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Violence and the Labor Movement
by Robert Hunter
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And, rightly enough, the attitude of the masses toward the secret and conspiratory methods of both the idealist anarchist and the materialist anarchist is the same. If the latter distrust the people, the people no less distrust them. If the masses would mob the terrorist who springs forth to commit some fearful act, the purpose of which they cannot in the least understand, they would, if possible, also mob the individual responsible for manipulation of elections, for the buying of legislatures, and for the purchasing of court decisions. They fear, distrust, and denounce the terrorist who goes forth to commit arson, pillage, or assassination no less than the anarchist who purchases private armies, hires thugs to beat up unoffending citizens, and uses the power of wealth to undermine the Government. In one sense, the acts of the materialist anarchist are clearer even than those of the other. The people know the ends sought by the powerful. On the other hand, the ends sought by the terrorist are wholly mysterious; he has not even taken the trouble to make his program clear. We find, then, that the anarchist of high finance, who would suppress democracy in the interest of a new feudalism, and the anarchist of a sect, who would override democracy in the hope of communism, are classed together in the popular mind. The man who in this day deifies the individual or the sect, and would make the rights of the individual or the sect override the rights of the many, is battling vainly against the supreme current of the age.

Democracy may be a myth. Yet of all the faiths of our time none is more firmly grounded, none more warmly cherished. If any man refuses to abide by the decisions of democracy and takes his case out of that court, he ranges against himself practically the entire populace. On the other hand, the man who takes his case to that court is often forced to suffer for a long time humiliating defeats. If the case be a new one but little understood, there is no place where a hearing seems so hard to win as in exactly that court. Universal suffrage, by which such cases are decided, appears to the man with a new idea as an obstacle almost overwhelming. He must set out on a long and dreary road of education and of organization; he must take his case before a jury made up of untold millions; he must wait maybe for centuries to obtain a majority. To go into this great open court and plead an entirely new cause requires a courage that is sublime and convictions that have the intensity of a religion. One who possesses any doubt cannot begin a task so gigantic, and certainly one who, for any reason, distrusts the people cannot, of course, put his case in that court. It was with full realization of the difficulties, of the certainty of repeated defeats, and of the overwhelming power against them that the socialists entered this great arena to fight their battle. Universal suffrage is a merciless thing. How often has it served the purpose of stripping the socialist naked and exposing him to a terrible humiliation! Again and again, in the history of the last fifty years, have the socialists, after tremendous agitation, gigantic mass meetings, and widespread social unrest, marched their followers to the polls with results positively pitiful. A dozen votes out of thousands have in more cases than one marked their relative power. There is no other example in the world of such faith, courage, and persistence in politics as that of the socialists, who, despite defeat after defeat, humiliation after humiliation, have never lost hope, but on every occasion, in every part of the modern world, have gone up again and again to be knocked down by that jury.

And let it be said to their credit that never once anywhere have the socialists despaired of democracy. "Socialism and democracy ... belong to each other, round out each other, and can never stand in contradiction to each other. Socialism without democracy is pseudo-socialism, just as democracy without socialism is pseudo-democracy. The democratic state is the only possible form of a socialised society."[9] The inseparableness of democracy and socialism has served the organized movement as an unerring guide at every moment of its struggle for existence and of its fight against the ruling powers. It has served to keep its soul free from that cynical distrust of the people which is evident in the writings of the anarchists and of the syndicalists—in Bakounin, Nechayeff, Sorel, Berth, and Pouget. It has also served to keep it from those emotional reactions which have led nearly every great leader of the direct-actionists in the last century to become in the end an apostate. Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner Stephens, the fierce leaders of Chartism; Bakounin, Blanc, Richard, Jaclard, Andrieux, Bastelica, the flaming revolutionists of the Alliance; Briand, Sorel, Berth, the leading propagandists and philosophers of modern syndicalism; every one of them turned in despair from the movement. Cobden, Bonaparte, Clemenceau, the Empire, the "new monarchy," or a comfortable berth, claimed in the end every one of these impatient middle-class intellectuals, who never had any real understanding of the actual labor movement. And, if the union of democracy and socialism has saved the movement from reactions such as these, it has also saved it from the desperation that gives birth to individual methods, such as the Propaganda of the Deed and sabotage. That is what the inseparableness of democracy and socialism has done for the movement in the past; and it has in it an even greater service yet to perform. It has the power of salvation for society itself in the not remote future, when it will be face to face, throughout the world, with an irresistible current toward State socialism. Industrial democracy and political democracy are indissolubly united; their union cannot be sundered except at the cost of destruction to them both.

In adopting, then, the methods of education, of organization, and of political action the socialists rest their case upon the decision of democracy. They accept the weapons that civilization has put into their hands, and they are testing the word of kings and of parliaments that democracy can, if it wishes, alter the bases of society. And in no small measure this is the secret of their immense strength and of their enormous growth. There is nothing strange in the fact that the socialists stand almost alone to-day faithful to democracy. It simply means that they believe in it even for themselves, that is to say, for the working class. They believe in it for industry as well as for politics, and, if they are at war with the political despot, they are also at war with the industrial despot. Everyone is a socialist and a democrat within his circle. No capitalist objects to a group of capitalists cooeperatively owning a great railroad. The fashionable clubs of both city and country are almost perfect examples of group socialism. They are owned cooeperatively and conducted for the benefit of all the members. Even some reformers are socialists in this measure—that they believe it would be well for the community to own public utilities, provided skilled, trained, honorable men, like themselves, are permitted to conduct them. Indeed, the only democracy or socialism that is seriously combated is that which embraces the most numerous and most useful class in society, "the only class that is not a class";[10] the only class so numerous that it "cannot effect its emancipation without delivering all society from its division into classes."[11]

In any case, here it is, "the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority,"[12] already with its eleven million voters and its fifty million souls. It has slowly, patiently, painfully toiled up to a height where it is beginning to see visions of victory. It has faith in itself and in its cause. It believes it has the power of deliverance for all society and for all humanity. It does not expect the powerful to have faith in it; but, as Jesus came out of despised Nazareth, so the new world is coming out of the multitude, amid the toil and sweat and anguish of the mills, mines, and factories of the world. It has endured much; suffered ages long of slavery and serfdom. From being mere animals of production, the workers have become the "hands" of production; and they are now reaching out to become the masters of production. And, while in other periods of the world their intolerable misery led them again and again to strike out in a kind of torrential anarchy that pulled down society itself, they have in our time, for the first time in the history of the world, patiently and persistently organized themselves into a world power. Where shall we find in all history another instance of the organization in less than half a century of eleven million people into a compact force for the avowed purpose of peacefully and legally taking possession of the world? They have refused to hurry. They have declined all short cuts. They have spurned violence. The "bourgeois democrats," the terrorists, and the syndicalists, each in their time, have tried to point out a shorter, quicker path. The workers have refused to listen to them. On the other hand, they have declined the way of compromise, of fusions, and of alliances, that have also promised a quicker and a shorter road to power. With the most maddening patience they have declined to take any other path than their own—thus infuriating not only the terrorists in their own ranks but those Greeks from the other side who came to them bearing gifts. Nothing seems to disturb them or to block their path. They are offered reforms and concessions, which they take blandly, but without thanks. They simply move on and on, with the terrible, incessant, irresistible power of some eternal, natural force. They have been fought; yet they have never lost a single great battle. They have been flattered and cajoled, without ever once anywhere being appeased. They have been provoked, insulted, imprisoned, calumniated, and repressed. They are indifferent to it all. They simply move on and on—with the patience and the meekness of a people with the vision that they are soon to inherit the earth.

FOOTNOTES:

[AG] The vote for Belgium is estimated. The Liberals and the Socialists combined at the last election in opposition to the Clericals, and together polled over 1,200,000 votes. The British Socialist Year Book, 1913, estimates the total Socialist vote at about 600,000.

[AH] Above data taken from International News Letter of National Trade Union Centers, Berlin, May 30, 1913.

[AI] "The general strike," Engels said, "is in Bakounin's program the lever which must be applied in order to inaugurate the social revolution.... The proposition is far from being new; some French socialists, and, after them, some Belgian socialists have since 1848 shown a partiality for riding this beast of parade." This appeared in a series of articles written for Der Volksstaat in 1873 and republished in the pamphlet "Bakunisten an der Arbeit."



AUTHORITIES

CHAPTER I

[1] Macaulay, Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays: The Earl of Chatham, p. 3.

[2] Bakounin, OEuvres, Vol. III, p. 21. (P. V, Stock, Paris, 1912-1913.)

[3] Idem, Vol. II, p. xiv.

[4] Idem, Vol. II, p. xlvii.

[5] L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste et l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, p. 121. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.) A. Darson, London, and Otto Meissner, Hamburg, 1873.

[6] Idem, p. 125. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)

[7] Idem, p. 128. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)

[8] Idem, p. 11. (The Secret Alliance.)

