LXXI. That the faith given for the restoration of their landed estates being thus violated, and the money for necessary expenses being as ill supplied as before, the women and children of the late sovereign, father of the reigning prince, continued exposed to frequent want of the common necessaries of life;[78] and being sorely pressed by famine, they were compelled to break through all the principles of local decorum and reserve which constitute the dignity of the female sex in that part of the world, and, after great clamor and violent attempts for one whole day to break the inclosure of the palace, and to force their way into the public market, in order to move the compassion of the people, and to beg their bread, they did, on the next day, actually proceed to the extremity of exposing themselves to public view,—an extremity implying the lowest state of disgrace and degradation, to avoid which many women in India have laid violent hands upon themselves,—and they did proceed to the public market-place with the starving children of the late sovereign, and the brothers and sisters of the reigning prince! A minute account of the transaction aforesaid was written to the British Resident at Lucknow by the person appointed to convey intelligence to him from Fyzabad, in the following particulars, highly disgraceful to the honor, justice, and humanity of this nation.

LXXII. "The ladies, their attendants and servants, were still as clamorous as last night. Letafit, the darogah, went to them and remonstrated with them on the impropriety of their conduct, at the same time assuring them that in a few days all their allowances would be paid, and should not that be the case, he would advance them ten days' subsistence, upon condition that they returned to their habitation. None of them, however, consented to his proposals, but were still intent upon making their escape through the bazar [market-place], and in consequence formed themselves into a line, arranging themselves in the following order: the children in the front; behind them the ladies of the seraglio; and behind them again their attendants: but their intentions were frustrated by the opposition which they met from Letafit's sepoys.

LXXIII. "The next day Letafit went twice to the women, and used his endeavors to make them return into the zenanah, promising to advance them ten thousand rupees; which, upon the money being paid down, they agreed to comply with: but night coming on, nothing transpired.

LXXIV. "On the day following their clamors were more violent than usual. Letafit went to confer with them, upon the business of yesterday; offering the same terms. Depending upon the fidelity of his promises, they consented to return to their apartments, which they accordingly did, except two or three of the ladies, and most of their attendants. Letafit then went to Hossmund Ali Khan, to consult with him upon what means they should take. They came to a resolution of driving them in by force, and gave orders to their sepoys to beat any one of the women who should attempt to move forward. The sepoys consequently assembled; and each one being provided with a bludgeon, they drove them by dint of beating into the zenanah. The women, seeing the treachery of Letafit, proceeded to throw stones and bricks at the sepoys, and again attempted to get out; but finding that impossible, from the gates being shut, they kept up a continual discharge of stones and bricks till about ten, when, finding their situation desperate, they retired into the Kung Mohul, and forced their way from thence into the palace, and dispersed themselves about the house and garden; after this they were desirous of getting into the Begum's apartment, but she, being apprised of their intention, ordered her doors to be shut. In the mean time Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khan posted sentries to secure the gates of the lesser Mohul. During the whole of this conflict, all the ladies and women remained exposed to the view of the sepoys. The Begum then sent for Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khan, whom she severely reprimanded, and insisted upon knowing the causes of this infamous behavior. They pleaded in their defence the impossibility of helping it, as the treatment the women had met with had been conformable to his Excellency the Vizier's orders. The Begum alleged, that, even admitting that the Nabob had given those orders, they were by no means authorized in this manner to disgrace the family of Sujah Dowlah; and should they not receive their allowance for a day or two, it could be of no great moment: what was passed was now at an end; but that the Vizier should certainly be acquainted with the whole of the affair, and that whatever he desired she should implicitly comply with. The Begum then sent for five of the children, who were wounded in the affray of last night, and, after endeavoring to soothe them, she sent again for Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khan, and in the presence of the children expressed her disapprobation of their conduct, and the improbability of Asoph ul Dowlah's suffering the ladies and children of Sujah Dowlah to be disgraced by being exposed to the view of the rabble. Upon which Letafit produced the letter from the Nabob, at the same time representing that he was amenable only to the orders of his Excellency, and that whatever he ordered it was his duty to obey, and that, had the ladies thought proper to have retired into their apartments quietly, he would not have used the means he had taken to compel them. The Begum again observed, that what had happened was now over. She then gave the children four hundred rupees, and dismissed them, and sent word by Jumrud and the other eunuchs, that, if the ladies would peaceably retire to their apartments, Letafit would supply them with three or four thousand rupees for their personal expenses, and recommended to them not to incur any further disgrace, and that, if they did not think proper to act agreeable to her directions, they would do wrong. The ladies followed her advice, and about ten at night went back into the zenanah. The nest morning the Begum waited upon the mother of Sujah Dowlah, and related to her all the circumstances of the disturbances. The mother of Sujah Dowlah returned for answer, that, after there being no accounts kept of crores of revenues, she was not surprised that the family of Sujah Dowlah, in their endeavors to procure a subsistence, should be obliged to expose themselves to the meanest of the people. After bewailing their misfortunes, and shedding many tears, the Begum took her leave, and returned home."

That the said affecting narrative being sent, with others of the same nature, on the 29th of January, 1784, to the said Warren Hastings, he did not order any relief in consequence thereof, or take any sort of notice whatsoever of the said intelligence.

LXXV. That the Court of Directors did express strong doubts of the propriety of seizing the estates aforesaid, and did declare to him, the said Hastings, "that the only consolation they felt on the occasion is, that the amount of those jaghires for which the Company were guaranties is to be paid through our Resident at the court of the Vizier; and it very materially concerns the credit of your Governor on no account to suffer such payments to be evaded." But the said Warren Hastings did never make the arrangement supposed in the said letter to be actually made, nor did he cause the Resident to pay them the amount of their jaghires, or to make any payment to them.

And the said Hastings being expressly ordered by the Court of Directors to restore to them their estates, in case the charges made upon them should not be found true, he, the said Hastings, did contumaciously and cruelly decline any compliance with the said orders until his journey to Lucknow, in ——, when he did, as he says, "conformably to the orders of the Court of Directors, and more to the inclination of the Nabob Vizier, restore to them their jaghires, but with the defalcation, according to his own account, of a large portion of their respective shares": pretending, without the least probability, that the said defalcation was a "voluntary concession on their part." But what he has left to them for their support, or in what proportion to that which he has taken away, he has nowhere stated to the Court of Directors, whose faith he has broken, and whose orders he has thus eluded, whilst he pretended to yield some obedience to them.

