'I would also mention to the supporters of the Colonization Society, that if they would spend half the time and money that they do, in educating the colored population and giving them lands to cultivate here, and secure to them all the rights and immunities of freemen, instead of sending them to Africa, it would be found, in a short time, that they made as good citizens as the whites. Their traducers would hear of fewer murders, highway robberies, forgeries, &c. &c. being committed, than they do at present among some of the white inhabitants of this country.'[AK]

'Colonization principles, abstractly considered, are unobjectionable; but the means employed for their propagation, we think, are altogether objectionable. We are deprived of our birthright, and pointed by the colonization partisans to another country as a home. They speak of the prejudices which exist against us, as an insuperable hindrance to the improvement of our situation here. We are sickened by the constant reiteration of "extraneous mass," "African inferiority," &c. which tends immediately to justify the slaveholder in his crime, and increase already existing prejudice. The Colonization Society never will effect the removal of slavery. The God of justice will never, in my opinion, let this nation off so easily. It is in vain to hold back. The eyes of all will ultimately be opened to see that nothing but universal emancipation can possibly avert impending wrath.'[AL]

'How long, oh! ye boasters of freedom, will ye endeavor to persuade us, your derided, degraded fellow countrymen, to the belief that our interest and happiness are prized in high estimation among you? Be it known, that we are not all such misguided, deluded mortals as to be duped by your plans; that we will not suffer ourselves to become so infatuated as to "hurl reason from her throne," and succumb to your glittering, showy, dissimulating path to eminence. We spurn with contempt your unrighteous schemes, and point the finger of derision at your fruitless attempts. You have commenced them in a day, when liberty, justice and equality are claimed by almost all, as nature's rights; for behold! a beam of science, lucid as the sun, has divinely fallen upon the lightless intellects of a portion of that ignoble part of your fellow creatures, who have been so long the victims of your fell injustice and inhumanity. Would to God that conscience might subdue your malignant prejudices. Tell us not that our condition can never be bettered in the land of our birth: you know it not. Make but the attempt in consecrating a portion of your time, talents and money upon us here, and you would soon find the cause of Afric's injured race vindicated by her descendants; and the day which now dawns would be speedily ushered into blazing light, declaring in its effulgence the joyful sound of Liberty—Justice—Equality, to all mankind.'[AM]

'There is much to be surprised at, little to admire, and nothing worthy of imitation, in the "bubbles" of our friends, the colonizationists. They have enlisted the prejudices and the support of the wealthy and influential in their favor; they have succeeded in sending some two or three thousand to Liberia; and they are flattered with their partial success, and no doubt look forward to the time when they will behold the whole of the colored inhabitants of America, in the far distant land of Africa. But let them not anticipate too much; they have yet one obstacle to overcome which threatens to overthrow their "baseless fabric;" or at any rate impede their progress. Their proceedings have not obtained the approbation of those, whose approbation is most needed, the colored people themselves. They are most strangely mistaken if they suppose that it is an easy matter to win them, either by sophistry or force. The press has begun its revolutionizing work, overturning in its progress every thing calculated to suppress inquiry or to blind the understanding. Already have the intrigues of the designing been exposed, and already have the colored people set their faces against oppression.

'The Colonization Society has erred in matters of policy; for instead of exerting themselves to gain the confidence of the colored people, and thus by persuasion to have rid the country of them, they have acted in a manner calculated to disgust every humane mind, and have rendered it an utter impossibility to remove them; and it is most fortunate for the unfortunate, that they have detected those intriguing spirits in their humane and charitable undertaking.

'How many hours of anguish, how much incalculable misery has been prevented; in short, how many human beings have been saved from an untimely grave, by the timely interposition of the PRESS! It has said, let it be so, and it was so; its thunders have been heard, and the oppressor trembles like the earthquake: it has overthrown, yea, totally demolished the sharp-edged sword of the Colonization Society.

'Support the PRESS then, ye people of color, and the result will be a total overthrow of all the darling schemes of the aforesaid darling Society; it has accomplished wonders, yea, wonders already; much more can, nay, will be done; again I say, support the PRESS.'[AN]