[9] Idem, p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)

[10] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. II, p. viii.

[11] L'Alliance, etc., p. 95.

[12] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. II, p. viii.

[13] Idem, Vol. II, p. xxiii.

[14] Quoted in L'Alliance, etc., p. 112.

[15] Idem, p. 117.

[16] L'Alliance, etc., p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)

[17] Idem, pp. 128-129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)

[18] Idem, p. 132. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)

[19] Cf. Guillaume, L'Internationale; documents et souvenirs (1864-1878). Vol. I, p. 131. (Edouard Cornely et Cie., Paris, 1905-1910.)

[20] Cf. Idem, Vol. I, pp. 132-133, for entire program.

[21] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 53.

[22] L'Alliance, etc., pp. 64-65.

[23] Idem, p. 65 (quotations from The Principles of the Revolution).

[24] Idem, p. 66 (The Principles of the Revolution).

[25] Idem, p. 68 (The Principles of the Revolution).

[26] Idem, pp. 90-92.

[27] Idem, pp. 93-94.

[28] Idem, pp. 94-95.

[29] Idem, p. 95.

[30] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 60.

[31] Idem, Vol. II, pp. 61-63.

[32] Idem, Vol. III, p. 312.

CHAPTER II

[1] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 90.

[2] Lefrancais, Memoires d'un revolutionnaire, p. 348 (Paris).

[3] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 92 (Oscar Testut).

[4] Idem, Vol. II, p. 92.

[5] Idem, Vol. II, p. 93.

[6] Idem, Vol. II. pp. 94-95.

[7] Idem, Vol. II, p. 96.

[8] Idem, Vol. II, p. 96.

[9] Idem, Vol. II, p. 96.

[10] Idem, Vol. II, p. 97.

[11] Idem, Vol. II, p. 97.

[12] Idem, Vol. II, p. 97.

[13] Idem, Vol. II, pp. 98-99.

[14] Idem, Vol. II, p. 98.

[15] Quoted by Idem, Vol. II, p. 101. Cf. The Social Democrat, April 15, 1903.

[16] L'Alliance, etc., p. 21.

[17] Marx, The Commune of Paris (Bax's translation), p. 123. (Twentieth Century Press, Ltd., London, 1895.)

[18] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 100.

[19] Idem, Vol. III, p. 98.

[20] Bakunisten an der Arbeit, I, by Frederick Engels, printed in Der Volksstaat, October 31, 1873, No. 105.

[21] Quoted by Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 154.

[22] Idem, Vol. III, p. 100.

[23] Idem, Vol. III, p. 204.

[24] Idem, Vol. III, p. 207.

[25] Idem, Vol. III, p. 208.

[26] Idem, Vol. III, p. 186.

[27] Idem, Vol. III, p. 186.

[28] Idem, Vol. III, p. 146.

[29] Idem, Vol. III, p. 237.

CHAPTER III

[1] Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, p. 394. (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1899.)

[2] Idem, p. 287.

[3] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 113-114.

[4] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 225.

[5] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 225.

[6] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 226.

[7] Kropotkin, Paroles d'un revolte, pp. 285-288 (E. Flammarion, Paris, 1885).

[8] L'Alliance, etc., p. 65 (The Principles of the Revolution).

[9] Prolo, Les Anarchistes, pp. 14-15 (Marcel Riviere et Cie., Paris, 1912); or Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 160-168.

[10] Prolo, op. cit., pp. 15-17; or Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 184-188.

[11] Bebel, My Life, p. 330 (Chicago University Press, 1912).

[12] Zenker, Anarchism: A Criticism and History of the Anarchist Theory, p. 282 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New Y ork, 1901).

[13] Idem, pp. 294-295.

[14] Kropotkin, op. cit., pp. 448-449.

[15] Zenker, op. cit., p. 286.

CHAPTER IV

[1] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 209.

[2] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 227.

[3] Quoted by Zenker, op. cit., pp. 235-236.

[4] Zenker, op. cit., pp. 282-283.

[5] Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 47 (Mother Earth Publishing Co., New York, 1911).

[6] Quoted in History of Socialism in the United States, p. 219 (Funk & Wagnalls, New York, 1910), by Morris Hillquit, who gives a fuller account of this period.

[7] Quoted by Ely, The Labor Movement in America, p. 262 (Thomas Y. Crowell, New York, 3d ed., 1910).

[8] Idem, p. 263.

[9] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30 (Free Society Publishing Co., San Francisco, 1899).

[10] Reprinted in Instead of a Book, by Benjamin R. Tucker, pp. 429-432 (Benj. R. Tucker, New York, 1897).

[11] Idem, p. 429.

[12] Bebel, My Life, p. 237.

[13] Alexander Berkman, Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist, p. 7 (Mother Earth Publishing Company, New York, 1912).

CHAPTER V

[1] Quoted by Prolo, Les Anarchistes, p. 44.

[2] Prolo, op. cit., p. 45.

[3] Quoted from L'Eclair by Prolo, op. cit., p. 46.

[4] Quoted by Prolo, op. cit., p. 47.

[5] Quoted by Idem, p. 47.

[6] Quoted by Idem, p. 47.

[7] Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 101.

[8] Idem, pp. 99-100.

[9] Idem, pp. 102-103.

[10] Prolo, op. cit., p. 52.

[11] Idem, pp. 54-55.

[12] Pall Mall Gazette, April 29, 1912.

CHAPTER VI

[1] Emma Goldman, op. cit., p. 98.

[2] Idem, p. 113.

[3] Idem, pp. 113-114.

[4] Percy Bysshe Shelley, Julian and Maddalo.

[5] Idem.

[6] Angiolillo, quoted by Goldman, op. cit., pp. 104-105.

[7] Goldman, op. cit., p. 103.

[8] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30.

[9] Alfred Tennyson, The Vision of Sin, IV.

[10] Lombroso, Les Anarchistes, pp. 184, 181-183, 196 (Flammarion, Paris, 1896).

[11] Idem, pp. 205-207.

[12] Quoted by Lombroso, op. cit., p. 207.

[13] Zenker, op. cit., pp. 306-307.

[14] Bebel, Attentate und Sozialdemokratie, p. 6, a speech delivered at Berlin, November 2, 1898 (Vorwaerts, Berlin, 1905).

[15] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 130.

[16] Idem, p. 16.

[17] Idem, p. 62.

[18] Max Stirner, The Ego and His Own, p. 477 (A. C. Fifield, London, 1912).

[19] Idem, p. 425.

[20] Idem, p. 394.

[21] Lombroso, op. cit., pp. 52-54.

[22] Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, p. 29 (C. H. Kerr & Co., Chicago, 1906).

[23] Reprinted in Guesde's Quatre ans de lutte des classes, pp. 88-91 (G. Jacques et Cie., Paris, 1901).

[24] Idem, p. 92.

[25] Bebel, Attentate und Sozialdemokratie, pp. 12-14.

[26] Idem, p. 1.

[27] Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, pp. 92-93.

[28] Idem, pp. 85-86.

[29] This is a translation of an editorial that has appeared in various foreign newspapers and also, it is said, in the Illinois Staats-Zeitung; Cf. De Leon, Socialism versus Anarchism, p. 61 (New York Labor News Company, New York).

CHAPTER VII

[1] L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste, etc., p. 48.

[2] George Brandes, Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature, Vol. VI (The Macmillan Company, New York, 1906).

[3] Engels in the introduction to Revelations sur le Proces des Communistes, published together with, and under the title of, Marx's L'Allemagne en 1848, p. 268 (Schleicher Freres, Paris, 1901).

[4] Idem, p. 268.

[5] Idem, pp. 268-269. My italics.

[6] Idem, pp. 269-270.

[7] Communist Manifesto, p. 12.

[8] Idem, p. 44.

[9] Idem, p. 15.

[10] Idem, p. 25.

[11] Idem, p. 25.

[12] Idem, p. 26.

[13] Idem, p. 30.

[14] Idem, p. 44.

[15] Idem, pp. 42, 46.

[16] Engels, op. cit., p. 287.

[17] Idem, p. 287.

[18] Quoted by Engels in op. cit., p. 297.

[19] Albion W. Small, Socialism in the Light of Social Science, reprinted from the American journal of Sociology, Vol. XVII, No. 6 (May, 1912), p. 810.

[20] Communist Manifesto, pp. 12, 13.

[21] Albion W. Small, article cited, p. 812.

[22] Idem, p. 812.

[23] Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's Association (London, 1864), p. 12.

[24] Letter of Marx's of October 9, 1866, published in the Neue Zeit, April 12, 1902.

[25] Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's Association (London, 1864), p. 9.

[26] Idem, p. 9.

[27] Idem, p. 10.

[28] Idem, p. 11.

[29] Engels, op. cit., p. 287.

[30] Marx, L'Allemagne en 1848, p. 188.

[31] Letter of October 9, 1866, published in the Neue Zeit, April 12, 1902.