LXXVI. That the said Warren Hastings having made a malicious, loose, and ill-supported charge, backed by certain unsatisfactory affidavits, as a ground for his seizing on the jaghires and the treasures of the Vizier's mother, solemnly guarantied to them, the Court of Directors did, in their letter of the 14th of February, 1783, express themselves as follows concerning that measure,—"which the Governor-General, [he, the said Warren Hastings,] in his letter to your board, the 23d of January, 1782, has declared he strenuously encouraged and supported: we hope and trust, for the honor of the British nation, that the measure appeared fully justified in the eyes of all Hindostan. The Governor-General has informed us that it can be well attested that the Begums [the mother and grandmother of the Nabob aforesaid] principally excited and supported the late commotions, and that they carried their inveteracy to the English nation so far as to aim at our utter extirpation." And the Court of Directors did farther declare as follows: "That it nowhere appears from the papers at present in our possession, that they [the mother and grandmother of the Nabob of Oude] excited any commotions previous to the imprisonment of Rajah Cheyt Sing, and only armed themselves in consequence of that transaction; and, as it is probable, that such a conduct proceeded from motives of self-defence, under an apprehension that they themselves might likewise be laid under unwarrantable contributions." And the said Court of Directors, in giving their orders for the restoration of the jaghires, or for the payment of an equivalent through the Resident, did give this order for the restoration of their estates as aforesaid on condition that it should appear from inquiry that they were not guilty of the practices charged upon them by the said Hastings. Mr. Stables, one of the Council-General, did, in execution of the said conditional order, propose an inquiry leading to the ascertainment of the condition, and did enter a minute as follows: "That the Court of Directors, by their letters of the 14th of February, 1783, seem not to be satisfied that the disaffection of the Begums to this government is sufficiently proved by the evidence before them; I therefore think that the late and present Resident, and commanding officer in the Vizier's country at the time, should be called on to collect what further information they can on this subject, in which the honor and dignity of this government is so materially concerned, and that such information may be transmitted to the Court of Directors." And he did further propose heads and modes of inquiry suitable to the doubts expressed by the Court of Directors. But the said Warren Hastings, who ought long before, on principles of natural justice, to have instituted a diligent inquiry in support of his so improbable a charge, and was bound, even for his own honor, as well as for the satisfaction of the Court of Directors, to take a strong part in the said inquiry, did set himself in opposition to the same, and did carry with him a majority of Council against the said inquiry into the justice of the cause, or any proposition for the relief of the sufferers: asserting, "that the reasons of the Court of Directors, if transmitted with the orders for the inquiry, will prove in effect an order for collecting evidence to the justification and acquittal of the Begums, and not for the investigation of the truth of the charges which have been preferred against them." That Mr. Stables did not propose (as in the said Hastings's minute is groundlessly supposed) that the reasons of the Court of Directors should be transmitted with the orders for an inquiry. But the apprehension of the said Warren Hastings of the probable result of the inquiry proposed did strongly indicate his sense of his own guilt and the innocence of the parties accused by him; and if, by his construction, Mr. Stables's minute did indicate an inquiry merely for the justification of the parties by him accused, (which construction the motion did not bear,) it was no more than what the obvious rules of justice would well support, his own proceedings having been ex parte,—he having employed Sir Elijah Impey to take affidavits against the women of high rank aforesaid, not only without any inquiry made on their part, but without any communication to them of his practice and proceeding against them; and equity did at least require that they, with his own knowledge and by the subordinates of his own government, should be allowed a public inquiry to acquit themselves of the heavy offences with which they had been by him clandestinely charged.

LXXVII. That he, the said Hastings, in order to effectually stifle the said inquiry, did enter on record a further minute, asserting that the said inquiry would be productive "of evils greater than any which exist in the consequences which have already taken place, and which time has almost obliterated"; as also the following: "If I am rightly informed, the Nabob Vizier and the Begums are on terms of mutual goodwill. It would ill become this government to interpose its influence by any act which might tend to revive their animosities,—and a very slight occasion would be sufficient to effect it. They will instantly take fire on such a declaration, proclaim the judgment of the Company in their favor, demand a reparation of the acts which they will construe wrongs with such a sentence warranting that construction, and either accept the invitation to the proclaimed scandal of the Nabob Vizier, which will not add to the credit of our government, or remain in his dominions, but not under his authority, to add to his vexations and the disorders of the country by continual intrigues and seditions. Enough already exists to affect his peace and the quiet of his people. If we cannot heal, let us not inflame the wounds which have been inflicted."—"If the Begums think themselves aggrieved to such a degree as to justify them in an appeal to a foreign jurisdiction, to appeal to it against a man standing in the relation of son and grandson to them, to appeal to the justice of those who have been the abettors and instruments of their imputed wrongs, let us at least permit them to be the judges of their own feelings, and prefer their complaints before we offer to redress them. They will not need to be prompted. I hope I shall not depart from the simplicity of official language in saying, the majesty of justice ought to be approached with solicitation, not descend to provoke or invite it, much less to debase itself by the suggestion of wrongs and the promise of redress, with the denunciation of punishments before trial, and even before accusation."

LXXVIII. That the said Warren Hastings, in attempting to pass an act of indemnity for his own crimes, and of oblivion for the sufferings of others, supposing the latter almost obliterated by time, did not only mock and insult over the sufferings of the allies of the Company, but did show an indecent contempt of the understandings of the Court of Directors: because his violent attempts on the property and liberty of the mother and grandmother of the ally aforesaid had not their first commencement much above two years before that time, and had been continued, without abatement or relaxation on his part, to the very time of his minute; the Nabob having, by the instigation of his, the said Hastings's, instrument, Hyder Beg Khan, not two months before the date of the Consultation, been obliged a second time to break his faith with relation to the estates of his mother, in the manner hereinbefore recited. And the said Hastings did not and could not conceive that the clearing the mother could revive any animosity between her and her son, by whom she never had been accused. The said Hastings was also sensible that the restoration of her landed estates, recommended by the Court of Directors, could not produce any ill effect on the mind of the said son, as it was "with almost unconquerable reluctance he had been persuaded to deprive her of them," and at the time of his submitting to become an instrument in this injustice, did "declare," both, to the Resident and his ministers, "that it was an act of compulsion."

LXXIX. That the said Hastings further, by insinuating that the women in question would act amiss in appealing to a foreign jurisdiction against a son and grandson, could not forget that he himself, being that foreign jurisdiction, (if any jurisdiction there was,) did himself direct and order the injuries, did himself urge the calumnies, and did himself cause to be taken and produced the unsatisfactory evidence by which the women in question had suffered,—and that it was against him, the said Hastings, and not against their son, that they had reason to appeal. But the truth is, that the inquiry was moved for by Mr. Stables, not on the prayer or appeal of the sufferers, but upon the ill impression which the said Hastings's own conduct, merely and solely on his own state of it, and on his own evidence in support of it, had made on the Court of Directors, who were his lawful masters, and not suitors in his court. And his arrogating to himself and his colleagues to be a tribunal, and a tribunal not for the purpose of doing justice, but of refusing inquiry, was an high offence and misdemeanor (particularly as the due obedience to the Company's orders was eluded on the insolent pretence "that the majesty of justice ought to be approached with solicitation, and that it would debase itself by the suggestion of wrongs and the promise of redress") in a Governor, whose business it is, even of himself, and unsolicited, not only to promise, but to afford, redress to all those who should suffer under the power of the Company, even if their ignorance, or want of protection, or the imbecility of their sex, or the fear of irritating persons in rank and station, should prevent them from seeking it by formal solicitation.

LXXX. That the said Warren Hastings, at the time when he pretended ignorance of all solicitation for justice on the part of the women aforesaid, and on that pretence did refuse the inquiry moved by his colleague, Mr. Stables, had in all probability received from the Resident, Middleton, or, if he had made the slightest inquiry from the said Middleton, then at Calcutta, might immediately receive, an account that they did actually solicit the said Resident, through Major Gilpin, for redress against his, the said Hastings's, calumnious accusation, and the false testimony by which it was supported, and did send the said complaint to the Resident, Middleton, by the said Gilpin, to be transmitted to him, the said Hastings, and the Council, so early as the 19th of October, 1782; and that she, the mother of the Nabob, did afterwards send the same to the Resident, Bristow, asserting their innocence, and accompanying the same with the copies of letters (the originals of which they asserted were in their hands) from the chief witnesses against them, Hannay and Gordon, which letters did directly overturn the charges or insinuations in the affidavits made by them, and that, instead of any accusation of an attempt upon them and their parties by the instigation of the mother of the Nabob, or by her ministers, they, the said Hannay and Gordon, did attribute their preservation to them and to their services, and did, with strong expressions of gratitude both to the mother of the Nabob and to her ministers, fully acknowledge the same: which remonstrance of the mother of the Nabob, and the letters of the said Hannay and Gordon, are annexed to this charge; and the said Hastings is highly criminal for not having examined into the facts alleged in the said remonstrance.