'The African Colonization Society declares that we the people of color shall have no part nor lot in the free institutions of this country. Why? Because the Creator of all—the sovereign Ruler of the universe, who holds in his hands the destiny of nations, thought fit and proper, in his infinite wisdom, to tincture us with a darker hue than the paler part of community! or, if I may say, because the lot of our predecessors happened to be cast in the torrid zone, beneath the scorching beams of a vertical sun! These are the objections the African Colonization Society offer to this community to our remaining in this country—in the land of freemen! These are the considerations that prompt them to tell us that we the descendants of Africa can never be men unless we abandon the land of our birth, our homes and people, and submit to that uncongenial clime, the barbarous regions of Africa, amidst unyielding contagion and mortality! O, that man would remember, that knowledge and virtue, not complexion, are the emblems that constitute the value of human dignity! With these, we are worthy—without them, we are unworthy. By the acts and operations of wicked men, shielded under a cloak of religion, we the people of color are doomed to all the miseries that the human body is able to sustain—deprived of light, knowledge and social intercourse, by the colonization gentlemen. With all their pretended zeal and love of liberty, manifested towards the African race, I count them as enemies, not friends. I do not solicit their love, nor regard their friendship. I speak for one: I never did, and never will court an enemy as a friend, knowingly, let him be whom he may—let him belong to church or state, I feel the weight of their predominant power, and the finishing blow they are about to strike. Thus we move by them, poor and pennyless, despised and forsaken by all; creeping through your streets, submissively bowed down to every foot whose skin is tinctured with a lighter hue than ours—thus we sojourn in solitude, not for our crimes but color.

'I came here for the purpose of showing to this community, that the people of color of the United States disapprove of the African Colonization plan. They do not wish to emigrate to Africa. These six hundred or more, that the gentleman tells you are now waiting for a passage to Liberia, are not the free people of color of the United States; they are, if any, the poor, old, worn-out southern slaves, freed on the condition to go to Africa, or die in the tracks of slavery, no more fit for their cotton and rice fields—for the laws of those states forbid the master, let him be possessed of all the fine feelings that the human mind is able to contain; unless he banishes them to some distant region, across that "mighty ocean" they speak of, they cannot be free. According to the laws of those states, and the basis on which the Society is built, the emancipated slaves are not free until they stand upon the shores of Liberia. Thus the Northern and Middle States are called upon for donations to enable the monarch of the south to bury his slaves in the sands of Africa; thus far, northern capital is instrumental in parting asunder parents and children—no more to meet, until Jehovah will stand upon the four corners of the earth, and proclaim deliverance to the captive!—when the arm of tyrants shall cease to sway the rod of tyranny over the heads of their helpless children—until all creation shall vanish and crumble into nothing.

'About the time of the formation of this Society, the people of color, in different sections of the Union, took the alarm—they thought there was something wrong in the views of that combined body. So, the free people of color of Richmond, convened themselves together in the state of Virginia, where the gentleman says the African Colonization Society first originated. They assembled themselves together for the purpose of ascertaining each other's feelings with regard to that combined body, and after mature reflection, they petitioned Congress—I will give you the words of their memorial, which are sufficient evidence to substantiate in the mind of every rational person, that the people of color wish to remain in this country.

'"At a meeting of a respectable portion of the free people of color of the city of Richmond, on Friday, January 24, 1817, William Bowler was appointed chairman, and Lentey Craw, secretary. The following preamble and resolution were read, unanimously adopted, and ordered to be printed.

'"Whereas a Society has been formed at the seat of government, for the purpose of colonizing, with their own consent, the free people of color of the United States; therefore we, the free people of color of the city of Richmond, have thought it advisable to assemble together under the sanction of authority, for the purpose of making a public expression of our sentiments on a question in which we are so deeply interested. We perfectly agree with the Society, that it is not only proper, but would ultimately tend to the benefit and advantage of a great portion of our suffering fellow creatures, to be colonized; but while we thus express our approbation of a measure laudable in its purposes, and beneficial in its designs, it may not be improper in us to say, that we prefer being colonized in the most remote corner of the land of our nativity, to being exiled to a foreign country—and whereas the president and board of managers of the said Society have been pleased to leave it to the entire discretion of Congress to provide a suitable place for carrying these laudable intentions into effect—Be it therefore

'"Resolved, That we respectfully submit to the wisdom of Congress whether it would not be an act of charity to grant us a small portion of their territory, either on the Missouri river, or any place that may seem to them most conducive to the public good and our future welfare, subject, however, to such rules and regulations as the government of the United States may think proper to adopt."

'WM. BOWLER, Chairman.