[32] Quoted by Jaeckh, The International, p. 32 (Twentieth Century Press, Ltd., London).

[33] Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X, p. 53 (Francis D. Tandy Co., New York). My italics.

[34] Jaures, Studies in Socialism, p. 133 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1906, translated by Mildred Minturn).

CHAPTER VIII

[1] Bakounin, OEuvres, Vol. II, p. viii.

[2] Idem, Vol. II, pp. xi-xii.

[3] L'Allemagne en 1848, p. 279.

[4] Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, pp. 62-63 (C. H. Kerr, Chicago, 1904).

[5] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. II, p. xvii.

[6] Cf. Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, p. 126 (Scribner's, New York, 1896).

[7] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. II, p. xx.

[8] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 383.

[9] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 103.

[10] Idem, Vol. I, p. 103.

[11] Compte-Rendu of the Fourth International Congress of the International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, pp. 6-7 (Bruxelles, 1869).

[12] Idem, p. 7.

[13] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 202.

[14] I am following here the English version, published by the General Council, pp. 26-27.

[15] Compte-Rendu of the Fourth International Congress of the International Working Men's Association, pp. 85-86.

[16] Idem, p. 89.

[17] Idem, pp. 144-145.

[18] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 204.

[19] Quoted by Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 223.

[20] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 232.

[21] Idem, Vol. V, p. 233.

[22] Idem, Vol. V, pp. 234-235.

[23] Idem, Vol. I, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.

[24] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 62.

[25] Communist Manifesto, p. 44.

[26] Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, pp. 69-70 (Scribner's, New York, 1892).

[27] Idem, pp. 71-72. Italics mine.

[28] Idem, p. 86.

[29] Idem, pp. 86-87.

[30] Idem, pp. 76-77.

[31] Compte-Rendu of the Fourth International Congress of the International Working Men's Association, p. 86.

[32] Bakounin, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 31-32.

[33] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 32.

[34] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 32.

[35] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 37.

[36] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 39.

[37] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 40.

[38] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 59.

[39] Idem, Vol. IV, pp. 191-192.

[40] Idem, Vol. III, p. 31.

[41] Idem, Vol. III, p. 40.

[42] Idem, Vol. III, p. 72.

[43] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 415.

[44] Idem, Vol. VI, p. 38.

[45] Idem, Vol. VI, pp. 38-39.

[46] Idem, Vol. IV, pp. 438-439.

[47] Idem, Vol. VI, p. 75.

[48] Engels, Landmarks of Scientific Socialism, p. 190 (Kerr, Chicago, 1907).

[49] Idem, p. 186.

[50] Idem, pp. 184-185.

[51] Idem, p. 190. My italics.

[52] Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International Working Men's Association, Assembled at London from the 17th to the 23d of September, 1871, No. IX (London, 1871).

CHAPTER IX

[1] L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste, etc., p. 12.

[2] Bakounin, OEuvres, Vol. IV, p. 342.

[3] Cf. Compte-Rendu Officiel of the Geneva Congress, 1873, p. 51 (Locle, 1873).

[4] Idem, pp. 55-56.

[5] Idem, p. 86.

[6] Idem, p. 87.

[7] Idem, p. 85.

[8] Idem, p. 35.

[9] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 118.

[10] Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 84 (The Twentieth Century Press, Ltd., London, 1906; trans, by Eleanor Marx Aveling).

[11] Guillaume, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 114-115.

[12] Idem, Vol. IV, p. 115.

[13] Idem, Vol. IV, pp. 223-224.

[14] Dawson, German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, p. 169, (Scribner's Sons, New York, 1899).

[15] Ferdinand Lassalle, Reden und Schriften, Vol. II, pp. 543-544 (Vorwaerts, Berlin, 1893).

[16] Idem, Vol. II, p. 383.

[17] Idem, Vol. II, p. 22.

[18] Idem, Vol. II, p. 104.

[19] Quoted by Dawson, op. cit., p. 187.

[20] Idem, p. 168; Cf. also, Bernstein, Ferdinand Lassalle as a Social Reformer, pp. 167-170 (Scribner's Sons, New York, 1893).

[21] Quoted by Dawson, op. cit., p. 168.

[22] Quoted by Milhaud, La Democratie socialiste allemande, p. 32 (Felix Alcan, Paris, 1903).

[23] Idem, pp. 32-33.

[24] Idem, p. 41.

[25] Idem, p. 42.

[26] These sections are reduced from Dawson's summary in op. cit., pp. 255-257.

[27] Quoted in Dawson, op. cit., p. 260.

[28] Bebel, Attentate und Sozialdemokratie, p. 2.

[29] Protokoll of the Congress of the German Social-Democracy, Wyden, 1880, p. 38 (Zurich, 1880).

[30] Idem, p. 42.

[31] Idem, p. 43.

[32] Quoted by Dawson, op. cit., p. 265.

[33] Speech in the Reichstag, March 21, 1884; quoted by Dawson, op. cit., pp. 268-269.

[34] Speech in the Reichstag, April 2, 1886; quoted by Dawson, op. cit., p. 271.

[35] Protokoll of the Proceedings of Party Conferences of the German Social-Democracy, Erfurt, 1891, p. 206 (Berlin, 1891).

CHAPTER X

[1] Quoted by Prolo, Les Anarchistes, p. 66.

[2] International Socialist Workers and Trade Union Congress, London, 1896, p. 31.

[3] Idem, p. 50.

[4] De Seilhac, Les Congres Ouvriers en France, p. 331 (Armand Colin et Cie., Paris, 1899).

[5] Idem, pp. 331-332.

[6] Compte-Rendu du Congres National Corporatif, Montpelier, 1902.

[7] L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste, etc., pp. 48-49.

[8] Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, pp. 98-99 (E. P. Dutton & Co., New York, 1909; trans, from 6th German edition).

[9] Louis Levine, The Labor Movement in France, p. 147 (Columbia University, New York, 1912).

[10] Arthur D. Lewis, Syndicalism and the General Strike, p. 70 (T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1912).

[11] Berth, Les Nouveaux aspects du Socialisme, p. 36 (Marcel Riviere et Cie., Paris, 1908).

[12] Robert Browning, Cleon.

[13] Sombart, op. cit., p. 110.

[14] Compte-Rendu of the Seventh International Socialist Congress, Stuttgart, 1907, p. 202.

[15] Cf. Compte-Rendu of the Sixth International Socialist Congress, Amsterdam, 1904, p. 53.

[16] Levine, op. cit., p. 195.

[17] Compte-Rendu du Congres National Corporatif, Toulouse, 1910, p. 226.

[18] Etienne Buisson, La Greve Generale, p. 59 (Librairie George Bellais, Paris, 1905).

[19] Labriola, Karl Marx, pp. 255-259 (Marcel Riviere et Cie., Paris, 1910).

[20] Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 63.

[21] Kampffmeyer, Changes in the Theory and Tactics of the German Social Democracy, pp. 87-88 (C. H. Kerr, Chicago, 1908).

[22] Quoted in Kampffmeyer, op. cit., p. 88.

[23] Idem, p. 89.

[24] Quoted in Jaures, Studies in Socialism, pp. 75-76.

[25] Kautsky, Das Erfurter Programm, pp. 117-119 (8th Edition, Stuttgart, 1907); Cf. also The Socialist Republic, by Kautsky, pp. 10-11.

[26] Communist Manifesto, p. 15.

[27] Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, p. 76.

[28] Cf. Menger, The Right to the Whole Produce of Labor, p. 117 (Macmillan & Co., London, 1899).

[29] Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, p. 145.

[30] Idem, p. 146.

[31] Quoted by Sombart, op. cit., p. 118.

[32] Sombart, op. cit., p. 118.

[33] Idem, p. 118.

[34] Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, pp. 109-110.

[35] Compte-Rendu of the Fourth International Congress of the International Working Men's Association, p. 88.

[36] Quoted by Plechanoff, op. cit., p. 90.

[37] Emile Pouget, Le Syndicat, p. 13 (Emile Pouget, Paris, 2d Edition).

[38] Sorel, Illusions du progres, p. 10 (Marcel Riviere et Cie., Paris, 1911).

[39] Compte-Rendu of the Fifth National Congress of the French Socialist Party, 1908, p. 352.

[40] XIe. Congres National Corporatif, Paris, 1900, p. 198; quoted by Levine, op. cit., p. 97.

[41] La Confederation Generale du Travail; II La Tactique.

[42] Idem.

[43] Cf. Proudhon, La Revolution sociale et le coup d'Etat, (Ernest Flammarion, Paris); Goldman, Minorities versus Majorities, in Anarchism and Other Essays; and Kropotkin, Les Minorites Revolutionnaires, in Paroles d'un revolte.

[44] Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, pp. 147-148.

[45] Compte-Rendu of the Third National Congress of the French Socialist Party, 1906, pp. 189-192.

[46] Idem, p. 186.