LXXXI. That the violent proceedings of the said Warren Hastings did tend to impress all the neighboring princes, some of whom were allied in blood to the oppressed women of rank aforesaid, with an ill opinion of the faith, honor, and decency of the British nation; and accordingly, on the journey aforesaid made by the Nabob from Lucknow to Fyzabad, in which the said Nabob did restore, in the manner before mentioned, the confiscated estates of his mother and grandmother, and did afterwards revoke his said grant, it appears that the said journey did cause a general alarm (the worst motives obtaining the most easy credit with regard to any future proceeding, on account of the foregone acts) and excited great indignation among the ruling persons of the adjacent country, insomuch that Major Brown, agent to the said Warren Hastings at the court of the King Shah Allum at Delhi, did write a remonstrance therein to Mr. Bristow, Resident at Oude, as follows.

"The evening of the 7th, at a conference I had with Mirza Shaffee Khan, he introduced a subject, respecting the Nabob Vizier, which, however it may be disagreeable for you to know, and consequently for me to communicate, I am under a necessity of laying before you. He told me he had received information from Lucknow, that, by the advice of Hyder Beg Khan, the Vizier had determined to bring his grandmother, the widow of Sufdar Jung, from Fyzabad to Lucknow, with a view of getting a further sum of money from her, by seizing on her eunuchs, digging up the apartments of her house at Fyzabad, and putting her own person under restraint. This, he said, he knew was not an act of our government, but the mere advice of Hyder Beg Khan, to which the Vizier had been induced to attend. He added, that the old Begum had resolved rather to put herself to death than submit to the disgrace intended to be put upon her; that, if such a circumstance should happen, there is not a man in Hindostan who will attribute the act to the Vizier [Nabob of Oude], but every one will fix the odium on the English, who might easily, by the influence they so largely exercise in their own concerns there, have prevented such unnatural conduct in the Vizier. He therefore called upon me, as the English representative in this quarter, to inform you of this, that you may prevent a step which will destroy all confidence in the English nation throughout Hindostan, and excite the bitterest resentment in all those who by blood are connected with the house of Sufdar Jung. He concluded by saying, that, 'if the Vizier so little regarded his family and personal honor, or his natural duty, as to wish to disgrace his father's mother for a sum of money, let him plunder her of all she has, but let him send her safe up to Delhi or Agra, and, poor as I am, I will furnish subsistence for her, which she shall possess with safety and honor, though it cannot be adequate to her rank.'

"This, Sir, is a most exact detail of the conversation (as far as related to that affair) on the part of Mirza Shaffee Khan. On my part I could only say, that I imagined the affair was misrepresented, and that I should write as he requested. Let me therefore request that you will enable me to answer in a more effectual manner any further questions on this subject.

LXXXII. "As Mirza Shaffee's grandfather was brother to Sufdar Jung, there can be no doubt of what his declaration means; and if this measure of dismissing the old Begum should be persisted in, I should not, from the state of affairs, and the character of the Amir ul Omrah, be surprised at some immediate and violent resolution being adopted by him."

LXXXIII. That Mirza Shaffee, mentioned in this correspondence, (who has since been murdered,) was of near kindred to the lady in question, (grandmother to the Nabob,) was resident in a province immediately adjoining to the province of Oude, and, from proximity of situation and nearness of connection, was likely to have any intelligence concerning his female relations from the best authority.

LXXXIV. That the Resident, Bristow, on receiving this letter, did apply to the said Hyder Beg Khan for an explanation of the Nabob's intentions, who denied that the Nabob intended more than a visit of duty and ceremony: which, whatever his dispositions might have been, and probably were, towards his own mother, was not altogether probable, as it was well known that he was on very bad terms with the mother of his father, and it appears that intentions of a similar nature had been before manifested even with regard to his own mother, and therefore obtained the more easy credit concerning the other woman of high rank aforesaid, especially as the evil designs of the said Hyder Beg were abundantly known, and that the said Hastings, upon whom he did wholly depend, continued to recommend "the most effectual, that is, the most violent, means for the recovery of the small remains of his extorted demand." But although it does not appear that the Resident did give credit to the said report, yet the effect of the same on the minds of the neighboring princes did make it proper and necessary to direct a strict inquiry into the same, which was not done; and it does not appear that any further inquiry was made into the true motives for this projected journey to Fyzabad, nor into the proceedings of Hyder Beg Khan, although the said Warren Hastings well knew that all the acts of the Nabob and his principal ministers were constantly attributed to him, and that it was known that secret agents, as well as the Company's regular agent, were employed by him at Lucknow and other places.

LXXXV. That the said Hastings, who did, on pretence of the majesty of justice, refuse to inquire into the charges made upon the female parents of the Nabob of Oude, in justification of the violence offered to them, did voluntarily and of his own accord make himself an accuser of the Resident, Middleton, for the want of a literal execution of his orders in the plans of extortion and rapine aforesaid: the criminal nature, spirit, and tendency of the said proceedings, for the defective execution of which he brought the said charge, appearing in the defence or apology made by Mr. Middleton, the Resident, for his temporary and short forbearances.

LXXXVI. "It could not, I flatter myself, be termed a long or unwarrantable delay [two days], when the importance of the business, and the peculiar embarrassments attending the prosecution of it to its desired end, are considered. The Nabob was son to the Begum whom we were to proceed against: a son against a mother must at least save appearances in his mode of proceeding. The produce of his negotiation was to be received by the Company. Receiving a benefit, accompanying the Nabob, withdrawing their protection, were circumstances sufficient to mark the English as the principal movers in this business. At a court where no opportunity is lost to throw odium on us, so favorable an occasion was not missed to persuade the Nabob that we instigated him to dishonor his family for our benefit. The impressions made by these suggestions constantly retarded the progress, and more than once actually broke off the business: which rendered the utmost caution on my part necessary, especially as I had no assistance to expect from the ministers, who could not openly move in the business. In the East, it is well known that no man either by himself or his troops, can enter the walls of a zenanah, scarcely in the case of acting against an open enemy, much less of an ally,—an ally acting against his own mother. The outer walls, and the Begum's agents, were all that were liable to immediate attack: they were dealt with, and successfully, as the event proved."—He had before observed to Mr. Hastings, in his correspondence, what Mr. Hastings well knew to be true, "that no farther rigor than that he had exerted could be used against females in that country; where force could be employed, it was not spared;—that the place of concealment was only known to the chief eunuchs, who could not be drawn out of the women's apartments, where they had taken refuge, and from which, if an attempt had been made to storm them, they might escape; and the secret of the money being known only to them, it was necessary to get their persons into his hands, which could be obtained by negotiation only."—The Resident concluded his defence by declaring his "hope, that, if the main object of his orders was fulfilled, he should be no longer held criminal for a deviation from the precise letter of them."

LXXXVII. That the said Warren Hastings did enter a reply to this answer, in support of his criminal charge, continuing to insist "that his orders ought to have been literally obeyed," although he did not deny that the above difficulties occurred, and the above consequences must have been the result,—and though the reports of the military officers charged with the execution of his commission confirmed the moral impossibility, as well as inutility in point of profit, of forcing a son to greater violence and rigor against his mother.