'LENTEY CRAW, Secretary.'[AO]

'The colonization craft is a diabolical pursuit, which a great part of our christian community are engaged in. Now, brethren, I need not enlarge on this point. You that have been observing, have already seen the trap under the bait; and although some of our population have been foolish enough to sell their birthright for a mess of pottage, yet I doubt whether the Colonization Society will entrap many more. It is too bare-faced, and contrary to all reason, to suppose, that there is any good design in this project. If they are willing to restore four-fold for what they have taken by false accusation, they can do it to better advantage in the bosom of our country, than at several thousand miles off. How would you do, brethren, if your object was really to benefit the poor? Would you send them into a neighboring forest, and there deal out that food which they were famishing for? Now we stand different from beggars. Our ancestors were stolen property, and property which belonged to God. This is well known by our religious community; and they find that the owner is about to detect them. Now if they can slip away the stolen goods, by smuggling all those out of the country, which God would be likely to make an instrument of, in bringing them to justice, and keep the rest in ignorance; by such means, things would go on well with them, and they would appease their consciences by telling what great things they are doing for the colored population and God's cause. But we understand better how it is. The deception is not so well practised, but that we can discover the mark of the beast. They will steal the sons of Africa, bring them to America, keep them and their posterity in bondage for centuries, letting them have what education they can pick up of themselves; then transport them back to Africa; by which means America gets all her drudgery done at little expense, and endeavors to flatter the Deity, by making him a sacrifice of good works of this kind. But to the awful disappointment of all such blasphemers, they will meet the justice of God, which will be to them a devouring sword.'[AP]

'Though delivered from the fetters of slavery, we are oppressed by an unreasonable, unrighteous, and cruel prejudice, which aims at nothing less, than the forcing away of all the free colored population of the United States to the distant shores of Africa. Far be it from me to impeach the motives of every member of the American Colonization Society. The civilizing and christianizing of that vast continent, and the extirpation of the abominable traffic in slaves, (which, notwithstanding all the laws passed for its suppression, is still carried on in all its horrors,) are no doubt the principal motives, which induce many to give it their support.

'But there are those, and those who are most active and influential in this cause, who hesitate not to say, that they wish to rid the country of the free colored population; and there is sufficient reason to believe that with many, this is the principal motive for supporting that Society; and that whether Africa is civilized or not, and whether the slave-trade be suppressed or not, they would wish to see the free colored people removed from this country to Africa.

'Africa could certainly be brought into a state of civil and religious improvement, without sending all the free people of color in the United States there.

'A few well-qualified missionaries, properly fitted out and supported, would do more for the instruction and improvement of the natives of that country, than a host of colonists, the greater part of whom would need to be instructed themselves, and all of whom for a long period would find enough to do to provide for themselves, instead of instructing the natives.

'How inconsistent are those who say, that Africa will be benefitted by the removal of the free people of color of the United States there, while they say, they are the most vile and degraded people in the world!—If we are as vile and degraded as they represent us, and they wish the Africans to be rendered a virtuous, enlightened and happy people, they should not think of sending us among them, lest we should make them worse instead of better.

'The colonies planted by white men on the shores of America, so far from benefitting the aborigines, corrupted their morals, and caused their ruin; and yet those who say we are the most vile people in the world, would send us to Africa, to improve the character and condition of the natives! Such arguments would not be listened to for a moment, were not the minds of the community strangely warped by prejudice.

'Those who wish that that vast continent should be compensated for the injuries done it, by sending thither the light of the gospel and the arts of civilized life, should aid in sending and supporting well qualified missionaries, who should be wholly devoted to the work of instruction, instead of sending colonists, who would be apt to turn the ignorance of the natives to their own advantage, and do them more harm than good.

'Much has also been said by colonizationists, about improving the character and condition of the people of color of this country, by sending them to Africa. This is more inconsistent still. We are to be improved by being sent far from civilized society. This is a novel mode of improvement. What is there in the burning sun, the arid plains, and barbarous customs of Africa, that is so peculiarly favorable to our improvement? What hinders our improving here, where schools and colleges abound, where the gospel is preached at every corner, and where all the arts and sciences are verging fast to perfection? Nothing, nothing but prejudice. It requires no large expenditures, no hazardous enterprises, to raise the people of color in the United States to as highly improved a state, as any class of the community. All that is necessary is, that those who profess to be anxious for it, should lay aside their prejudices, and act towards them as they do by others.

'We are NATIVES of this country; we ask only to be treated as well as FOREIGNERS. Not a few of our fathers suffered and bled to purchase its independence; we ask only to be treated as well as those who fought against it. We have toiled to cultivate it, and to raise it to its present prosperous condition; we ask only to share equal privileges with those who come from distant lands to enjoy the fruits of our labor. Let these moderate requests be granted, and we need not go to Africa nor any where else, to be improved and happy. We cannot but doubt the purity of the motives of those persons who deny us these requests, and would send us to Africa, to gain what they might give us at home.

'But they say, the prejudices of the country against us are invincible; and as they cannot be conquered, it is better that we should be removed beyond their influence. This plea should never proceed from the lips of any man, who professes to believe that a just God rules in the heavens.

