 |
(b) PAGSUPAN. The appellation by which the members of this tribe, living near the Tagum and Hijo rivers, are known.
(c) MANGWANGA or MANGRANGAN ("Dwellers in the forests"). A name by which are designated those Mandaya who live in the heavily forested mountains skirting the coast.
(d) MANAGOSAN or MAGOSAN. The members of the tribe living on the headwaters of the Agusan river bear this name.
(e) DIVAVAOAN. A division which inhabits a small district to the south and west of Compostela. Very little is known of this people, but from the information now at hand it seems that they should be classed as a branch of the Mandaya.
HABITAT.
This tribe occupies both slopes of the mountain range which borders the Pacific ocean, from about 9 degrees of North latitude south nearly to Cape San Agustin. Its members are also found in considerable numbers from the head of the Agusan drainage nearly to the town of Compostela, and several settlements of this people are to be found along the Hijo and Tagum rivers, while in recent years a number have established themselves on the eastern side of Davao Gulf.
Generally speaking, this whole region is extremely mountainous and at the same time heavily wooded. It is only when the Agusan, Hijo, and Tagum rivers are approached that the country becomes more open. On the Pacific coast there are few harbors, for the mountains extend down almost to the water's edge forming high sheer cliffs. Aside from the three rivers mentioned the water courses are, for the greater part, small and unnavigable and a short distance back from the coast appear as tiny rivulets at the bottom of deep canyons.
There is no organization of the tribe as a whole, since each district has its local ruler who is subject to no other authority. These divisions I are seldom on good terms, and are frequently in open warfare with one another or with neighboring tribes.
Despite this lack of unity and the great area they inhabit, their dialects are mutually intelligible, and in other respects they are so similar that I believe we are justified in regarding them as one group linguistically, physically, and culturally.
DESCRIPTION.
Measurements made on fifteen men and five women gave the following results:
Height—Men: Maximum 161.3 cm., minimum 145.1 cm., average 153.9 cm.
Women: Maximum 152.3 cm., minimum 144.1 cm., average 146.8 cm.
Cephalic index—Men: Maximum 89.1, minimum 76.3, average 84.6.
Women: Maximum 84.8, minimum 75.2, average 81.3.
Length-height index—Men: maximum 78.7, minimum 64.5, average 74.2.
Women: Maximum 81.8, minimum 75.0, average 77.4.
From these figures it appears that there is considerable variation between individuals, but a closer study of the charts shows that the majority of those measured come closer to the averages than do the members of any other group here mentioned (Plates LXIV-LXIX).
Both sexes wear the hair long and comb it to a knot at the back of the head. The women generally bang the hair over the forehead, while the men allow a lock to fall in front of each ear. The hair is brown-black and generally slightly wavy, although four individuals with straight hair were seen.
The forehead is high, and in about half the persons observed somewhat retreating; however, full, vaulted foreheads are by no means uncommon. The distance from the vertex to the tragus is uniformly great.
The cheek bones are quite prominent, while the whole face tapers from above so as to be somewhat angular. In twenty per cent of the men the root of the nose seemed to be continuous with the supra-orbital ridge, which, in such cases, was strongly marked. In general the root of the nose is broad, low, and depressed, and there is a tendency for the ridge to be somewhat concave. The lips are thick and bowed, but there is little or no prognathism.
The skin of the body is not tattooed or mutilated in any other way, but the eyebrows are often shaved to a thin line, and the teeth are filed and blackened. Filing was formerly done with small stones but imported files are now used for this purpose. The coloring is effected by chewing the roots of the anmon vine and applying to the teeth the "sweat" caught on a steel blade, held above burning bark of the magawan tree. This practice seems to have no significance other than that of beautifying the person and saving the youth from the ridicule of his fellows. To keep the teeth black, tobacco treated with lemon juice which has stood on rusty iron is chewed frequently.
Despite constant statements to the effect that the members of this tribe are light-colored and the assertion of one writer[99] that at least one division is white, observations made with the V. Luschan color table on more than fifty individuals showed that while certain persons are somewhat lighter than their fellows, as was also the case in other tribes, there is not an appreciable difference in color between this tribe and the others of the Gulf region.
[99] LANDOR, The Gems of the East. It should be noted that the district from which the white tribe was reported is now fairly well known and there seems to be no reason to believe that the people residing there differ materially in color from the other natives of the island.