LXXXVIII. That the said Hastings, after all the acts aforesaid, did presume to declare on record, in his minute of the 23d September, 1788, "that, whatever may happen of the events which he dreads in the train of affairs now subsisting, he shall at least receive this consolation under them, that he used his utmost exertions to prevent them, and that in the annals of the nations of India which have been subjected to the British dominions HE shall not be remembered among their oppressors." And speaking of certain alleged indignities offered to the Nabob of Oude, and certain alleged suspicions of his authority with regard to the management of his household, he, the said Hastings, did, in the said minute, endeavor to excite the spirit of the British nation, severely animadverting on such offences, making use of the following terms: "If there be a spark of generous virtue in the breasts of any of my countrymen who shall be the readers of this compilation, this letter" (a letter of complaint from the Nabob) "shall stand for an instrument to awaken it to the call of vengeance against so flagitious an abuse of authority and reproach to the British name."

From her Excellency the Bhow Begum to Mr. Bristow, Resident at the Vizier's Court.

There is no necessity to write to you by way of information a detail of my sufferings. From common report, and the intelligence of those who are about you, the account of them will have reached your ears. I will here relate a part of them.

After the death of Sujah Dowlah, most of his ungrateful servants were constantly laboring to gratify their enmity; but finding, from the firm and sincere friendship which subsisted between me and the English, that the accomplishment of their purposes was frustrated, they formed the design of occasioning a breach in that alliance, to insure their own success. I must acquaint you that my son Asoph ul Dowlah had formerly threatened to seize my jaghire; but, upon producing the treaty signed by you, and showing it to Mr. Middleton, he interfered, and prevented the impending evil. The conspiration now framed an accusation against me of a conduct which I had never conceived even in idea, of rendering assistance to Rajah Cheyt Sing. The particulars are as follow. My son Asoph ul Dowlah and his ministers, with troops and a train of artillery, accompanied by Mr. Middleton, on the 16th of the month of Mohurum, arrived at Fyzabad, and made a demand of a crore of rupees. As my inability to pay so vast a sum was manifest, I produced the treaty you signed and gave me, but to no effect: their hearts were determined upon violence. I offered my son Asoph ul Dowlah, whose will is dearer to me than all my riches, or even life itself, whatever money and goods I was possessed of: but an amicable adjustment seemed not worth accepting: he demanded the delivering up the fort, and the recall of the troops that were stationed for the preserving the peace of the city. To me tumult and discord appeared unnecessary. I gave up these points, upon which they seized my head eunuchs, Jewar Ali Khan and Behar Ali Khan, and sent them to Mr. Middleton, after having obliged them to sign a bond for sixty lacs of rupees; they were thrown into prison, with fetters about their feet, and denied food and water. I, who had never, even in my dreams, experienced such an oppression, gave up all I had to preserve my honor and dignity: but this would not satisfy their demands: they charged me with a rupee and a half batta upon each mohur, and on this account laid claims upon me to the amount of six lacs some thousand rupees, and sent Major Gilpin to exact the payment. Major Gilpin, according to orders, at first was importunate; but being a man of experience, and of a benevolent disposition, when he was convinced of my want of means, he changed his conduct, and was willing to apply to the shroffs and bankers to lend me the money. But with the loss of my jaghire my credit was sunk; I could not raise the sum. At last, feeling my helpless situation, I collected my wardrobe and furniture, to the amount of about three lacs of rupees, besides fifty thousand rupees which I borrowed from one place or other, and sent Major Gilpin with it to Lucknow. My sufferings did not terminate here. The disturbances of Colonel Hannay and Mr. Gordon were made a pretence for seizing my jaghire. The state of the matter is this. When Colonel Hannay was by Mr. Hastings ordered to march to Benares, during the troubles of Cheyt Sing, the Colonel, who had plundered the whole country, was incapable of proceeding, from the union of thousands of zemindars, who had seized this favorable opportunity: they harassed Mr. Gordon near Junivard [Juanpore?], and the zemindars of that place and Acberpore opposed his march from thence, till he arrived near Taunda. As the Taunda nullah, from its overflowing, was difficult to cross without a boat, Mr. Gordon sent to the Phousdar to supply him. He replied, the boats were all in the river, but would, according to orders, assist him as soon as possible. Mr. Gordon's situation would not admit of his waiting: he forded the nullah upon his elephant, and was hospitably entertained and protected by the Phousdar for six days. In the mean time a letter was received by me from Colonel Hannay, desiring me to escort Mr. Gordon to Fyzabad. As my friendship for the English was always sincere, I readily complied, and sent some companies of nejeebs to escort Mr. Gordon, and all his effects, to Fyzabad, where, having provided for his entertainment, I effected his junction with Colonel Hannay. The letters of thanks I received from both these gentlemen upon this occasion are still in my possession, copies of which I gave in charge to Major Gilpin, to be delivered to Mr. Middleton, that he might forward them to the Governor-General. To be brief, those who have loaded me with accusations are now clearly convicted of falsehood. But is it not extraordinary, notwithstanding the justness of my cause, that nobody relieves my misfortunes? Why did Major Gilpin return without effect?

My prayers have been constantly offered to Heaven for your arrival; report has announced it; for which reason I have taken up the pen, and request you will not place implicit confidence in my accusers, but, weighing in the scale of justice their falsehoods and my representations, you will exert your influence in putting a period to the misfortunes with which I am overwhelmed.

Copy of a Letter from Colonel Hannay to Jewar Ali Khan and Behar Ali Khan.

I had the pleasure to receive your friendly letter, fraught with benevolence; and whatever favors you, my friends, have been pleased to confer respecting Mr. Gordon afforded me the greatest pleasure.

Placing a firm reliance on your friendship, I am in expectation that the aforesaid gentleman, with his baggage, will arrive at Fyzabad in safety, that the same may oblige and afford satisfaction to me.

A letter from Mr. Gordon is inclosed to you. I am in expectation of its being inclosed in a cover to the Aumil of Taunda, to the end that the Aumil may forward it to the above-mentioned gentleman, and procure his reply. Whenever the answer arrives, let it be delivered to Hoolas Roy, who will forward it to me.

Always rejoice me by a few lines respecting your health. [Continue to honor me with your correspondence.]

Copy of a Letter from Colonel Hannay to Jewar and Behar Ali Khan.

Khan Saib, my indulgent friends, remain under the protection of God!

Your friendly letter, fraught with kindness, accompanied by an honorary letter from the Begum Saib, of exalted dignity, and inclosing a letter from Mr. Gordon, sent through your hircarrahs, obliged and rejoiced me.

With respect to what you communicate regarding your not having received an answer to your friendly epistle, I became perfectly astonished, as a reply was written from Mohadree. It may be owing to the danger of the road that it never arrived,—not to the smallest neglect on my side [or of mine].

I now send two letters to you,—one by the Dawk people, and the second by one of my hircarrahs, (who will present them to you,) which you certainly will receive.

I am extremely well contented and pleased with the friendship you have shown.

You wrote me to remain perfectly easy concerning Mr. Gordon. Verily, from the kindness of you, my indulgent friends, my heart is quite easy. You also observed and mentioned, that, as Mr. Gordon's coming with those attached to him [probably his sepoys and others] might be attended with difficulty, if I approved, he should be invited alone to Fyzabad. My friends, I place my expectation entirely upon your friendships, and leave it to you to adopt the manner in which the said gentleman may arrive in security, without molestation, at Fyzabad; but at the same time let the plan be so managed that it may not come to the knowledge of any zemindars: in this case you are men of discernment. However, he is to come to Fyzabad: extend your assistance and endeavors.