'The American Colonization Society is a numerous and influential body. Would they lay aside their own prejudices, much of the burden would be at once removed; and their example (especially if they were as anxious to have justice done us here, as to send us to Africa,) would have such an influence upon the community at large, as would soon cause prejudice to hide its deformed head.

'But alas! the course which they have pursued, has an opposite tendency. By the scandalous misrepresentations, which they are continually giving of our character and conduct, we have sustained much injury, and have reason to apprehend much more.

'Without any charge of crime, we have been denied all access to places, to which we formerly had the most free intercourse; the colored citizens of other places, on leaving their homes, have been denied the privilege of returning; and others have been absolutely driven out.

'Has the Colonization Society had no effect in producing these barbarous measures?

'They profess to have no other object in view, than the colonizing of the free people of color on the coast of Africa, with their own consent; but if our homes are made so uncomfortable that we cannot continue in them; or if, like our brethren of Ohio and New Orleans, we are driven from them, and no other door is open to receive us but Africa, our removal there will be any thing but voluntary.

'It is very certain, that very few free people of color wish to go to that land. The Colonization Society know this, and yet they do certainly calculate, that in time they will have us all removed there.

'How can this be effected, but by making our situation worse here, and closing every other door against us?'[AQ]

'My attention was forcibly attracted by a communication in Mr Poulson's Daily Advertiser of the 16th inst. which states, that Mrs Stansbury of Trenton, N. J. has presented one thousand dollars to the Colonization Society. Now I think it is greatly to be regretted, that this highly generous and benevolent lady has been induced to make this donation for the purpose of conveying some of the superannuated slaves to Africa, when objects of much greater importance could be attained by offering a premium to master mechanics to take colored children as apprentices, so that they would become useful to themselves and others. It is an inquiry becoming of the utmost importance, what is to become of those children who are arriving at the age of manhood?

'I am greatly astonished that the ministers of the gospel should take so active a part, in endeavoring to convey the freemen of color to Africa. Even in Boston and New-York, they have taken the lead in support of this object. They cannot be aware of the great injury they will be the means of inflicting on us: instead of doing this, they should endeavor to remove prejudice, to ameliorate and improve the condition of the colored people by education, and by having their children placed in a situation to learn a trade. I hope, through the assistance of Divine Providence, that the Liberator may be the means (especially in Boston, the Cradle of Liberty and Independence) of guiding the people of this country in the path, which equal justice and the public good so evidently indicate.

'I have never conversed with an intelligent man of color, (not swayed by interested and sinister motives,) who was not decidedly opposed to leaving his home for the fatal clime of Africa. I am well acquainted with all the masters of vessels, belonging to this port, who have been to the coast of Africa; and they all agree in representing it as one of the most unhealthy countries in the latitude of 40. In the months of June and July, the thermometer is at from 88 to 90 degrees. What must it be, then, in the latitude of 6 or 7, under a vertical sun, and where, after the rainy season, the effluvium which arises from the putrefaction of vegetables is productive of the most fatal effects? Sir James L. Yeo agrees with their account, in his statement laid before the Admiralty of Great Britain.

'Has any one, in either of our southern States, given any thing like a thousand dollars to promote emigration to Africa? Not one has shown so much compassion for the oppressed slave. General Mercer,—who is, I believe, the President of the Colonization Society,—promised to emancipate his slaves, and to sell his large possessions in Virginia, and to remove with them to Africa—(my friends inform me, and I believe him to be one of the most humane and best of masters.) Mr Key, the great advocate, and the late Judge Washington, promised to liberate their slaves: I believe that neither of them has performed his promise.

'According to a statement made by Mr Key, they have removed in fourteen years about as many hundred emigrants. I will venture to say, that at least a half million have been born during the same period. We ask not their compassion and aid, in assisting us to emigrate to Africa: we are contented in the land that gave us birth, and for which many of our fathers fought and died, during the war which established our independence. I well remember that when the New England regiment marched through this city on their way to attack the English army under the command of Lord Cornwallis, there were several companies of colored people, as brave men as ever fought; and I saw those brave soldiers who fought at the battle of Red Bank, under Col. Green, where Count Donop the commander was killed, and the Hessians defeated. All this appears to be forgotten now; and the descendants of these men, to whom we are indebted for the part they took in the struggle for independence, are intended to be removed to a distant and inhospitable country, while the emigrants from every other country are permitted to seek an asylum here from oppression, and to enjoy the blessings of both civil and religious liberty, equally with those who are entitled to it by birthright.