CLOTHING.
The ordinary man of the tribe wears a loosely fitting shirt and wide trousers made of white or blue cotton cloth. (Plate LXIX-LXX). These garments are frequently decorated with embroidered designs and are finished at the shoulders and knees with a cotton fringe. The trousers are supported at the waist by means of a belt, and below reach nearly to the ankles.[100] An incised silver disk is attached to the front of the jacket, while ornaments of beads, seeds, and alligators' teeth encircle the neck.
[100] Along the coast this type of garment is now seldom seen, for the men are adopting the close-fitting dress of the Moro.
When on the trail the man covers his head with a little palm bark hat (Fig. 47). This is sometimes conical, but more frequently is narrow and turned up at the front and back. Painted designs, betel wings, and chicken feathers make the hat a striking decoration which compensates for its lack of utility.
FIG. 47. MEN'S HATS.
A class of warriors known as bagam[101] dress in red and wear turbans of the same hue, while women mediums, ballyan,[102] may also make use of red cloth.
[101] See p. 180. [Transcriber's note: This is page 167.]
[102] See p. 174.
Other women wear blue cotton jackets, in the fronts and back of which are many artistic embroidered designs. Their hemp cloth skirts, like those of the Bagobo, are made tube-like and are held at the waist by means of belts. They are very careless about the hang of these garments and one side may be above the calf of the leg while the other drags on the ground (Plate LXVII). No head coverings are worn, but quite elaborate combs (Fig. 48) are thrust into the knots of hair at the back of the head. Wooden ear plugs (Fig. 49) ornamented with incised silver plates and with bead and silver pendants fit into openings in the lobes of the ears. Like the men they wear necklaces of beads, sweet smelling herbs, and seeds. Many of the latter are considered to have medicinal value and are eaten to cure pains in the stomach. One or more silver disks are worn on the chest or over the breasts, while anklets, such as are used by the women of the other tribes, are frequently seen. Both sexes are fond of bracelets of brass, shell, or vines, as well as of finger rings of tortoise shell and silver (Plate LXXI).
FIG. 48. WOMAN'S COMB.
FIG. 49. FAR PLUGS WITH BELL PENDANTS.
None of the garments contain pockets, and in order to make up for this deficiency the men carry bags (Plate LXX) suspended on their backs by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In these they carry their betel-nut outfits, tobacco, and the like. Small covered waterproof baskets (Plate LXVIII) serve the same purpose for the women and are carried at the back or at the side.
HISTORY.
Probably no wild tribe in Mindanao has received so much mention in histories, reports, and books of travel as have the Mandaya, but these references have been, in the main, so vague and often so misleading that they are of little value for our purposes. Quite in contrast with this mass of material are the excellent reports of the late Governor Bolton, and Mr. Melbourne A. Maxey,[103] who for a number of years has been closely associated with the members of the tribe residing in the vicinity of Cateel. In the preparation of this paper frequent use has been made of the notes gathered by these two gentlemen.
[103] Published in the Mindanao Herald.
When the first white men visited the tribe they found that the neighboring Moro were making frequent raids on their villages and were carrying away women and children whom they sold to the Bagobo and other tribes of the Gulf.[104] At the same time it was learned that they, in turn, were slave holders and were eager to purchase captives from the Mohammedan raiders. The great distances traveled by the Moro in their raids make it possible that slaves from distant islands may thus have been introduced into the tribe. Later we shall see that it was difficult for a slave or a descendant of a slave to become a freeman, yet it was by no means impossible, and it is likely that a considerable part of the tribe are descendants of people brought to the district through purchase and capture. Another possible source of outside blood is suggested by well verified stories of castaways on the east coast of Mindanao and adjacent islands.[105] While working with the Mandaya in the region of Mayo bay the writer was frequently told that three times, in the memory of the present inhabitants, strange boats filled with strange people had been driven to their coasts by storms. The informants insisted that these newcomers were not put to death but that such of them as survived were taken into the tribe. These stories are given strong substantiation by the fact that only a few months prior to my visit a boat load of people from the Carolines was driven to the shores of Mayo bay and that their boat, as well as one survivor, was then at the village of Mali. (Plate LXXII). I am indebted to Mr. Henry Hubbel for the following explicit account of these castaways: "One native banca of castaways arrived at Lucatan, N. E. corner of Mayo Bay, Mindanao, on January 2nd, 1909. The banca left the Island of Uluthi for the Island of Yap, two days' journey, on December 10th, 1908. They were blown out of their course and never sighted land until January 2nd, twenty-two days after setting sail. There were nine persons aboard, six men, two boys, and one woman, all natives of Yap except one man who was a Visayan from Capiz, Panay, P. I., who settled on the Island of Yap in 1889. These people were nineteen days without food or water except what water could be caught during rain storms. The Visayan, Victor Valenamo, died soon after his arrival, as a result of starvation. The natives recovered at once and all traces of their starvation disappeared within two weeks. The men were powerfully built, nearly six feet high. Their bodies were all covered with tattoo work. The woman was decorated even more than the men. Fever soon took hold of these castaways and in a year's time all died except one small boy who seems to have become acclimated and will become identified with the natives in Mati. I took care of these people until they died.