It is probable that the Begum Saib, of high dignity, has received authentic intelligence from the camp at Benares. Favor me with the contents or purport.

From Mr. Gordon's letter I understand that Mirza Imaum Buksh, whom you dispatched thither [Taunda], has and still continues to pay great attention to that gentleman, which affords me great pleasure.

An answer to the Begum's letter is to be presented. I also send a letter for Mr. Gordon, which please to forward.

An Address from Colonel Hannay to the Begum.

Begum Saib, of exalted dignity and generosity, &c., whom God preserve!

Your exalting letter, fraught with grace and benevolence, that through your unbounded generosity and goodness was sent through grace and favor, I had the honor to receive in a fortunate moment, and whatever you were pleased to write respecting Mr. Gordon,—"that, as at this time the short-sighted and deluded ryots had carried their disturbances and ravages beyond all bounds, Mr. Gordon's coming with his whole people [or adherents] might be attended with difficulty, and therefore, if I chose, he should be invited to come alone." Now, as your Highness is the best judge, your faithful servant reposeth his most unbounded hopes and expectation upon your Highness, that the aforesaid Mr. Gordon may arrive at Fyzabad without any apprehension or danger. I shall be then extremely honored and obliged.

Considering me in the light of a firm and faithful servant, continue to honor and exalt me by your letters.

What further can I say?

A Copy of an Address from Mr. Gordon to the Begum.

Begum Saib, of exalted dignity and generosity, whom God preserve!

After presenting the usual professions of servitude, &c., in the customary manner, my address is presented.

Your gracious letter, in answer to the petition of your servant from Goondah, exalted me. From the contents I became unspeakably impressed with the honor it conferred. May the Almighty protect that royal purity, and bestow happiness, increase of wealth, and prosperity!

The welfare of your servant is entirely owing to your favor and benevolence. A few days have elapsed since I arrived at Goondah with the Colonel Saib.

This is presented for your Highness's information. I cherish hopes from your generosity, that, considering me in the light of one of your servants, you will always continue to exalt and honor me with your gracious letters.

May the sun of prosperity continually shine!

Copy of a Letter to Mahomed Jewar Ali Khan and Behar Ali Khan, from Mr. Gordon.

Sirs, my indulgent friends, Remain under, &c., &c.

After compliments. I have the pleasure to acquaint you that yesterday having taken leave of you, I passed the night at Noorgunge, and next morning, about ten or eleven o'clock, through your favor and benevolence, arrived safe at Goondah. Mir Aboo Buksh, zemindar, and Mir Rustum Ali, accompanied me.

To what extent can I prolong the praises of you, my beneficent friends? May the Supreme Being, for this benign, compassionate, humane action, have you in His keeping, and increase your prosperity, and speedily grant me the pleasure of an interview! Until which time continue to favor me with friendly letters, and oblige me by any commands in my power to execute.

May your wishes be ever crowned with success!

My compliments, &c., &c., &c.

Copy of a Letter from Colonel Hannay to Jewar Ali Khan and Behar Ali Khan.

Khan Saib, my indulgent friends,

Remain under the protection of the Supreme Being!

After compliments, and signifying my earnest desire of an interview, I address you.

Your friendly letter, fraught with kindness, I had the pleasure to receive in a propitious hour, and your inexpressible kindness in sending for Mir Nassar Ali with a force to Taunda, for the purpose of conducting Mr. Gordon, with all his baggage, who is now arrived at Fyzabad.

This event has afforded me the most excessive pleasure and satisfaction. May the Omnipotence preserve you, my steadfast, firm friends! The pen of friendship itself cannot sufficiently express your generosity and benevolence, and that of the Begum of high dignity, who so graciously has interested herself in this matter. Inclosed is an address for her, which please to forward. I hope from your friendship, until we meet, you will continue to honor me with an account of your health and welfare. What further can I write?

V.—REVOLUTIONS IN FURRUCKABAD.

I. That a prince called Ahmed Khan was of a family amongst the most distinguished in Hindostan, and of a nation famous through that empire for its valor in acquiring, and its policy and prudence in well governing the territories it had acquired, called the Patans, or Afghans, of which the Rohillas were a branch. The said Ahmed Khan had fixed his residence in the city of Furruckabad, and in the first wars of this nation in India the said Ahmed Khan attached himself to the Company against Sujah Dowlah, then an enemy, now a dependant on that Company. Ahmed Khan, towards the close of his life, was dispossessed of a large part of his dominions by the prevalence of the Mahratta power; but his son, a minor, succeeded to his pretensions, and to the remainder of his dominions. The Mahrattas were expelled by Sujah ul Dowlah, the late Vizier, who, finding a want of the services of the son and successor of Ahmed Khan, called Muzuffer Jung, did not only guaranty him in the possession of what he then actually held, but engaged to restore all the other territories which had been occupied by the Mahrattas; and this was confirmed by repeated treaties and solemn oaths, by the late Vizier and by the present. But neither the late nor the present Vizier fulfilled their engagements, or observed their oaths: the former having withheld what he had stipulated to restore; and the latter not only subjecting him to a tribute, instead of restoring him to what his father had unjustly withheld, but having made a further invasion by depriving him of fifteen of his districts, levying the tribute of the whole on the little that remained, and putting the small remains of his territory under a sequestrator or collector appointed by Almas Ali Khan, who did grievously afflict and oppress the prince and territory aforesaid.

That the hardships of his case being frequently represented to Warren Hastings, Esquire, he did suggest a doubt whether "that little ought to be still subject to tribute," indicating that the said tribute might be hard and inequitable,—but, whatever its justice might have been, that, "from the earliest period of our connection with the present Nabob of Oude, it had invariably continued a part of the funds assigned by his Excellency as a provision for the liquidation of the several public demands of this government [Calcutta] upon him; and in consequence of the powers the board deemed it expedient to vest in the Resident at his court for the collection of the Company's assignments, a sezauwil [a sequestrator] has always been stationed to enforce by every means in his power the payment of the tribute." And the said tribute was, in consequence of this arrangement, not paid to the Nabob, but to the British Resident at Oude; and the same being therefore under the direction and for the sole use of the Company, and indeed the prince himself wholly dependent, the representatives of the said Company were responsible for the protection of the prince, and for the good government of the country.

II. That the said "Warren Hastings did, on the 22d of May, 1780, represent to the board of Calcutta the condition of the said country in the following manner.

"To the total want of all order, regularity, or authority in his government [the Furruckabad government], among other obvious causes, it may, no doubt, be owing, that the country of Furruckabad is become an almost entire waste, without cultivation or inhabitants; that the capital, which but a very short time ago was distinguished as one of the most populous and opulent commercial cities in Hindostan, at present exhibits nothing but scenes of the most wretched poverty, desolation, and misery; and the Nabob himself, though in possession of a tract of country which with only common care is notoriously capable of yielding an annual revenue of between thirty and forty lacs [three or four hundred thousand pounds], with no military establishment to maintain, scarcely commanding the means of bare subsistence." And the said Warren Hastings, taking into consideration the said state of the country and its prince, and that the latter had "preferred frequent complaints" (which complaints the said Hastings to that time did not lay before the board, as his duty required) "of the hardships and indignities to which he is subjected by the conduct of the sezauwil [sequestrator] stationed in the country for the purpose of levying the annual tribute which he is bound by treaty to pay to the Subah of Oude," he, the said Warren Hastings, did declare himself "extremely desirous, as well from motives of common justice as due regard to the rank which that chief holds among the princes of Hindostan, of affording him relief." And he, the said Warren Hastings, as the means of the said relief, did, with the consent of the board, order the said native sequestrator to be removed, and an English Resident, a servant of the Company, to be appointed in his room, declaring "he understood a local interference to be indispensably necessary for realizing the Vizier's just demands."