'I think the ministers of the gospel might do much towards destroying the domestic slave trade, which breaks asunder the sacred ties of husband, wife and children. Not a voice is raised by them against this most cruel injustice. In the British colonies, this is not permitted; yet it exists in the only true republic on earth.'[AR]

'My Friends and Countrymen:—I trust, by this time, you have known well my sentiments in relation to the American Colonization Society; and the great objects, which have been set forth, of a general union of interest, in funds and education, for the permanent establishment and furtherance of our prosperity, in this our native country.

'In addition to what has been already said on the subject, I shall briefly set forth some of the leading causes of our wretchedness and misery; and the prominent motives of the Colonization Society in sending us away. Much theory has been used, in the discussions upon our civil and political situation, in this country. We have been branded, in many instances,—may I not say, in the highest courts of the nation, courts of justice and equity, in public and family circles?—as being an inferior race of beings, not possessing like intellect and faculty with the whites. We are represented as being incapable of acting for ourselves; consequently not educated and qualified to be admitted into public places, to vindicate the integrity of our race, and the qualifications we are capable of acquiring. Many of our noble statesmen, orators and lawyers, have made our capital ring with the empty sound of inferiority,—degradation,—the impossibility of tolerating equality with the blacks. Sacred writ has been carefully examined by these gentlemen of science, and construed to suit their narrow consciences. Prophets have arisen among them, who hold forth to the people the continuation of our political thraldom, unless there be a general removal of all the free among us to the coast of Africa. Others argue, that, although they have good feelings towards us, and would do any thing for us, if we were out of their sight and out of the hearing of their slaves, yet to admit us into their circles would be to pervert the present order of society, and the happiness of the good white citizens of the country. These are generally bible men, such as hold forth the true oracles of God; yet deny him, in their actions and words, the supreme control over all his creatures. There is hardly ever an action performed, whether good or bad, but there is generally a reason given for so doing; and he is a wicked, daring character, who cannot find a cloak, at any time, to cover his hideous crimes. The men who have been foremost, in withholding from us our dearest and most sacred rights, have always held out false colors to the community at large, (such as, inferiority, degradation, nuisance, pest, slaves, species of monkey, apes, &c.) to justify their inhuman and unchristian acts towards us, and to deaden the severe pangs of conscience that harass them. They would wish to appear innocent before the world; as doing unto all men as they would they should do unto them. Do they base their objects, in full, upon such frivolous excuses as these? No. The truth is, actions speak louder than words. It is my candid opinion, there would have been no Colonization Society formed for our transportation to the western coast of Africa, had there been no free colored people, and did not our numbers increase daily. If we, as a free body of people, had remained in the same character with slaves, monkeys and baboons, there would not have been so much excitement in the community about us; but as they see by our improvement, (a great improvement, indeed, within forty years,) that the period is hastening on, 'when there will be no other alternative but we must rank among them in civilization, science and politics, they have got up this colonization scheme to persuade us to leave our slave brethren, and flee to the pestilential shores of Africa, where we shall be in danger of being forced to hang our harps upon the willows, and our song of liberty and civilization will be hushed by the impelling force of barbarian despots.'[AS]

'And in pursuit of this great object [the elevation of the people of color] various ways and means have been resorted to; among others, the American Colonization Society is the most prominent. Not doubting the sincerity of many friends who are engaged in that cause; yet we beg leave to say, that it does not meet with our approbation. However great the debt which these United States may owe to injured Africa, and however unjustly her sons have been made to bleed, and her daughters to drink of the cup of affliction, still we who have been born and nurtured on this soil, we, whose habits, manners and customs are the same in common with other Americans, can never consent to take our lives in our hands, and be the bearers of the redress offered by that Society to that much afflicted country.

'Tell it not to barbarians, lest they refuse to be civilized, and eject our Christian missionaries from among them, that in the nineteenth century of the christian era, laws have been enacted in some of the States of this great republic, to compel an unprotected and harmless portion of our brethren to leave their homes and seek an asylum in foreign climes: and in taking a view of the unhappy situation of many of these, whom the oppressive laws alluded to, continually crowd into the Atlantic cities, dependent for their support upon their daily labor, and who often suffer for want of employment, we have had to lament that no means have yet been devised for their relief.'[AT]

'The Convention has not been unmindful of the operations of the American Colonization Society; and it would respectfully suggest to that august body of learning, talent and worth, that, in our humble opinion, strengthened, too, by the opinions of eminent men in this country, as well as in Europe, that they are pursuing the direct road to perpetuate slavery, with all its unchristianlike concomitants, in this boasted land of freedom; and, as citizens and men whose best blood is sapped to gain popularity for that Institution, we would, in the most feeling manner, beg of them to desist: or, if we must be sacrificed to their philanthropy, we would rather die at home. Many of our fathers, and some of us, have fought and bled for the liberty, independence and peace which you now enjoy; and, surely, it would be ungenerous and unfeeling in you to deny us a humble and quiet grave in that country which gave us birth!'[AU]

'Sir, upon the whole, my view of the operations of the Colonization Society, in relieving the slave States of the evil which weighs them down more than a hundred tariffs, is illustrated by an old fable, in which it is stated, that a man was seen at the foot of a mountain, scraping away the dust with his foot. One passing by, asked him what he was doing? I wish to remove this mountain, said he. You fool, replied the other, you can never do it in that way. Well, said he, I can raise a dust, can't I?