[104] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, p. 203.
[105] FOREMAN. The Philippine Islands, pp. 257-9. JAGOR. Travels in the Philippines, Ch. XX.
"The clothing worn by the men and woman was nothing but the 'lavalava,' a scarf of sea-grass fiber about 18 inches wide and five feet long. This was worn around the loins.
"The banca, which was of very curious construction, was taken to Zamboanga last year by General Pershing, to be placed in Moro Province Museum."
After the advent of the Spaniards into their territory a considerable number of this people were converted to the Christian faith and were induced to settle in villages. There they met and intermarried with Visayan and other emigrants who had followed the Spaniards to the South. During the time of the Spanish rule these settlements were partially destroyed by Moro raiders, and following the Spanish-American war these attacks became so frequent that many of the inhabitants deserted their homes and returning to their mountain kinsmen again took up the old life. The effect of this return is especially noticeable in the vicinity of Caraga where as late as 1885 there were 596 Mandaya converts.
Several attempts were also made to colonize the Mandaya near the mouths of the Tagum and Hijo rivers, but the restlessness of the natives or the hostility of the Moro was always sufficient to cause the early break up of the new settlements.
The last great influence on this tribe has come through American planters who have prevailed upon the more venturesome members to come down to the coast plantations and there adopt the life of the Christianized natives. Many of these adventurers have returned to their mountain homes, carrying with them new ideas and artifacts and, in some cases, wives from other tribes. With all these influences at work there has been considerable modification of the life in many districts, particularly along the Pacific coast. This description will attempt to give the old life of the tribe as it still exists in the more isolated districts, or as it was related by older people of the coast settlements.
MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION.
In order to enter into a full understanding of the social, economic, and aesthetic life we must have some knowledge of the mythology and religious beliefs, for these pervade every activity.
Several stories accounting for natural phenomena and the origin of the tribe were heard. One of these relates that the sun and moon were married and lived happily together until many children had been born to them. At last they quarreled and the moon ran away from her husband who has since been pursuing her through the heavens. After the separation of their parents the children died, and the moon gathering up their bodies cut them into small pieces and threw them into space. Those fragments which fell into water became fish, those which fell on land were converted into snakes and animals, while "those which fell upward" remained in the sky as stars.
A somewhat different version of this tale agrees that the quarrel and subsequent chase occurred, but denies that the children died and were cut up. It states that it is true that the offspring were animals, but they were so from the time of their birth. One of these children is a giant crab named tambanokaua who lives in the sea. When he moves about he causes the tides and high waves; when he opens his eyes lightning appears. For some unknown reason this animal frequently seeks to devour his mother, the moon, and when he nearly succeeds an eclipse occurs. At such a time the people shout, beat on gongs, and in other ways try to frighten the monster so that he can not accomplish his purpose.[106] The phases of the moon are caused by her putting on or taking off her garments. When the moon is full she is thought to be entirely naked.
[106] The writer found almost identical beliefs and practices among the Batak and Tagbanua of Palawan.
According to this tale the stars had quite a different origin than that just related, "In the beginning of things there was only one great star, who was like a man in appearance. He sought to usurp the place of of the sun and the result was a conflict in which the latter was victorious. He cut his rival into small bits and scattered him over the whole sky as a woman sows rice."
The earth was once entirely flat but was pressed up into mountains by a mythical woman, Agusanan. It has always rested on the back of a great eel whose movements cause earthquakes. Sometimes crabs or other small animals annoy him until, in his rage, he attempts to reach them, then the earth is shaken so violently that whole mountains are thrown into the sea.