III. That the said native sequestrator being withdrawn, and a Resident appointed, no complaint whatever concerning the collection of the revenue, or of any indignities offered to the prince of the country or oppression of his subjects by the said Resident, was made to the Superior Council at Calcutta; yet the said Warren Hastings did, nevertheless, in a certain paper, purporting to be a treaty made at Chunar with the Nabob of Oude, on the 19th September, 1781, at the request of the said Nabob, consent to an article therein, "That no English Resident be appointed to Furruckabad, and that the present be recalled." And the said Warren Hastings, knowing that the Nabob of Oude was ill-affected towards the said Nabob of Furruckabad, and that he was already supposed to have oppressed him, did justify his conduct on the principles and in the words following: "That, if the Nabob Muzuffer Jung must endure oppression, (and I dare not at this time propose his total relief,) it concerns the reputation of our government to remove our participation in it." And the said Warren Hastings making, recording, and acting upon the first of the said false and inhuman suppositions, most scandalous to this nation, namely, that princes paying money wholly for the use of the Company, and directly to its agent, for the maintenance of British troops, by whose force and power the said revenue was in effect collected, must of necessity endure oppression, and that our government at any time dare not propose their total relief, was an high offence and misdemeanor in the said Warren Hastings, and the rather, because in the said treaty, as well as before and after, the said Hastings, who pretended not to dare to relieve those oppressed by the Nabob of Oude, did assume a complete authority over the said Nabob himself, and did dare to oppress him.

IV. That the second principle assumed by the said Warren Hastings, as ground for voluntarily abandoning the protection of those whom he had before undertaken to relieve, on the sole strength of his own authority, and in full confidence of the lawful foundation thereof, and for delivering over the persons so taken into protection, under false names and pretended descriptions, to known oppression, asserting that the reputation of the Company was saved by removing this apparent participation, when the new as well as the old arrangements were truly and substantially acts of the British government, was disingenuous, deceitful, and used to cover unjustifiable designs: since the said Warren Hastings well knew that all oppressions exercised by the Nabob of Oude were solely, and in this instance particularly, upheld by British force, and were imputed to this nation; and because he himself, in not more than three days after the execution of this treaty, and in virtue thereof, did direct the British Resident at Oude, in orders to which he required his most implicit obedience, "that the ministers [the Nabob of Oude's ministers] are to choose all aumils and collectors of revenue with your concurrence." And the dishonor to the Company, in thus deceitfully concurring in oppression, which they were able and were bound to prevent, is much aggravated by the said Warren Hastings's receiving from the person to whose oppression he had delivered the said prince, as a private gift or donation to himself and for his own use, a sum of money amounting to one hundred thousand pounds and upwards, which might give just ground of suspicion that the said gift from the oppressor to the person surrendering the person injured to his mercy might have had some share in the said criminal transaction.

V. That the said Warren Hastings did (in the paper justifying the said surrender of the prince put by himself under the protection of the East India Company) assert, "that it was a fact, that the Nabob Muzuffer Jung [the Nabob of Furruckabad] is equally urgent with the Nabob Vizier for the removal of a Resident," without producing, as he ought to have done, any document to prove his improbable assertion, namely, his assertion that the oppressed prince did apply to his known enemy and oppressor, the Nabob of Oude, (who, if he would, was not able to relieve him against the will of the English government,) rather than to that English government, which he must have conceived to be more impartial, to which he had made his former complaint, and which was alone able to relieve him.

VI. That the said Warren Hastings, in the said writing, did further convey an insinuation of an ambiguous, but, on any construction, of a suspicious and dangerous import, viz.: "It is a fact, that Mr. Shee's [the Resident's] authority over the territory of Furruckabad is in itself as much subversive of that [of the lawful rulers] as that of the Vizier's aumil [collector] ever was, and is the more oppressive as the power from whence it is derived is greater." The said assertion proceeds upon a supposition of the illegality both of the Nabob's and the Company's government; all consideration of the title to authority being, therefore, on that supposition, put out of the question, and the whole turning only upon the exercise of authority, the said Hastings's suggestion, that the oppression of government must be in proportion to its power, is the result of a false and dangerous principle, and such as it is criminal for any person intrusted with the lives and fortunes of men to entertain, much more, publicly to profess as a rule of action, as the same hath a direct tendency to make the new and powerful government of this kingdom in India dreadful to the natives and odious to the world. But if the said Warren Hastings did mean thereby indirectly to insinuate that oppressions had been actually exercised under the British authority, he was bound to inquire into these oppressions, and to animadvert on the person guilty of the same, if proof thereof could be had,—and the more, as the authority was given by himself, and the person exercising it was by himself also named. And the said Warren Hastings did on another occasion assert that "whether they were well or ill-founded he never had an opportunity to ascertain." But it is not true that the said Hastings did or could want such opportunity: the fact being, that the said Warren Hastings did never cause any inquiry to be made into any supposed abuses during the said Residency, but did give a pension of fifteen hundred pounds a year to the said late Resident as a compensation to him for an injury received, and did afterwards promote the Resident, as a faithful servant of the Company, (and nothing appears to show him otherwise,) to a judicial office of high trust,—thereby taking away all credit from any grounds asserted or insinuated by the said Hastings for delivering the said Nabob of Furruckabad to the hand of a known enemy and oppressor, who had already, contrary to repeated treaties, deprived him of a large part of his territories.

VII. That, on the said Warren Hastings's representation of the transaction aforesaid to the Court of Directors, they did heavily and justly censure the said Warren Hastings for the same, and did convey their censure to him, recommending relief to the suffering prince, but without any order for sending a new Resident: being, as it may be supposed, prevented from taking that step by the faith of the treaty made at Chunar.

VIII. That all the oppressions foreseen by him, the said Warren Hastings, when he made the article aforesaid in the treaty of Chunar, did actually happen: for, immediately on the removal of the British Resident, the country of Furruckabad was subjected to the discretion of a certain native manager of revenue, called Almas Ali Khan, who did impoverish and oppress the country and insult the prince, and did deprive him of all subsistence from his own estates,—taking from him even his gardens and the tombs of his ancestors, and the funds for maintaining the same.

IX. That, on complaint of those proceedings, the said Hastings did of his own authority, and without communicating with his Council, direct the native collector aforesaid to be removed, and the territory of Furruckabad to be left to the sole management of its natural prince. But in a short time the said Hastings, pretending to receive many complaints purporting that the tribute to the Nabob remained wholly unpaid, and the agent to the prince of Furruckabad at the Presidency, and afterwards chief manager to the prince aforesaid, having, as the said Warren Hastings saith, "had the insolence to propagate a report that the interference to which his master owed the power he then enjoyed was purchased through him," he, the said Hastings, did again (but, as before, without the Council) "withdraw his protection and interference altogether," on or about the month of August, 1782, and did signify his resolution, through the Resident, Middleton, to the Nabob Vizier. But the said Hastings asserts that "the consequence of this his own second dereliction of the prince of Furruckabad was an aggravated renewal of the severities exercised against his government, and the reappointment of a sezauwil, with powers delegated or assumed, to the utter extinction of the rights of Muzuffer Jung, and actually depriving him of the means of subsistence." And the said Hastings did receive, on the 16th of February, 1783, from the prince aforesaid, a bitter complaint of the same to the following tenor.