'Sir, I do not wish to censure the motives of this Society, but surely they are visionary. Its supporters are bewildered in their own dust, which is well calculated to injure the vision of good men. The Commercial Advertiser says they do indeed wish to wipe away from the national records the stain of slavery, "but hope it may be accomplished (as the Virginia Enquirer has it) surely but quietly." Yes, Sir, and quietly enough!

'Our ambition leads not to superiority, but to our freedom and political rights. Grant this! we ask no more! If the places in which we dwell are too straight for us and the white population, place us in a state far to the West—take us into the Union—give us our rights as freemen. Let the southern states make all born after a date not two years distant, free! and let the Colonization Society turn its attention and energies to the removing of liberated slaves there: the free people will go without their aid. But if the Government is fearful of retaliation, it may allay its fears by a consideration of the fact of there not being one freeman engaged in the late insurrections—of freemen informing against slaves—the peaceable manner in which we live in the neighborhoods of the south, and throughout the whole Union. The meetings that have lately been held, and resolutions passed expressive of our disapprobation of such measures, may all show that such fears are groundless. I repeat again—Give us our rights—we ask no more!

'Yes, Sir, if I possessed the Indies, I would pledge the whole that if such measures were taken, and such grants made, no retaliation would be made by us as a body for former evils.'[AV]

'In no age of our existence have there been more pains taken by priests and people, in public and private, in church and state, to give them currency, than at present. The whole theme of that wicked, persecuting combination—the Colonization Society—is calculated to impress upon the mind of the public these atrocious maxims which every day strengthen a prejudice not only cherished by the whites against the blacks, but by the blacks against the whites. That foul fiend of hell, that destroying angel who hath power to take peace from the earth, and to kill with the sword, is gaining a commanding influence very fast over both parties. And who, but the advocates of the Colonization Society, receive him as a welcome guest? Who but they have built him a temple, and cried, "Long live Prejudice against free born Americans of sable hue!" Who but they are continually crying, "The free blacks are dangerous! the free blacks are dangerous! Away with them—away with them to Africa!" Who but they are the apologists for murder, theft, and all the horrid concomitants of slavery? Who but they have defiled our temples of worship dedicated to God for his service, making merchandise of the souls of men by transferring them over to the keeping of prejudice?'[AW]

Other extracts might be recorded, but these must suffice. I have given the sentiments of the people of color as expressed individually, in public orations, in conventions of delegates, and in popular assemblies. Their proceedings evince a keen discrimination between true and false philanthropy, and an intellectual ability successfully to defend their cause. Their instincts are more than a match for the specious sophistry and learned sense of colonizationists: they meet them on every point, and on every point achieve a victory. Conscious of the fact that in their complexion is found the only motive for their banishment, they clearly illustrate the hypocrisy and injustice of the African crusade. Their union of purpose is such as cannot be broken. How intense is their love of country! how remarkable their patient endurance of wrongs! how strong their abhorrence of expatriation! how auspicious the talents which they display!

Every humane and honorable man will assent to the proposition, that no scheme for the removal of a numerous people from one continent to another, ought to be prosecuted contrary to their desires. A scheme cannot be benevolent which thrives upon persecution. Benevolent oppression is a solecism.

Another self-evident truth is, that no such removal can be effected merely by the presentation of selfish inducements, or without resorting to coercive measures. To show that coercion is openly advocated by some of the prominent supporters of the Colonization Society, I make the following extracts from the speeches of Messrs Broadnax and Fisher, delivered during the 'Great Debate' in the Virginia House of Delegates a short time since. Mr Broadnax said:

'IT IS IDLE TO TALK ABOUT NOT RESORTING TO FORCE. Every body must look to the introduction of force of some kind or other—and it is in truth a question of expediency; of moral justice; of political good faith—whether we shall fairly delineate our whole system on the face of the bill, or leave the acquisition of extorted consent to other processes. The real question—the only question of magnitude to be settled, is the great preliminary question—Do you intend to send the free persons of color out of Virginia, or not?'