A great lake exists in the sky and it is the spray from its waves which fall to the earth as rain. When angered the spirits sometimes break the banks of this lake and allow torrents of water to fall on the earth below.
According to Mr. Maxey, the Mandaya of Cateel believe that many generations ago a great flood occurred which caused the death of all the inhabitants of the world except one pregnant woman. She prayed that her child might be a boy. Her prayer was answered and she gave birth to a son whose name was Uacatan. He, when he had grown up, took his mother for his wife and from this union have sprung all the Mandaya.
Quite a different account is current among the people of Mayo. From them we learn that formerly the limokon,[107] although a bird, could talk like a man. At one time it laid two eggs, one at the mouth and one at the source of the Mayo river. These hatched and from the one at the headwaters of the river came a woman named Mag,[108] while a man named BEgenday[109] emerged from the one near the sea. For many years the man dwelt alone on the bank of the river, but one day, being lonely and dissatisfied with his location, he started to cross the stream. While he was in deep water a long hair was swept against his legs and held him so tightly that he narrowly escaped drowning. When he succeeded in reaching the shore he examined the hair and at once determined to find its owner. After wandering many days he met the woman and induced her to be his wife. From this union came all the Mandaya.
[107] See p. 63 note.
[108] Also known as Manway.
[109] Also known as Samay.
A variant of this tale says that both eggs were laid up stream and that one hatched a woman, the other a snake. The snake went down the current until it arrived at the place where the sea and the river meet. There it blew up and a man emerged from its carcass. The balance of the tale is as just related. This close relationship of the limokon to the Mandaya is given as the reason why its calls are given such heed. A traveler on the trail hearing the cooing of this bird at once doubles his fist and points it in the direction from whence the sound came. If this causes the hand to point to the right side it is a sign that success will attend the journey.[110] If, however, it points to the left, in front, or in back, the Mandaya knows that the omen bird is warning him of danger or failure, and he delays or gives up his mission. The writer was once watching some Mandaya as they were clearing a piece of land, preparatory to the planting. They had labored about two hours when the call of the limokon was heard to the left of the owner. Without hesitation the men gathered up their tools and left the plot, explaining that it was useless for them to plant there for the limokon had warned them that rats would eat any crop they might try to grow in that spot.
[110] Maxey states exactly the opposite, for the Mandaya of Cateel, i. e., the right side is bad, the left good.
The people do not make offerings to this bird, neither do they regard it as a spirit, but rather as a messenger from the spirit world. The old men were certain that anyone who molested one of these birds would die.
Another bird known as wak-wak "which looks like a crow but is larger and only calls at night" foretells ill-fortune. Sneezing is also a bad omen, particularly if it occurs at the beginning of an undertaking. Certain words, accompanied by small offerings, may be sufficient to overcome the dangers foretold by these warnings. It is also possible to thwart the designs of ill-disposed spirits or human enemies by wearing a sash or charm which contains bits of fungus growth, peculiarly shaped stones, or the root of a plant called gam. These charms not only ward off ill-fortune and sickness, but give positive aid in battle and keep the dogs on the trail of the game.[111]
[111] The use of these magic sashes, known as anting-anting, is widespread throughout the southern Philippines both with the pagan and Mohammedan tribes.
There is in each community one or more persons, generally women, who are known as ballyan. These priestesses, or mediums, are versed in all the ceremonies and dances which the ancestors have found effectual in overcoming evil influences, and in retaining the favor of the spirits. They, better than all others, understand the omens, and often through them the higher beings make known their desires. So far as could be learned the ballyan is not at any time possessed, but when in a trance sees and converses with the most powerful spirits as well as with the shades of the departed. This power to communicate with supernatural beings and to control the forces of nature, is not voluntarily sought by the future ballyan, but comes to the candidate either through one already occupying such a position or by her being unexpectedly seized with a fainting or trembling fit, in which condition she finds that she is able to communicate with the inhabitants of the spirit world. Having been thus chosen she at once becomes the pupil of some experienced ballyan from whom she learns all the secrets of the profession and the details of ceremonies to be made.