"The miseries which have fallen upon my country, and the poverty and distress which have been heaped upon me by the reappointment of the sezauwil, are such, that a relation of them would, I am convinced, excite the strongest feelings of compassion in your breast. But it is impossible to relate them: on one side, my country ruined and uncultivated to a degree of desolation which exceeds all description; on the other, my domestic concerns and connections involved in such a state of distress and horror, that even the relations, the children, and the wives of my father are starving in want of daily bread, and are on the point of flying voluntary exiles from their country and from each other."

But although the said Hastings did, on the 16th of February, receive and admit the justice of the said complaint, and did not deny the urgent necessity of redress, the said letter containing the following sentence, "If there should be any delay in your acceptance of this proposal, my existence and the existence of my family will become difficult and doubtful,"—and although he did admit the interference to be the more urgently demanded, "as the services of the English troops have been added to enforce the authority of the sezauwil,"—and although he admits also, that, even before that time, similar complaints and applications had been made,—yet he did withhold the said letter of complaint, a minute of which he asserts he had, at or about that time, prepared for the relief of the sufferer, from the Board of Council, and did not so much as propose anything relative to the same for seven months after, viz., until the 6th of October, 1783: the said letter and minute being, as he asserts, "withheld, from causes not necessary to mention, from presentation." By which means the said country and prince did suffer a long continuance of unnecessary hardship, from which the said Hastings confessed it was his duty to relieve them, and that a British Resident was necessary at Furruckabad, "from a sense of submission to the implied orders of the Court of Directors in their letter of 1783, lately received, added to the conviction I have LONG SINCE entertained of the necessity of such an appointment for the preservation of our national credit, and the means of rescuing an ancient and respectable family from ruin."

And the said Warren Hastings did at length perform what he thought had long since been necessary; and in contradiction to his engagements with the Nabob in the treaty of Chunar, and against his strong remonstrances, urging his humiliation from this measure, and the faith of the agreement, and against his own former declaration that it concerned the reputation of our government to remove our participation in the oppressions which he, the said Hastings, supposed the prince of Furruckabad must undergo, did once more recommend to the Council a British Resident at Furruckabad, and the withdrawing the native sezauwil: no course being left to the said Hastings to take which was not a violation of some engagement, and a contradiction to some principle of justice and policy by him deliberately advanced and entered on record.

That Mr. Willes being appointed Resident, and having arrived at Furruckabad on the 25th of February, 1784, with instructions to inquire minutely into the state of the country and the ruling family, he, the said Resident, Willes, in obedience thereto, did fully explain to him, the Governor-General, the said Warren Hastings, (he being then out of the Company's provinces, at Lucknow, on a delegation which respected this very country, as part of the dependencies of Oude,) the situation of the province of Furruckabad; but the said Warren Hastings did not take or recommend any measure whatsoever for the relief thereof in consequence of the said representation, nor even communicate to the Council-General the said representation; and it was not until the 28th of June, 1783 [1785?], that is, sixteen months from the arrival of the Resident at his station, that anything was laid before the board relative to the regulation or relief of the distressed country aforesaid, and that not from the said Warren Hastings, but from other members of the Council: which purposed neglect of duty, joined to the preceding wilful delay of seven months in proposing the said relief originally, caused near two years' delay. And the said Warren Hastings is further culpable in not communicating to the Council Board the order which he had, of his own authority, and without any powers from them, given to the said Resident, Willes, and did thereby prevent them from taking such steps as might counteract the ill effects of the said order; which order purported, that the said Willes was not to interfere with the Nabob of Furruckabad's government, for the regulation of which he was in effect appointed to the Residency,—declaring as follows: "I rely much on your moderation and good judgment, which I hope will enable you to regulate your conduct towards the Nabob and his servants in such a manner, that, without interfering in the executive part of his government, you may render him essential service by your council and advice." And this restriction the said Hastings did impose, which totally frustrated the purpose of the Resident's mission, though he well knew, and had frequently stated, the extreme imbecility and weakness of the said Nabob of Furruckabad, and his subjection to unworthy servants; and in the Minute of Consultation upon which he founded the appointment did state the Nabob of Furruckabad "as a weak and unexperienced young man, who had abandoned himself entirely to the discretion of his servants, and the restoration of his independence was followed by a total breach of the engagements he had promised to fulfil, attended by pointed instances of contumacy and disrespect"; and in the said minute the said Hastings adds, (as before mentioned,) his principal servant and manager had propagated a report that the "interference" (namely, his, the said Hastings's, interference) "to which his master owed the power he then enjoyed was purchased by him," the principal servant aforesaid: yet he, the said Hastings, who had assigned on record the character of the said Nabob, and the conduct of his servants, and the aforesaid report of his principal servant, so highly dishonorable to him, the said Hastings, as reasons for taking away the independency of the Nabob of Furruckabad, and the subjecting him to the oppression of the Nabob of Oude's officer, Almas Ali, did again himself establish the pretended independence of the said prince of Furruckabad, and the real independence of his corrupt and perfidious servants, not against the Nabob of Oude, but against a British Resident appointed by himself ("as a character eminently qualified for such a charge") for the correction of those evils, and for rendering the prince aforesaid an useful ally to the Company, and restoring his dominions to order and plenty.

That the said Hastings did not only disable the Resident at Furruckabad by his said prohibitory letter, but did render his very remaining at all in that station perfectly precarious by a subsequent letter, rendering him liable to dismission by the Vizier,—thereby changing the tenure of the Resident's office, and changing him from a minister of the Company, dependent on the Governor-General and Council, to a dependant upon an unresponsible power,—in this also acting without the Council, and by his own usurped authority: and accordingly the said Resident did declare, in his letter of the 24th of April, 1785, "that the situation of the country was more distressful than when he [the prince of Furruckabad] addressed himself for relief in 1783, and that he was sorry to say that his appointment at Furruckabad was of no use"; that, though the old tribute could not be paid, owing to famine and other causes, it was increased by a new imposition, making the whole equal the entire gross produce of the revenue; that therefore there will not be "anything for the subsistence of the Nabob and family." And the uncles of the said Nabob of Furruckabad, the brethren of the late Ahmed Khan, (who had rendered important services to the Company,) and their children, in a petition to the Resident, represented that soon after the succession of Muzuffer Jung "their misery commenced. The jaghires [lands and estates] on which they subsisted were disallowed. Our distress is great: we have neither clothes nor food. Though we felt hurt at the idea of explaining our situation, yet, could we have found a mode of conveyance, we would have proceeded to Calcutta for redress. The scarcity of grain this season is an additional misfortune. With difficulty we support life. From your presence without the provinces we expect relief. It is not the custom of the Company to deprive the zemindars and jaghiredars of the means of subsistence. To your justice we look up."

This being the situation of the person and family of the Nabob of Furruckabad and his nearest relations, the state of the country and its capital, prevented from all relief by the said Warren Hastings, is described in the following words by the Resident, Willes.