[47] Jaures, Studies in Socialism, pp. 127-128.

[48] Idem, pp. 124-125.

[49] Idem, pp. 128-129.

[50] Compte-Rendu of the Fourth International Congress of the International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, p. 6.

[51] Kropotkin, The Great French Revolution, p. 423 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1909).

[52] Proudhon, Idee Generale de la Revolution au XIXe. Siecle, p. 304 (Garnier Freres, Paris, 1851).

[53] Idem, p. 197.

CHAPTER XI

[1] Proudhon, Idee Generale de la Revolution, p. 149.

[2] Roger A. Pryor, quoted in the report of the Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 225.

[3] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: Senate Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 247.

[4] Thomas Beet, Methods of American Private Detective Agencies, Appleton's Magazine, October, 1906.

[5] Idem.

[6] Idem.

[7] Idem.

[8] New York Sun, May 8, 1911.

[9] New York Call, September 14, 1910.

[10] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 226.

[11] See his testimony, pp. 92-94 of the Senate Report.

[12] Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII, pp. 257-258, 261 (Chicago Labor Disputes).

[13] American Federationist, November, 1911, Vol. XVIII, p. 889.

[14] Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Jan. 6, 1913, Part I, p. 19.

[15] Idem, p. 20.

[16] Appleton's Magazine, October, 1906.

[17] Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pp. 280-281.

[18] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives, Senate Special Committee Report, 1892, p. xiii.

[19] Idem, p. ii.

[20] Idem, p. xii.

[21] Idem, p. xv.

[22] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 224.

[23] Idem, p. 225.

[24] Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894, by the United States Strike Commission, p. xxxviii.

[25] Idem, p. xliv.

[26] Idem, p. 356.

[27] Idem, p. 370.

[28] Idem, p. 397.

[29] Idem, pp. 366-367.

[30] Idem, p. 371.

[31] Idem, p. 368.

[32] Idem, pp. 368-369.

[33] Idem, p. 372 (from the testimony of Harold I. Cleveland).

[34] Idem, p. 360.

[35] Debs, The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike, p. 24 (Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904).

[36] Idem, p. 24.

[37] Emma F. Langdon, The Cripple Creek Strike, p. 153 (The Great Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905).

[38] Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor Disturbances in Colorado, p. 186.

[39] Idem, p. 206.

[40] Idem, p. 304.

[41] Cf. Clarence S. Darrow, Speech in the Haywood Case, p. 56 (Wayland's Monthly, Girard, Kan., October, 1907).

[42] Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor Disturbances in Colorado, p. 192.

[43] C. Dobrogeaunu-Gherea, Socialism vs. Anarchism, New York Call, February 5, 1911.

[44] Kropotkin, The Terror in Russia, p. 57 (Methuen & Co., London, 1909).

[45] Bamford, Passages in the Life of a Radical, Vol. II, p. 14 (T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1893).

[46] In Bamford's "Passages in the Life of a Radical" (T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1893), we find that spies and provocateurs were sent into the labor movement as early as 1815. In Holyoake's "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life" (Unwin, 1900), in Howell's "Labor Legislation, Labor Movements, Labor Leaders" (Unwin, 1902), and in Webb's "History of Trade Unionism" (Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1902), the work of several noted police agents is spoken of. In Gammage's "History of the Chartist Movement" (Truslove & Hanson, London, 1894) and in Davidson's "Annals of Toil" (F. R. Henderson, London, n.d.) we are told of one police agent who gave balls and ammunition to the men and endeavored to persuade them to commit murder.

Marx, in "Revolution and Counter-Revolution" (Scribner's Sons, 1896), and Engels, in Revelations sur le Proces des Communistes (Schleicher Freres, Paris, 1901), tell of the work of the German police agents in connection with the Communist League; while Bebel, in "My Life" (Chicago University Press, 1912), and in Attentate und Sozialdemokratie (Vorwaerts, Berlin, 1905), tells of the infamous work of provocateurs sent among the socialists at the time of Bismarck's repression. Kropotkin, in "The Memoirs of a Revolutionist" (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1899), and in "The Terror in Russia" (Methuen & Co., London, 1909), devotes many pages to the crimes committed by the secret police of Russia, not only in that country but elsewhere. Mazzini, Marx, Bakounin, and nearly all prominent anarchists, socialists, and republicans of the middle of the last century, were surrounded by spies, who made every effort to induce them to enter into plots.

In the "Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House and Senate Special Committee Reports, 1892"; in the "Report on Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894; U. S. Strike Commission, 1895"; in the "Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Labor Disturbances in Colorado, 1905"; in the "Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII", there is a great mass of evidence on the work of detectives, both in committing violence themselves and in seeking to provoke others to violence.

In "Conditions in the Paint Creek District of West Virginia: Hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, U. S. Senate; 1913"; in "Hearings before the Committee on Rules, House of Representatives, on Conditions in the Westmoreland Coal Fields"; in the "Report on the Strike at Bethlehem, Senate Document No. 521"; in "Peonage in Western Pennsylvania: Hearings before the Committee on Labor, House of Representatives, 1911," considerable evidence is given of the thuggery and murder committed by detectives, guards, and state constabularies. Some of this evidence reveals conditions that could hardly be equaled in Russia.

"History of the Conspiracy to Defeat Striking Molders" (Internatl. Molders' Union of N. America); "Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. Senate, 1912, Part V"; the report of the same hearings for January, 1913, Part I, "United States Steel Corporation: Hearings before Committee on Investigation, House of Representatives, Feb. 12, 1912"; the "Report on Strike of Textile Workers in Lawrence, Mass.: Commissioner of Labor, 1912"; and "Strike at Lawrence, Mass.: Hearings before the Committee on Rules, House of Representatives, March 2-7, 1912," also contain a mass of evidence concerning the crimes of detectives and the terrorist tactics used by those employed to break strikes.

Alexander Irvine's "Revolution in Los Angeles" (Los Angeles, 1911); F. E. Wolfe's "Capitalism's Conspiracy in California" (The White Press, Los Angeles, 1911); Debs's "The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike" (Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904); Ben Lindsey's "The Rule of Plutocracy in Colorado"; the "Reply of the Western Federation of Miners to the 'Red Book' of the Mine Operators"; "Anarchy in Colorado: Who Is to Blame?" (The Bartholomew Publishing Co., Denver, Colo., 1905); the American Federationist, April, 1912; the American Federationist, November, 1911; Job Harriman's "Class War in Idaho" (Volks-Zeitung Library, New York, 1900), Emma F. Langdon's "The Cripple Creek Strike" (The Great Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905); C. H. Salmons' "The Burlington Strike" (Bunnell & Ward, Aurora, Ill., 1889); and Morris Friedman's "The Pinkerton Labor Spy" (Wilshire Book Co., New York, 1907), contain the statements chiefly of labor leaders and socialists upon the violence suffered by the unions as a result of the work of the courts, of the police, of the militia, and of detectives. "The Pinkerton Labor Spy" gives what purports to be the inside story of the Pinkerton Agency and the details of its methods in dealing with strikes. Clarence S. Darrow's "Speech in the Haywood Case" (Wayland's Monthly, Girard, Kan., Oct., 1907) is the plea made before the jury in Idaho that freed Haywood. Only the oratorical part of it was printed in the daily press, while the crushing evidence Darrow presents against the detective agencies and their infamous work was ignored.

Capt. Michael J. Schaack's "Anarchy and Anarchists" (F. J. Schulte & Co., Chicago, 1899); and Pinkerton's "The Molly Maguires and Detectives" (G. W. Dillingham Co., New York, 1898) are the naive stories of those who have performed notable roles in labor troubles. They read like "wild-west" stories written by overgrown boys, and the manner in which these great detectives frankly confess that they or their agents were at the bottom of the plots which they describe is quite incredible.

"The Chicago Martyrs: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Anarchists in Judge Gary's Court and Altgeld's Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab" (Free Society, San Francisco, 1899), contains the memorable message of Governor Altgeld when pardoning the anarchists. In his opinion they were in no small measure the dupes of police spies and the victims of judicial injustice. I have dealt at length with Thomas Beet's article on "Methods of American Private Detectives" in Appleton's Magazine for October, 1906, but it will repay a full reading. "Coeur d'Alene Mining Troubles: The Crime of the Century" (Senate Document) and "Statement and Evidence in Support of Charges Against the U. S. Steel Corporation by the American Federation of Labor" are perhaps worth mentioning.

I have not attempted to give an exhaustive list of references, but only to call attention to a few books and pamphlets which have found their way into my library.

[47] Quoted by August Bebel in Attentate und Sozialdemokratie, p. 12.

[48] Limiting Federal Injunctions: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 1913, Part I, p. 8.

CHAPTER XII

[1] Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, p. 176.

[2] Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, p. 46.

[3] Idem, p. 85.

[4] L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste, etc., p. 132 (Secret Statutes of the Alliance).

[5] Communist Manifesto, p. 37.