'If the free negroes are willing to go, they will go—if not willing, they must be compelled to go. Some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to resort to it when it becomes necessary; they think that for a year or two a sufficient number will consent to go, and then the rest can be compelled. For my part, I deem it better to approach the question and settle it at once, and avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the free negroes know very well what is going on.—Will they not see your debates? Will they not see that coercion is ultimately to be resorted to? They will perceive that the edict has gone forth, and that it must fall, if not now, in a short time upon them.'

'I have already expressed it as my opinion that few, very few, will voluntarily consent to emigrate, if no COMPULSORY MEASURE be adopted.—With it—many, in anticipation of its sure and certain arrival, will, in the mean time, go away—they will be sensible that the time would come when they would be forced to leave the State. Without it—you will still, no doubt, have applicants for removal equal to your means. Yes, Sir, people who will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But what sort of consent—a consent extorted by a series of oppression calculated to render their situation among us insupportable. Many of those who have already been sent off, went with their avowed consent, but under the influence of a more decided compulsion than any which this bill holds out. I will not express, in its full extent, the idea I entertain of what has been done, or what enormities will be perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the State. Who does not know that when a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one night, take him from his bed and family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce him to consent to go away? In a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the language of the physicians, quantum suff. has been administered to produce the desired operation; and the fellow then becomes perfectly willing to move away. I have certainly heard, if incorrectly, the gentleman from Southampton will put me right, that of the large cargo of emigrants lately transported from that country to Liberia, all of whom professed to be willing to go, were rendered so by some such severe ministrations as those I have described. A lynch club—a committee of vigilance—could easily exercise a kind of inquisitorial surveillance over any neighborhood, and convert any desired number, I have no doubt, at any time, into a willingness to be removed. But who really prefers such means as these to the course proposed in this bill? And one or the other is inevitable. For no matter how you change this bill—sooner or later the free negroes will be forced to leave the State. Indeed, Sir, ALL OF US LOOK TO FORCE of some kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or illegal. Many who are opposed, they say, to any compulsory feature in the bill, desire to introduce such severe regulations into our police laws—such restrictions of their existing privileges—such inability to hold property—obtain employment—rent residences, &c., as to make it impossible for them to remain amongst us. Is not this force?'

Mr Fisher said:

'If we wait until the free negroes consent to leave the State, we shall wait until "time is no more." They never will give their consent; and if the House amend the bill as proposed, their consent is in a manner pointed out by the gentleman from Dinwiddie—and it is a great question whether we shall force the people to extort their consent from them in this way.—He believed if the compulsory principle were stricken out, this class of people would be forced to leave by the harsh treatment of the whites. The people in those parts of the State where they most abound, were determined,—as far as they could learn through the newspapers and other sources,—to get rid of the blacks.'

What a revelation, what a confession, is here! The free blacks taken from their beds, and severely flagellated, to make them willing to emigrate! And legislative compulsion openly advocated to accomplish this nefarious project! Yes, the gentlemen say truly, 'few, very few will voluntarily consent to emigrate'—'they never will give their consent'—and therefore they must be expelled by force! It is true, the bill proposed by Mr Broadnax was rejected by a small majority; but it serves to illustrate the spirit of the colonization leaders.

The editor of the Lynchburg Virginian, an advocate of the Society, uses the following language:

'But, if they will not consider for themselves, WE must consider for them. The safety of the people is the supreme law; and to that law all minor considerations must bend. If the free negroes will not emigrate, they must be contented to endure those privations which the public interest and safety call for.—In the last Richmond Enquirer we notice an advertisement, setting forth, that "a petition will be presented to the next legislature of Virginia, from the county of Westmoreland, praying the passage of some law to compel the free negroes in this commonwealth to emigrate therefrom, under a penalty which will effectually promote this object." So, too, at a meeting of the citizens of Prince George county, in Maryland, it was resolved to "petition the next legislature to remove all the free negroes out of that State, and to prohibit all persons from manumitting slaves without making provision for their removal."'

I close this work with a specimen of the sophistry which is used to give eclat to the American Colonization Society.

In the month of June, 1830, I happened to peruse a number of the Southern Religious Telegraph, in which I found an essay, enforcing the duty of clergymen to take up collections in aid of the funds of the Colonization Society on the then approaching fourth of July. After an appropriate introductory paragraph, the writer proceeds in the following remarkable strain:

'But—we have a plea like a peace offering to man and to God. We answer poor blinded Africa in her complaint—that we have her children, and that they have served on our plantations. And we tell her, look at their returning! We took them barbarous, though measurably free,—untaught—rude—without science—without the true religion—without philosophy—and strangers to the best civil governments. And now we return them to her bosom, with the mechanical arts ... with science ... with philosophy ... with civilization ... with republican feelings ... and above all, with the true knowledge of the true God, and the way of salvation through the Redeemer.'