At the time of planting or reaping, at a birth or death, when a great celebration is held, or when the spirits are to be invoked for the cure of the sick, one or more of these women take charge of the ceremonies and for the time being are the religious heads of the community. At such a time the ballyan wears a blood-red waist,[112] but on other occasions her dress is the same as that of the other women, and her life does not differ from their's in any respect.
[112] PEDRO ROSELL, writing in 1885, says that the ballyan then dressed entirely in red. BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 217.
When about to converse with the spirits the ballyan places an offering before her and begins to chant and wail. A distant stare comes into her eyes, her body begins to twitch convulsively until she is shivering and trembling as if seized with the ague. In this condition she receives the messages of the spirits and under their direction conducts the ceremony.
Rosell gives the following description of the possession of a ballyan.[113] Nothing of this nature was seen by the writer.
[113] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 218.
"They erect a sort of small altar on which they place the manaugs or images of the said gods which are made of the special wood of the bayog tree, which they destine exclusively for this use. When the unfortunate hog which is to serve as a sacrifice is placed above the said altar, the chief bailana approaches with balarao or dagger in hand which she brandishes and drives into the poor animal, which will surely be grunting in spite of the gods and the religious solemnity, as it is fearful of what is going to happen to it; and leaves the victim weltering in its blood. Then immediately all the bailanas drink of the blood in order to attract the prophetic spirit to themselves and to give their auguries or the supposed inspirations of their gods. Scarcely have they drunk the blood, when they become as though possessed by an infernal spirit which agitates them and makes them tremble as does the body of a person with the ague or like one who shivers with the cold."
SPIRITS.
The following spirits are known to the ballyan of the Mayo district:
I. DIWATA. A good spirit who is besought for aid against the machinations of evil beings. The people of Mayo claim that they do not now, nor have they at any time made images of their gods, but in the vicinity of Cateel Maxey has seen wooden images called manaog, which were said to represent Diwata on earth. According to his account "the ballyan dances for three consecutive nights before the manaog, invoking his aid and also holding conversation with the spirits. This is invariably done while the others are asleep." He further states that with the aid of Diwata the ballyan is able to foretell the future by the reading of palms. "If she should fail to read the future the first time, she dances for one night before the manaog and the following day is able to read it clearly, the Diwata having revealed the hidden meaning to her during the night conference."[114]
[114] In the Mayo district palmistry is practiced by several old people who make no claim of having the aid of the spirits. Bagani Paglambayon read the palms of the writer and one of his assistants, but all his predictions were of an exceedingly general nature and on the safe side.
Spanish writers make frequent mention of these idols,[115] and in his reports[116] Governor Bolton describes the image of a crocodile seen by him in the Mandaya country "which was carved of wood and painted black, was five feet long, and life-like. The people said it was the likeness of their god." Lieutenant J. R. Youngblood, when near the headwaters of the Agusan River, saw in front of a chief's house "a rude wooden image of a man which seemed to be treated with some religious awe and respect." Mr. Robert F. Black, a missionary residing in Davao, writes that "the Mandaya have in their homes wooden dolls which may be idols."
[115] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XII, 269, XLIII, p. 217, etc.
[116] Filed in the office of the Governor of Davao.
From this testimony it appears that in a part of the Mandaya territory the spirit Diwata, at least, is represented by images.
2. Asuang. This name is applied to a class of malevolent spirits who inhabit certain trees, cliffs and streams. They delight to trouble or injure the living, and sickness is usually caused by them. For this reason, when a person falls ill, a ballyan offers a live chicken to these spirits bidding them "to take and kill this chicken in place of this man, so that he need not die." If the patient recovers it is understood that the asuang have agreed to the exchange and the bird is released in the jungle.
There are many spirits who are known as asuang but the five most powerful are here given according to their rank, (a) Tagbanua, (b) Tagamaling, (c) Sigbinan, (d) Lumaman, (e) Bigwa. The first two are of equal importance and are only a little less powerful than Diwata. They sometimes inhabit caves but generally reside in the bud-bud (baliti) trees. The ground beneath these trees is generally free from undergrowth and thus it is known that "a spirit who keeps his yard clean resides there." In clearing ground for a new field it sometimes becomes necessary to cut down one of these trees, but before it is disturbed an offering of betel-nut, food, and a white chicken is carried to the plot. The throat of the fowl is cut and its blood is allowed to fall in the roots of the tree. Meanwhile one of the older men calls the attention of the spirits to the offerings and begs that they be accepted in payment for the dwelling which they are about to destroy. This food is never eaten, as is customary with offerings made to other spirits. After a lapse of two or three days it is thought that the occupant of the tree has had time to move and the plot is cleared.