[6] Idem, p. 32.

[7] Idem, p. 38.

[8] Engels' introduction to Struggle of the Social Classes in France; quoted by Sombart, op. cit., pp. 68-69.

[9] Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 28; my italics.

[10] Frederic Harrison, quoted in Davidson's Annals of Toil, p. 273 (F. R. Henderson, London, n.d.).

[11] Engels in L'Allemagne en 1848, p. 269.

[12] Communist Manifesto, p. 30.



INDEX

A

Adam, Paul, quoted concerning case of Ravachol, 81-82.

Agents provocateurs, work of, in popular uprisings and socialist and labor movements, 110-120, 203-204, 264; use of private detectives as, in United States, 290-292, 312-314.

Alexander II of Russia, assassination of, 56, 221.

America. See United States.

Anarchism, introduction of doctrines of, in Western Europe by Bakounin, 5 ff.; secret societies founded in interests of, 11-14; insurrections under auspices of, 28-39; criticism of, by socialists, 40; uprisings in Italy fathered by, 41-44; unbridgeable chasm between socialism and, 47-48; with the Propaganda of the Deed becomes synonymous with violence and crime, 55; foothold secured by, in Germany, 55-57; in Austria-Hungary, 57-58; agitation in France, 58-60; doctrines of, carried to America by Johann Most, 64-68; the Haymarket tragedy, 68-70; defense of, by Benjamin R. Tucker, and disowning of terrorist tactics, 70-74; responsibility for deeds of leaders of, laid at Bismarck's door, 74-75; assassination of President McKinley and shooting of H. C. Frick, 75; failure of, to take firm root in America any more than in Germany and England, 75-76; in the Latin countries, 76; acts of violence in name of, in Europe, 77-89; question of responsibility of, for acts of violence committed by terrorists, 90 ff.; different types attracted by socialism and, 92-93; the psychology of devotees of, 93-94; causes of terrorist tactics assigned by Catholic Church to doctrines of socialism, 98-100; source of, traceable to great-man theory, 102 ff.; work of police agents in connection with, 110-120; the battle between socialism and, 154-192; emergence of, as a distinct philosophy, 193; history of, after Hague congress of 1872, 194 ff.; congress in Geneva in 1873, 196-199; insolvable problem created by, in rejecting political action of the working class, 200; assaults on the Marxists by adherents of, 201-204; bitter warfare between socialism and, 201-205; appearance of syndicalism as an aid to, 229-239; ignoring of, in socialist congresses, 232; appearance of the "intellectuals" in ranks of, 239-241; similarities between philosophies and methods of syndicalism and, 239-245; differences between syndicalism and, 245-246; consideration of the oldest form of, that of the wealthy and ruling classes, 276-326; of the powerful in the United States, 280 ff.

Andrieux, French revolutionist, 29.

Angiolillo, Italian terrorist, 87.

Anti-socialist law, Bismarck's, responsible for Most's career as a terrorist, 74-75; passage of, and chief measures contained in, 214-217; growth of socialist vote under, 225; failure and repeal of, 225-226.

Arson practiced by revolutionists in America, 73-74.

Assassination, preaching of, by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 18; practice of, by anarchists in France, 77-89; the Catholic Church and, 98-100; glorification of, in history, 101-103.

Atwell, B. A., on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway strike, 300.

Australia, parliamentary power of socialists in, 329, 330.

Austria, Empress of, assassinated by Italian anarchist, 87.

Austria-Hungary, development and checking of anarchist movement in, 57-58; growth of socialist and labor vote in, 328.

B

Baker, Ray Stannard, quoted on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway strike, 299-300.

Bakounin, Michael, father of terrorism, 4; admiration of, for Satan, 5; views held by, on absolutism, 5-6; destruction of all States and all Churches advocated by, 6; varying opinions of, 7; shown to be human in his contradictions, 7-8; chief characteristics and qualities of his many-sided nature, 8; birth, family, and early life, 8-9; leaves Russia for Germany, Switzerland, and France, 9; meets Proudhon, Marx, George Sand, and other revolutionary spirits, 9; leads insurrectionary movements, 9-10; captured, sentenced to death, and finally banished to Siberia, 10; escapes and reaches England, 10; change in views shown in writings of, 10-11; spends some time in Italy, 11-12; forms secret organization of revolutionists, 11-13; the International Brothers, the National Brothers, and the International Alliance of Social Democracy, 12-14; enters the International Working Men's Association, with the hope of securing leadership, 15; declares war on political and economic powers of Europe and assails Marx, Engels, and other leaders, 15-16; interest of, in Russian affairs, 16; collaborates with Sergei Nechayeff, 16-17; expounds doctrines of criminal activity, 17-22; the "Words Addressed to Students," 17-19; the "Revolutionary Catechism," 19-22; quarrel between Nechayeff and, 23-26; remains in Switzerland and trains young revolutionists, 26-27; takes part in unsuccessful insurrection at Lyons, 28-35; Marx quoted concerning action of, at Lyons, 35-36; influence of, felt in Spanish revolution of 1873, 37-41; in Italy, during uprisings of 1874, 42-43; retires from public life, 45-46; humiliating experiences of last years, 46-47; opinions expressed by anarchists and by socialists concerning, upon death of, 47-48; teachings of, the inspiration of the Propaganda of the Deed, 52; principles of, preached by Johann Most, 65; spread of terrorist ideas of, in America, 65; history of the battle between Marx and, 154-193; suspected and charged with being a Russian police agent, 156, 158; quoted on Marx, 157; victory won over Marx by, at Basel congress of International in 1869, 162-169; attack of Marx and his followers on, and reply by, in the "Study upon the German Jews," 169-171; flood of literature by, based on his antagonism to religion and to Government, 172-174; inability of, to comprehend doctrines of Marxian socialism, 178-179; irreconcilability of doctrines of, with those of socialists, 179-185; expulsion of, from the International, 191; attacks the General Council of the International as a new incarnation of the State, 195; quoted to show antagonism between his doctrines and those of Marxists, 251; the robber worship of, 278-279.

Barcelona, bomb-throwing in, 87.

Barrot, Odilon, 348.

Basel, congress of International at (1869), 162-169.

Bauer, Heinrich, 131.

Bauler, Madame A., quoted on influence of Bakounin, 26-27.

Bebel, August, quoted on Bismarck's repressive measures, 55-56; quoted on Johann Most, 74-75; on the condoning of assassination by the Catholic Church, 98-99; reveals participations of high officials in crimes of the anarchists, 114-118; mentioned, 205, 209-210; account of struggle between Bismarck and party of, 211-227; State-socialist propositions favored by, 255-256.

Beesby, E. S., 35; urges political activity on early trade unions, 151.

Beet, Thomas, exposure by, of evils attending use of detectives in United States, 283-284, 290-291, 314.

Berkman, Alexander, shooting of H. C. Frick by, 75; motive which actuated, 101; events which led up to action of, 292-295; fate of, contrasted with that of agents of the anarchy of the wealthy during Homestead strike, 295.

Bern, revolutionary manifestation at (1877), 53.

Berth, Edward, quoted in connection with the "intellectuals," 240-241; mentioned, 270, 353.

Bismarck, stirs up Germany against social-democratic party on account of anarchistic acts, 55; effect of action of, on anarchism in Germany, 56; responsibility of, for Johann Most and other terrorists, and for Haymarket tragedy, 74-75; Bebel quoted in connection with the hero-worship of, in Germany, 103-104; admiration of, for Lassalle, 206; corruption introduced into German labor movement by, 210-211; exposed by Liebknecht and Bebel, begins war upon Marxian socialists, 211-212; futile efforts of, to provoke social democrats to violence, 218-219; reaction of his violent measures upon himself, 227.

Blanc, Gaspard, 29, 31.

Blanc, Louis, 128, 129, 353; Lassalle's views compared with those of, 207.

Blanqui, socialist insurrectionist, 128-129.

Bonnot, French motor bandit, 88-89, 104.

Booth, J. Wilkes, motive which actuated, in killing of Lincoln, 101.

Brandes, George, "Young Germany" by, 132; quoted on Lassalle, 205-206.

Brass, August, tool of Bismarck, 211.

Bray, J. F., 130.

Bresci, Gaetano, assassin of King Humbert, 87.

Briand, Aristide, 184 n., 270, 353.

Brousse, Paul, 49, 196-197, 198; originates phrase, "the Propaganda of the Deed," 51-52; leads revolutionary manifestation at Bern, 53; leaves the Bakouninists, 204.

Bucher, Lothar, tool of Bismarck, 210.

Burlington strike, outrages by private detectives during, 296.

Burns, William J., quoted on character of detectives as a class, 284-285.

C

Cabet, utopian socialism of, 144.

Cafiero, Carlo, Italian revolutionist, disciple of Bakounin, 38, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 54.

Camorra, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist tactics, 100.

"Capital," Marx's work, 152, 344.