'The mechanical arts!'—with whom did they serve an apprenticeship? 'With philosophy!'—in what colleges were they taught? It is strange that we should be so anxious to get rid of these scientific men of color—these philosophers—these republicans—these christians, and that we should shun their company as if they were afflicted with the hydrophobia, or carried a deadly pestilence in their train! Certainly, they must have singular notions of the christian religion which tolerates—or, rather, which is so perverted as to tolerate—the oppression of God's rational creatures by its professors! They must feel a peculiar kind of brotherly love for those good men who banded together to remove them to Africa, because they were too proud to associate familiarly with men of a sable complexion! But the writer proceeds:

'We tell her, look at the little colony on her shores. We tell her, look to the consequences that must flow to all her borders from religion, and science, and knowledge, and civilization, and republican government! And then we ask her—is not one ship load of emigrants returning with these multiplied blessings, worth more to her than a million of her barbarous sons?'

So! every ship load of ignorant and helpless emigrants is to more than compensate Africa for every million of her children who have been kidnapped, buried in the ocean and on the land, tortured with savage cruelty, and held in perpetual servitude! Truly, this is a compendious method of balancing accounts. In the sight of God, of Africa, and of the world, we are consequently blameless—and rather praiseworthy—for our past transgressions. It is such sophistry as is contained in the foregoing extract, that kindles my indignation into a blaze. I abhor cant—I abhor hypocrisy—and if some of the advocates of the Colonization Society do not deal largely in both, I am unable to comprehend the meaning of these terms.

Of the whole number of individuals constituting the officers of the Society, nearly three-fourths, I believe, are the owners of slaves, or interested in slave property; not one of whom, to my knowledge, has emancipated any of his slaves to be sent to Liberia!! The President of the Society, (CHARLES CARROLL,) owns, I have understood, nearly one thousand slaves! And yet he is lauded, beyond measure, as a patriot, a philanthropist, and a christian! The former President, (Judge BUSHROD WASHINGTON,) so far from breaking the fetters of his slaves, actually while holding his office offered a large reward for a runaway female slave, to any person who would secure her by putting her into any jail within the United States! What a mockery it is for such persons to profess to deplore the existence of slavery, or to denounce the foreign slave trade! for they neither cease from their own oppressive acts, nor act much more honestly than the slave dealers—the latter stealing those who are born on the coast of Africa, and the former those who are born in this country!

FOOTNOTES:

[AE] John Neal.

[AF] Vide the Fourth Volume of the Genius of Universal Emancipation for 1829.

[AG] Alexander H. Everett, Esq. vide his work entitled 'America, or a General Survey,' &c. &c. pp. 212, 225.

[AH] Genius of Universal Emancipation for November 27, 1829.

[AI] Genius of Universal Emancipation, January 29, 1830.

[AJ] 'The Liberator' for January 22, 1832.

[AK] 'A Colored Philadelphian'—vide 'The Liberator' for Feb. 12, 1831.

[AL] Correspondent of 'The Liberator,' Feb. 26, 1831.

[AM] Correspondent of 'The Liberator,' March 12, 1831.

[AN] 'African Sentinel,' Oct. 8, 1831, printed at Albany.

[AO] Extracts from 'An Address to the Gentlemen and Ladies of the County of Otsego, N. Y., delivered on the 30th September, 1830, by Hayden Waters, a man of color.' The proceedings of the colored inhabitants of Virginia, incorporated into this Address, are those referred to on page 8 as having been accidentally mislaid.

[AP] 'Address delivered before the colored population of Providence, R. I., November 27, 1828, by Rev. Hosea Easton.'

[AQ] 'A Discourse delivered in St. Philip's Church, for the benefit of the colored community of Wilberforce, in Upper Canada, on the Fourth of July, 1830. By Rev. Peter Williams, Rector of St. Philip's Church, New-York.' Mr Williams is a clergyman of superior talents and great moral worth, and beloved by an extensive circle of acquaintance.

[AR] From the pen of the Colored Gentleman in Philadelphia, referred to on page 58—vide 'The Liberator,' March 12, 1831.

[AS] 'Address delivered before a Colored Association in Brooklyn, N. Y., August 5, 1831,' by George Hogarth. Vide 'The Liberator' for August 27, 1831.

[AT] Conventional Address of the People of Color in Philadelphia, in 1830.

[AU] 'Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People of Color, held by adjournment in the city of Philadelphia, in June, 1831.'

[AV] 'Philadelphia Evangelist'—vide 'The Liberator' for November 26, 1831.

[AW] Correspondent of 'The Liberator,' December 17, 1831.

END OF PART II.