what our men did kill at all times. Some prying a litle too narrowly, young Guillem thought hee had ben discovered, wherat the Father & son were not a litle concern'd. I took upon me, & said it was not civill so narrowly to examine my people; they excus'd it, & the tyde being com in, I took leave to be gon. The Governor & Captain divided my provisions, & having made a signe unto my 2 men to rise out of their ambush, I came out of the shipp, & wee march'd all of us unto the place where wee left our Canoo. Wee got into it, & the young Captain admired to see a litle thing made of the rhind of a Tree resist so many knocks of Ice as wee met withall in returning.