Capitalism, workingmen's ignorance concerning, previous to advent of Karl Marx, 338-341.

Carnot, President, assassination of, 85.

Caserio, assassin of President Carnot, 79, 85-86.

Castillo, Canovas del, torture of suspected terrorists by, 87.

Catholic Church, burden of anarchism laid on doctrines of socialism by, 98; right of assassination upheld by clergy of, 98-99; terrorist tactics pursued by organizations of, 100.

Cerretti, Celso, Italian insurrectionist, 42.

Chartists, the, 130, 136, 137, 149.

Cluseret, General, 29, 32, 36.

Colorado, governmental tyranny during labor wars in, 217; political and industrial battles in (1894-1904), 302-311.

Commune of Paris, viewed as a spontaneous uprising of the working class, 36-37.

Communist League, Marx presents his views to, resulting in the Communist Manifesto, 137-138.

Communist Manifesto, of Marx and Engels, 137-141; the universal text-book of the socialist movement, 334.

Communist societies in Germany, 131.

Congress of United States, socialists not represented in, 330, 333.

Congresses, international, of socialists, 334.

Cooper, Thomas, 130.

Cooeperative movement, beginning of, in England, 130; progress in growth of, 331-332.

Corruption, the omnipresence of, 263-264.

Costa, Andrea, 42; at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 197-198; article by, attacking socialists, 201; leaves the Bakouninists, 204.

Courts, prevalence of violence set down to corruption of, 107, 108.

Cramer, Peter J., union leader killed by special police, 287.

Criminal elements, part played by, in uprisings, 109-110; use of, as the tool of reactionary intrigue, 110 ff., 281-326.

Cripple Creek, Colo., strike, 304-306.

Cyvoct, militant anarchist of Lyons, 59-60.

Czolgosz, assassin of President McKinley, 75, 88; motive which actuated, 101.

D

Debs, Eugene V., on instigation to violence by deputies in Chicago railway strike, 301-302.

Decamps, French terrorist, 79.

Delesalle, French anarchist, a sponsor of sabotage as a war measure of trade unionists, 236.

Democracy, attacks of syndicalism on, 264-265; view of the present day as the age of, 349; to be achieved only through democracy, 350, 352; eternal faith of socialists in, 353.

Detectives, employment of, as weapons of anarchists of the wealthy class in the United States, 281 ff.; character of the so-called, employed during big strikes in United States, 282-290; use of, as instigators and perpetrators of acts of violence, 290-292, 299-302, 312-314; pecuniary interest of, in provoking crime, 314; intentional misleading of employers by, 316-319; prolongation of strikes by, 319-320; a few of the outrages committed by, 320-321.

Deville, Gabriel, 202.

Direct action, opposed by syndicalists to the political action of socialists, 267 ff.; cannot be revolutionary action and is destined to failure, 272.

Duehring, Eugene, mistaken views of socialism held by, 186.

Duval, Clement, French anarchist and robber, 77-78.

Dynamite, glorifying of, by terrorists, as the poor man's weapon against capitalism, 69.

E

Eccarius, reply of, to Bakounin at Basel congress, 178; at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 196.

Egoistic conception of history, carried to its extreme by anarchism, 102 ff.

Engels, Frederick, 15; criticism by, of position of Bakouninists in Spanish revolution, 40, 41; description by, of early communist societies in Germany, 131; first meeting of Marx and, and beginning of their cooeperative labors, 132-133; reply of, to Dr. Duehring, 186; socialist view of the State as expressed by, 257-258; on the lasting power exercised by Marx over the labor movement, 338; on the reorganization of society through the conscious cooeperation of the masses, 347-348.

F

Fenians, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist tactics, 100.

Feudal lords, anarchism of the, 277-278, 279.

Fortis, Italian revolutionist, 42.

Fourier, 128; utopian socialism of, 144.

France, anarchist activities in (1882), 58-60; deeds of terrorists in, 77-86; effects of terrorist tactics in, 86-87; crimes of motor bandits in, 88-89; early days of socialism in, 128-129; launching of socialist labor party in (1878), 202-203; individualism in, one cause for rise of syndicalism, 242-243; poverty as a cause for reliance upon violence of trade unions in, 244.

Frick, Henry C., shooting of, 75; events which led up to shooting of, 292-295.

Fruneau, quoted on corruption in revolutions, 263.

G

General Confederation of Labor, organization of, 233.

General strike, inauguration of idea, by French trade unionists, 233-234; Guerard's argument for, 234-235; notable points in program of action of, 235-236; program of trade unionists in case of success in, 237-238; conditions which produce agitation for, 243-244; doubts of syndicalists as to success of a peaceable strike, 246-247; Jaures' warning against the, 270; ridicule of, by Marx and Engels, 343.

Geneva, congress of anarchists at, in 1873, 196-199.

Germany, beginning of anarchist activity in, 55-57; great political organization built up by socialists in, 203; meteoric career of Lassalle in, 205-209; history of Bismarck's losing battle with social democracy in, 211-227; State ownership favored by socialists in, 254-256; growth of socialist and labor vote in, 328; strong parliamentary position of socialists in, 329-330.

Goldman, Emma, quoted on Johann Most, 67; quoted on causes of violent acts by terrorists, 91; on the connection of police with anarchist outrages, 119.

Grave, Jean, French anarchist, 81.

Gray, John, 130.

Great-man theory, terrorist deeds of violence traceable to, 102 ff.

Guerard, argument of, for revolutionary general strike, 234-235.

Guesde, Jules, 202, 204; quoted on direct action vs. political action, 267-269.

Guillaume, James, Swiss revolutionist, friend of Bakounin, 28, 38, 42, 45, 47, 53, 197, 199, 229; takes part in manifestation at Bern (1877), 53.

H

Hales, John, at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 196-199.

Hall, Charles, 130.

Harney, George Julian, 137.

Harrison, Frederic, quoted, 151.

Hasselmann, German revolutionist, 56, 65; ejection of, from socialist party, 220.

Haymarket catastrophe, Chicago, 68-70.

Henry, Emile, French terrorist, 79, 84-85, 104.

Herwegh, German poet and revolutionist, 157-158.

Hess, Moritz, secret history of Basel congress of 1869 by, 169-170.

Hillquit, Morris, description by, of battle between strikers and detectives at Homestead, 293-294.

Hins, follower of Bakounin, quoted, 163; outlines, in 1869, program of modern syndicalists, 166-167.

Hoedel, assassin of Emperor William, 55, 213.

Hodgskin, Thomas, 130.

Hogan, "Kid," quoted on strike-breakers, 288-289.

Homestead strike, character of Pinkertons employed in, 285-286; account of battle between strikers and special police, 292-294.

Houses of the People, in Europe, 332.

Humbert, King, attempt upon life of, 55; assassination of, 87.

Hume, Joseph, 130.

I

Individualism in France a contributing cause to rise of syndicalism, 242-243.

Industrial Workers of the World, American syndicalism, 247 n.

Inheritance, abolition of right of, advocated by Bakounin, 163-164.

Intellectuals, appearance of, as an aid to anarchism, 239-241; lack of real understanding of labor movement by, and fate of, 354.

International Alliance of Social Democracy, 12-14.

International Brothers, 12-14.

International Working Men's Association (the "International"), Bakounin's attempt to inject his ideas into, 7, 15; launching of the, 145-146; beginning made by, in actual political work, 150-152; struggles in, between followers of Marx and followers of Bakounin's anarchist doctrines, 154 ff.; congress of, at Basel in 1869 the turning-point in its history, 162-168; overturning of foundation principles of, owing to anarchist tendencies of the congress, 168; period of slight accomplishment, from 1869 to 1873, 189-190; congress of 1873 at The Hague, 191; expulsion of Bakounin and removal of seat of General Council to New York, 191-192; motives of Marx in destroying, 192; one chief result of existence of, the distinct separation of anarchism and socialism, 192-193; attempts of Bakouninists to revive, after Hague congress, 196 ff.; end of efforts of anarchists to build a new, 200.

International Working People's Association, anarchist society in America, 68, 73.

Italy, anarchist uprisings in, in 1874, 41-44; demonstration under doctrines of Propaganda of the Deed in (1877), 53-54; reasons for individual execution of justice in, found in expense of official justice and corruptness of courts, 108; conditions in, leading to rise of syndicalism, 242, 243; socialist and labor vote in, 328; parliamentary strength of socialists in, 330.

Iwanoff, Russian revolutionist, 22-23.

J

Jaclard, Victor, 14, 29.

Jaures, tribute paid to Marx by, 152-153; warning pronounced by, against the general strike, 270.

Jesuits and doctrine of assassination, 98-99.

Jones, Ernest, 130.

K

Kammerer, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58.

Kampffmeyer, Paul, quoted on State-socialist propositions in Germany, 255.

Kautsky, Karl, on the Statism of the socialist party, 256.