"Almas Ali has taken the purgunnah of Marara at a very inadequate rent, and his aumils have seized many adjacent villages: the purgunnahs of Cocutmow and Souje are constantly plundered by his people. The collection of the ghauts near Futtyghur has been seized by the Vizier's cutwal, and the zemindars in four purgunnahs are so refractory as to have fortified themselves in their gurries, and to refuse all payments of revenue. This is the state of the purgunnahs. And Furruckabad, which was once the seat of great opulence and trade, is now daily deserted by its inhabitants, its walls mouldering away, without police, without protection, exposed to the depredations of a banditti of two or three hundred robbers, who, night after night, enter it for plunder, murdering all who oppose them. The ruin that has overtaken this country is not to be wondered at, when it is considered that there has been no state, no stable government, for many years. There has been the Nabob Vizier's authority, his ministers', the Residents' at Lucknow, the sezauwils', the camp authority, the Nabob Muzuffer Jung's, and that of twenty duans or advisers: no authority sufficiently predominant to establish any regulations for the benefit of the country, whilst each authority has been exerted, as opportunity offered, for temporary purposes.

"Such being the present deplorable state of Furruckabad and its districts, in the ensuing year it will be in vain to look for revenue, if some regulations equal to the exigency be not adopted. The whole country will be divided between the neighboring powerful aumils, the refractory zemindars, and banditti of robbers; and the Patans, who might be made useful subjects, will fly from the scene of anarchy. The crisis appears now come, that either some plan of government should be resolved on, so as to form faithful subjects on the frontier, or the country be given up to its fate: and if it be abandoned, there can be little doubt but that the Mahrattas will gladly seize on a station so favorable to incursions into the Vizier's dominions, will attach to their interests the Hindoo zemindars, and possess themselves of forts, which, with little expense being made formidable, would give employment perhaps to the whole of our force, should it be ever necessary to recover them."

That the Council at Calcutta, on the representation aforesaid made by the Resident at Furruckabad, did propose and record a plan for the better government of the said country, but did delay the execution of the same until the arrangements made by the said Hastings with the Nabob Vizier should be known; but the said Hastings, as far as in him lay, did entirely set aside any plan that could be formed for that purpose upon the basis of a British Resident at Furruckabad, by engaging with the said Nabob Vizier that no British influence shall be employed within his dominions, and he has engaged to that prince not to abandon him to any other mode of relation; and he has informed the Court of Directors that the territories of the Nabob of Oude will be ruined, if Residents are sent into them, observing, that "Residents never will be sent for any other purposes than those of vengeance and corruption."

That the said Warren Hastings did declare to the Court of Directors, that in his opinion the mode of relief most effectual, and most lenient with regard to Furruckabad, would be to nominate one of the family of the prince to superintend his affairs and to secure the payments; but this plan, which appears to be most connected with the rights of the ruling family, whilst it provides against the imbecility of the natural lord, and is free from his objection to a Resident, is the only one which the said Hastings never has executed, or even proposed to execute.

That the said Hastings, by the agreements aforesaid, has left the Company in such an alternative, that they can neither relieve the said prince of Furruckabad from oppression without a breach of the engagements entered into by him, the said Hastings, with the Nabob Vizier in the name of the Company, nor suffer him to remain under the said oppression without violating all faith and all the rules of justice with regard to him. And the said Hastings hath directly made or authorized no less than six revolutions in less than five years in the aforesaid harassed province; by which frequent and rapid changes of government, all of them made in contradiction to all his own declared motives and reasons for the several acts successively done and undone in this transaction, the distresses of the country and the disorders in its administration have been highly aggravated; and in the said irregular proceedings, and in the gross and complicated violations of faith with all parties, the said Hastings is guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors.

VI.—DESTRUCTION OF THE RAJAH OF SAHLONE.

I. That the late Nabob of Oude, Sujah ul Dowlah, did (on what reasons of policy or pretences of justice is unknown) dispossess a certain native person of distinction, or eminent Rajah, residing in the country of Sahlone, "the lineal descendant of the most powerful Hindoo family in that part of Hindostan," of his patrimonial estate, and conferred the same, or part of the same, on his, the Nabob's, mother, as a jaghire, or estate, for the term of her life: and the mother of the Nabob, in order to quiet the country, and to satisfy in some measure the principal and other inhabitants, did allow and pay a certain pension to the said Rajah; which pension, on the general confiscation of jaghires, made at the instigation of the said Warren Hastings, and by the letting the lands so confiscated to farmers at rack-rents, was discontinued and refused to be paid; and the discontinuance of the said pension, "on account of the personal respect borne to the Rajah, (as connections with him are sought for, and thought to confer honor,)" did cause an universal discontent and violent commotions in the district of Sahlone, and other parts of the province of Oude, with great consequent effusion of blood, and interruption, if not total discontinuance, to the collection of the revenues in those parts, other than as the same was irregularly, and with great damage to the country, enforced by British troops.

II. That Mr. Lumsdaine, the officer employed to reduce those disordered parts of the province to submission, after several advantages gained over the Rajah and his adherents, and expelling him from the country, did represent the utter impossibility of bringing it to a permanent settlement "merely by forcible methods; as in any of his [the Rajah's] incursions it would not be necessary to bring even a force with him, as the zemindars [landed proprietors and freeholders] are much attached to the Rajah, whom they consider as their hereditary prince, and never fail to assist him, and that his rebellion against government is not looked on as a crime": and Mr. Lumsdaine declared it "as his clear opinion, that the allowing the said Rajah a pension suitable to his rank and influence in the country would be the most certain mode of obtaining a permanent peace,"—alleging, among other cogent reasons, "that the expense of the force necessary to be employed to subdue the country might be spared, and employed elsewhere, and that the people would return to their villages with their cattle and effects, and of course government have some security for the revenue, whereas at present they have none." And the representation containing that prudent and temperate counsel, given by a military man of undoubted information and perfect experience in the local circumstances of the country, was transmitted by the Resident, Bristow, to the said Warren Hastings, who did wilfully and criminally omit to order any relief to the said Rajah in conformity to the general sense and wishes of the inhabitants, a compliance with whose so reasonable an expectation his duty in restoring the tranquillity of the country and in retrieving the honor of the English government did absolutely require; but instead of making such provision, a price was set upon his head, and several bodies of British troops being employed to pursue him, after many skirmishes and much bloodshed and mutual waste of the country, the said Rajah, honored and respected by the natives, was hunted down, and at length killed in a thicket.



FOOTNOTES:

[59] See Hastings's Letter.

[60] Sic orig.

[61] 26th Dec., 1781.

[62] 13th Jan., 1782.

[63] 18th Jan., 1782.

[64] Letter from Mr. Middleton, 2d Feb., 1782.

[65] Lucknow, 22d July, 1782.

[66] Major Gilpin's Letter, 15th June, 1782.

[67] Mr. Johnson's letter, 9th July, 1782.

[68] Ibid., 4th July, 1782.

[69] Major Gilpin's Letter, 6th July, 1782.

[70] Mr. Johnson's Letter, 22d July, 1782.

[71] Major Gilpin's Letters, 16th June and 15th Sept., 1782.

[72] Major Gilpin's letter, 15th Sept., 1782.

[73] Major Gilpin's letter, 19th Oct., 1782.

[74] Major Gilpin's Letter, 18 Nov., 1782.

[75] Mr. Bristow's Letter, 2d Dec., 1782.

[76] Mr. Bristow's Letter, 12 Dec., 1782.

[77] Shoka from the Vizier to Hyder Beg Khan, 2d Ramsur, 1197

[78] Bristow's Letter, 29th Jan., 1784, with inclosures.

END OF VOL. VIII.