Kropotkin, Prince, 49-50; enthusiasm of, over the Propaganda of the Deed, 52; quoted on anarchist activities at Lyons, 59; on act of United States Supreme Court declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on Government work, 62-63; quoted on the Pittsburgh strike, 63-64; on treatment of anarchists by socialists, 92 n.; quoted on Russian secret police system, 113 n.; articles by, attacking socialist parliamentary tactics, 201-202; on the necessity of parliamentary action in distribution of land after the French Revolution, 272.

L

Labor movement, violence characteristic of early years of the, 125-126; beginning of real building of, in the middle of the last century, 127; profit to, from aid of "intellectual" circles, 127; in France, 128-129; in England, 129-131; setback to, in England due to various causes, 131; beginnings of, in Germany, 131-134; beginning of work of Marx and Engels in connection with, 132 ff.; attempt of early socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas into, 145; launching of the International, 145 ff.; entrance of the International into actual political work, 150-152; the ideal of the labor movement as expressed by Lincoln, 152; part played by the International as an organization of labor, 192; origins of, in Germany, 209; Bismarck's persecution of social democrats in Germany, 211-227; entrance of anarchism into, in France, 231 ff.; illegitimate activities of capital against, in United States, 280-326; process of building structure of the present, 335-337; position as a great and material actuality, 337; tracing of work done by Marx in connection with, 338 ff.; progress of, as indicated by socialist and labor vote, 328-329; parliamentary strength of, 329-331; growth of cooeperations and trade unions, 331-333.

Labor Standard article on United States Supreme Court decision, 62-63.

Labor Temples in Europe, 332.

Labriola, Arturo, syndicalist criticism of socialism by, 249-251; views of, on Parliamentarism, 261.

Lafargue, Paul, 202.

Lagardelle, on the antagonism of syndicalism and democracy, 264-265.

Lankiewicz, Valence, 28.

Lassalle, German socialist agitator, 205 ff.; by organizing the Universal German Working Men's Association, becomes founder of German labor movement, 209; relations between Bismarck and, 210.

Legien, Carl, quoted on French labor movement, 243.

Le Vin, detective, quoted on character of special police, 286.

Levine, Louis, "The Labor Movement in France" by, quoted, 244.

Liebknecht, Wilhelm, quoted on Marx's opposition to insurrection led by Herwegh, 158; mentioned, 205, 209-210; efforts of Bismarck to corrupt, 211; persecution of, by Bismarck, 211-212; frank statement of republican principles by, 212-213; quoted on defeat of Bismarck by socialists, 226; quoted as in favor of State-socialist propositions in Germany, 256.

Lincoln, Abraham, ideal of the labor movement as expressed by, 152.

Lingg, Louis, Chicago anarchist, 70, 95.

Lombroso, on corrective measures to be used with anarchists, 96-97; on the complicity of criminality and politics, 109.

Lovett, William, 130.

Luccheni, Italian assassin, 87.

Lynchings, an explanation given for, 107, 108.

Lyons, unsuccessful insurrection at, in 1870, 28-35.

M

McDowell, Malcomb, on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway strike, 300-301.

McKinley, President, assassination of, 75, 88.

McNamaras, the, 318, 324.

Mafia, the, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist tactics, 100.

Malatesta, Enrico, Italian revolutionist, 43-44, 49, 51.

Manufacturers' Association, lawless work of the, 318.

Mariana, Jesuit who upheld assassination of tyrants, 98, 99.

Marx, Karl, view of Bakounin held by, 7; meeting of Bakounin and, 9; assailed by Bakounin upon latter's entrance into the International, 15-16; quoted on the insurrection at Lyons in 1870, 35-36; on Bakounin's "abolition of the State," 36; on the Commune of Paris, 37; education and early career of, 132-134; the Communist Manifesto, 137-141; resignation of, from central council of Communist League, 141-142; gives evidence of perception of lack of revolutionary promise in sectarian organizations, secret societies, and political conspiracies, 142; gigantic intellectual labors of, in laying foundations of a scientific socialism, 143; the International launched by, 145-146; essence of socialism of, in Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International, 147-148; statement of idea of, as to revolutionary character of political activity, 149-150; immense work of, in connection with the International, and publishing of "Capital" by, 152; summing up of services of, by Jaures, 152-153; the battle between Bakounin and, 154 ff.; annoyance and humiliation of, by victory of Bakouninists at Basel congress, 168-169; bitter attack made on Bakounin and his circle by, 169-170; motives of, in destroying the International by moving seat of General Council to New York, 191-192; Bismarck's attempt to corrupt, 210; view held by, of the State and its functions, 257; quoted on "parliamentary cretinism," 261-262; battles of workingmen fought on lines laid down by, 338; immensity of task actually executed by, 344-356.

Merlino, Italian anarchist, 81.

Michel, Louise, French anarchist, 60.

Milwaukee, character of special police employed during molders' strike in, 286-287.

Mine Owners' Association, anarchism of, in Colorado, 304-311.

Moll, Joseph, 132, 137.

Molly Maguires, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist tactics, 100.

Most, Johann, a product of Bismarck's man-hunting policy and legal tyranny, 56; the Freiheit of, 57, 65; brings terrorist ideas of Bakounin and Nechayeff to America, 64-65; early history of, 65-66; Emma Goldman's description of, 67; effect of agitation and doctrines of, on socialism in America, 67-68; climax of theories of, reached in the Haymarket tragedy, Chicago, 68-70; article on "Revolutionary Principles" by, 69-70; history of terrorist tactics in America centers about career of, 74; responsibility of anti-socialist laws for misguided efforts and final downfall of, 74-75; ejected from socialist party for advocating violence in war with Bismarck, 219-220.

Motor bandits, career of, in France, 88-89.

Museux, quoted on Ravachol, 82.

"Muzzle Bill," Bismarck's, 221.

N

National Brothers, the, 12-14.

Nechayeff, Sergei, young Russian revolutionist, 16; collaboration of, with Bakounin, 16 ff.; question of share of "Words Addressed to Students" and "The Revolutionary Catechism" to be attributed to, 22; activities of, in Russia, 22-23; murder of Iwanoff by, 23; quarrels with Bakounin, steals his papers, and flees to London, 23; subsequent career and death, 25-26.

Nobiling, Dr. Karl, 55, 214.

O

O'Brien, J. B., 130.

O'Connor, Feargus, 130, 353.

Orchard, Harry, crimes of, paid for by detective agencies, 307-310.

Owen, Robert, 130; utopian socialism of, 144; in the Webbs' critique of, the economic fallacies of syndicalism are revealed, 260-261.

Ozerof, revolutionary enthusiast, friend of Bakounin, 28, 30, 34.

P

Paris, anarchist movement in (1883), 60; acts of violence in, 77-89.

Parliamentarism, criticism of, by syndicalists, 249, 261; attitude of socialism toward, 262-263.

Parliamentary strength of socialism at present day, 329-331.

Pelloutier, leader in French labor movement, 231.

Peukert, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58; found to be a police spy, 113-114.

Pinkerton detectives, the tools of anarchists of the capitalist class in the United States, 281 ff.

Place, Francis, 130.

Plechanoff, George, 53; quoted, 200; breaks with the Bakouninists, 204.

Pini, French anarchist and robber, 96.

Police agents, work of, against anarchism, socialism, and trade-union movements, 110-120, 203-204; infamous roles played by, in United States, 290-292, 299-302, 312-314; list of notable, who have played a double part in labor movements, 313.

Policing by the State, a check on anarchism of individuals, 279.

Political action, dependence of Marx's program on, 137-141; fight of anarchists against, 232; criticism of, by syndicalists, 249 ff.; direct action placed over against, by the syndicalists, 267 ff.

Pougatchoff, Bakounin's idealizing of, 278.

Pouget, Emil, French anarchist, 60; origin of modern syndicalism with, 231; sabotage introduced by, at trade-union congress in Toulouse, 235; attack of syndicalism on democracy voiced by, 264; on the syndicalist's contempt for democracy, 265.

Poverty, as a cause of reliance upon violence by French trade-unions, 244.

Propaganda of the Deed, origin of the, 49-52; inspiration of, found in the teachings of Bakounin, 52; revolutionary demonstrations organized under doctrines of, 52-54; as the chief expression of anarchism, makes the name anarchism synonymous with violence and crime, 55; progress of, as shown by anarchist activities in Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, 55-60; influence of, in Italy, Spain, and Belgium, 60-61; bringing of, to America by Johann Most, 62-76. See Terrorism.

Proudhon, acquaintance between Bakounin and, 9; the father of anarchism, 129.

Proudhonian anarchists, inability of, to comprehend socialism of Marx, 148-149.

Pryor, Judge Roger A., condemnation by, of use of private detectives by corporations, 297-298.

Pullman strike, employment and character of private detectives in, 298-302.

R

Ravachol, French terrorist, 79-82, 104.

Razin, Stenka, leader of Russian peasant insurrection, 17; Bakounin's robber worship of, 278.

Reclus, Elisee, 14; quoted concerning Ravachol, 81.

Red Flag, Hasselmann's paper, 56.

Reinsdorf, August, assassin of German Emperor, 69-70.

"Revolutionary Catechism," by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 19-22.

Rey, Aristide, 14.

Richard, Albert, 29, 32.

Rittinghausen, delegate to congress of the International, quoted, 162-163; on the futility of insurrection as a policy, 272.

Robber-worship, Bakounin's, 17, 278.

Rochdale Pioneers, the, 130.

Rochefort, Henri, remarks of, on anarchists, 70-71.

Rubin, W. B., investigation of character of special police by, 286-287.

Rull, Juan, Spanish gang leader, 119.

S

Sabotage, danger of use of, in United States, 324-325; appearance of, and explanation, 236; as really another name for the Propaganda of the Deed, 247.

Saffi, Italian revolutionist, 42.

Saignes, Eugene, 30, 31.

Saint-Simon, 128.

Salmons, C. H., on outrages by private detectives during Burlington strike, 296.

Sand, George, 9, 158.

Schapper, Karl, 131, 141.

Secret societies organized by Bakounin, 11-14.

Shelley, P. B., psychology of the anarchists depicted by, 93.

Small, Albion W., estimate of Marx by, 143.

Socialism, early use of word, 34 n.; split between anarchism and, in 1869, 47-48, 162-169; rapid spread of, in America after panic of 1873, 64-65; disastrous effect on, of Most's agitation in America, 67-68; contrasted with anarchism on the point of the latter's inspiring deeds of violence by terrorists, 90-92; different types attracted by anarchism and, 92-93; burden of anarchism placed on, by Catholic clergy, 98; growth of, 125 ff., 202-203; early days of, in France, 128-129; in England, 129-131; in Germany, 131-134; Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels a part of the basic literature of, 138; the utopian, destroyed by Marx's scientific theory, 144-145; the blending of labor and, a matter of decades, 145; essence of Marx's, found in the Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International, 147-148; routing of, by anarchist doctrines in congress of International at Basel in 1869, 162-169; inquiry into and exposition of the aims of the Marxian, 174-178; attacks on, by anarchists after Hague congress of 1872, 201 ff.; fruitless war waged on German social democracy by Bismarck, 211-227; defeat and humiliation of Bismarck by, 225-227; strength of, throughout Europe shown in elections of 1892, 227-228; difference between aims and methods of, and those of syndicalism, 238-239; antagonism between syndicalism and, 247 ff., 266; Statism of, criticised by syndicalists, 249-251, 252; real position of, regarding State ownership and State capitalism, 252-258; criticism of, by syndicalists on grounds of Parliamentarism, 261; real attitude of, toward control of parliaments, 262-263; battle of, is against both the old anarchists, and the new anarchists of the wealthy class in the United States, 325-326; statistics of increase in vote of, 328-329; parliamentary strength of, 329-331; conditions which retard progress of, in United States, 332-333; tendency of labor movement in all lands toward, 333-334; international congresses of party, 334; results of inseparableness of democracy and, 353-354; slow but sure and steady progress of, 355-356.

Sombart, Werner, quoted on syndicalism and the "social sybarites," 241; quoted on tendency of labor movement in all lands toward socialism, 333.

Sorel, quoted to show hostility of syndicalism to democracy, 264.

Spain, revolution of 1873 in, 37-41; repression of terrorist tactics in, 87.

Spies, August, "revenge circular" of, 68.

State, check placed on anarchism of the individual by the, 279-280; activity of, in opposition to labor in United States, 322-324.

Statism, criticism of, of the socialist party, by syndicalists, 249-252; statement of attitude of socialism toward, 252-258; economic fallacies of syndicalists regarding, pointed out by the Webbs on their critique of Owen's trade-union socialism, 260-261.

Steinert, Henry, quoted on special police and detectives, 285.

Stellmacher, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58.

Stephens, Joseph Rayner, 130, 353.

Stirner, Max, "The Ego and His Own" by, quoted, 105.

"Study upon the German Jews," Bakounin's, 170-171.

Supreme Court of United States, act of, declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on Government work, 62-63.

Syndicalism, program of, outlined at congress of International in 1869, 166-167; forecast of, contained in Bakounin's arguments, 185; revival in 1895 of anarchism under name of, 229; explanation of, and reason for existence, 230 ff.; wherein aim and methods differ from those of socialism, 238-239; connection of the "intellectuals" with, 239-241; reasons found for, in certain French and Italian conditions, 242-245; essential differences between anarchism and, 245-246; necessary antagonism between socialism and, 247 ff.; objections to the outline of a new society contemplated by, 259 ff.; criticism of Parliamentarism of socialism by, 261; attacks of, on democracy, 264-265; antagonism of socialism and, in aim and methods, 266 ff.; proven to be the logical descendant of anarchism, 270-271; its fate to be the same as that of anarchism, 271-272; claim of, that revolutionary movement must pursue economic aims and disregard political relations, 273.

T

Tennyson, quotation from, 96.

Terrorism, doctrine of, brought into Western Europe by Bakounin, 4, 9-10, 17 ff.; set forth in "Revolutionary Catechism" by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 19-22; practical introduction of, in insurrections of the early seventies, 28 ff., 41-44; criticism of, by socialists, 40; advent of the Propaganda of the Deed, and resultant acts of violence in Italy, 50-55; carried into Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, 56-60; doctrine of, spread in America by Johann Most, 65-68; protest voiced by Tucker, American anarchist, against terrorist tactics, 70-74; failure of, to take deep root in America, 75-76; acts of, committed by anarchists in France, 77-89; causes of, 90 ff.; due to hysteria and pseudo-insanity, 93-94; wrong attitude of society as to corrective measures, 94-98; burden of, placed by Catholics on socialism, 98-101; glorification of, in annals of history, 101; egoistic conception of history carried to an extreme in, 102-106; caused by corruption of courts and oppressive laws, 107-108; complicity of criminality and, 109; use of, by European governments, 110-120, 219 ff.; introduced into the International by Bakounin, and struggles of Marxists against, 154-193; part played by, in Bismarck's war on social democracy, 213, 217, 218; attempts of Bismarck to provoke, 219 ff.; reaction of, on Bismarck, 227; employed by ruling class in America, by means of private detectives and special police, 276-324.

Thompson, William, 130.

Tolstoi, Berth's characterization of, 241.

Tortellier, French agitator and anarchist, 231; declaration of, against political action, 232.

Trade unions, at basis of Spanish revolution of 1873, 39; entrance into, of anarchism, resulting in syndicalism, 231 ff. See Labor movement.

Tucker, Benjamin R., New York anarchist, quoted on "The Beast of Communism," 70-74.

U

United States, unsettled conditions in, after panic of 1873, 62-64; development of socialist and trade-union organizations in, 64; Bakounin's terrorist ideas brought to, by Johann Most, 65; acts of violence in, 67-70; protests of anarchists of, against terrorism, 70-74; failure of anarchism to take firm root in, 75; anarchism of the powerful in, 280 ff.; system of extra-legal police agents in, 281-291, 311 ff.; account of tragic episodes in history of labor disputes in, 291-311; abetting by the State of mercenary anarchists in, 322-325; figures of socialist and labor vote in, 328; socialists of, wholly lacking in representation in Congress, 330, 333; conditions in, calculated to retard progress of socialist and labor movement, 332-333.

Universal German Working Men's Association, organization of, 209.

Utopian socialism destroyed by Marx's scientific socialism, 144.

V

Vaillant, August, French terrorist, 79, 82-84, 104.

Valzania, Italian revolutionist, 42.

Vincenzo, Tomburri, Italian revolutionist, 54.

Violence, analysis of causes of, 90-122. See Terrorism.

Vliegen, Dutch labor leader, on the general strike, 243-244.

Von Schweitzer, leader in German labor movement, reported to have sold out to Bismarck, 211.

Vote of socialists and laborites (1887-1913), 328, 329.

W

Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, economic fallacies of syndicalism indicated by, 260-261.

Weitling, early German socialist agitator, 132.

Western Federation of Miners, crimes falsely attributed to, 307-310.

West Virginia, governmental tyranny during labor troubles in, 217; outrages committed by special police in, 292.

Wickersham, George W., testimony of, as to packing of a jury by private detectives, 289.

William I., Emperor, attempts on life of, 55, 213-214.

"Words Addressed to Students," Bakounin and Nechayeff's, 17.

Wyden, secret conference of German social democrats at, 219-220.

Y

Yvetot, quoted on syndicalism and anarchism, 245.

Z

Zenker, quoted on anarchist movement in Austria-Hungary, 57-58; on association formed by Most for uniting revolutionists, 66; on motives behind deeds of violence, 100.

Zola, psychology of the anarchist depicted by, 93.

THE END

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