In former times it was the custom for a victorious war party to place the corpses of their dead, together with their weapons, at the roots of a baliti tree. The reason for this custom seems now to be lost.
3. Busau. Among the Mandaya at the north end of Davao Gulf this spirit is also known as Tuglinsau, Tagbusau, or Mandangum. He looks after the welfare of the bagani, or warriors, and is in many respects similar to Mandarangan of the Bagobo.[117] He is described as a gigantic man who always shows his teeth and is otherwise of ferocious aspect. A warrior seeing him is at once filled with a desire to kill. By making occasional offerings of pigs and rice it is usually possible to keep him from doing injury to a settlement, but at times these gifts fail of their purpose and many people are slain by those who serve him.
[117] p. 106.
4. OMAYAN, OR KALALOA NANG OMAY, is the spirit of the rice. He resides in the rice fields, and there offerings are made to him before the time of planting and reaping.
5. MUNTIANAK is the spirit of a child whose mother died while pregnant, and who for this reason was born in the ground. It wanders through the forest frightening people but seldom assailing them.[118]
[118] The belief in a similar spirit known as Mantianak is widespread throughout the southern Philippines.
6. Magbabaya. Some informants stated that this is the name given to the first man and woman, who emerged from the limokon eggs. They are now true spirits who exercise considerable influence over worldly affairs. Other informants, including two ballyan denied any knowledge of such spirits, while still others said magbabaya is a single spirit who was made known to them at the time of the Tungud movement.[119] Among the Bukidnon who inhabit the central portion of the island the magbabaya are the most powerful of all spirits.
[119] p. 179.
7. Kalaloa. Each person has one spirit which is known by this name. If this kalaloa leaves the body it decays, but the spirit goes to Dagkotanan—"a good place, probably in the sky." Such a spirit can return to its former haunts for a time and may aid or injure the living, but it never returns to dwell in any other form.
In addition to those just mentioned Governor Bolton gives the following list of spirits known to the Mandaya of the Tagum river valley. None of these were accepted by the people of Mayo district. According to rank they are Mangkokiman, Mongungyahn, Mibucha Andepit, Mibuohn, and Ebu—who made all people from the hairs of his head.
For the neighboring Mangwanga he gives, Likedanum as the creator and chief spirit, Dagpudanum and Macguliput as gods of agriculture, and Manamoan—a female spirit who works the soil and presides over childbirth. All of these are unknown to the Mandaya of the Pacific coast.
While in the Salug river valley Governor Bolton witnessed a most interesting ceremony which, so far as the writer is aware, is quite unknown to the balance of the tribe. His quotation follows: "One religious dance contained a sleight of hand performance, considered by the people as a miracle, but the chiefs were evidently initiated. A man dressed himself as a woman, and with the gongs and drums beaten rapidly he danced, whirling round and round upon a mat until weak and dizzy, so that he had to lean on a post. For a time he appeared to be in a trance. After resting a few minutes he stalked majestically around the edge of the mat, exaggerating the lifting and placing of his feet and putting on an arrogant manner. After walking a minute or two he picked up a red handkerchief, doubled it in his hand so that the middle of the kerchief projected in a bunch above his thumb and forefinger; then he thrust this into the flame of an almaciga torch. The music started anew and he resumed his frantic dance until the flame reached his hand when he slapped it out with his left hand, and stopped dancing; then catching the kerchief by two corners he shook it out showing it untouched by fire. The daughter of Bankiaoan next went into a trance lying down and singing the message of Tagbusau and other gods to the assemblage. The singing was done in a small inclosed room, the singer slipping in and out without my seeing her."
The letters of Pedro Rosell written at Caraga in 1885 contain many references to the duties of the ballyan. In one account he records the following song which he says is sung by the priestesses when they invoke their gods Mansilatan and Badla.[120]
[120] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 217-21, and Vol. XII, p. 270.
"Miminsad, miminsad si Mansilatan
Opod si Badla nga magadayao nang dumia
Bailan, managunsayao,
Bailan, managunliguit."
This means:
"Mansilatan has come down, has come down.
Later (will come) Badla, who will preserve the earth.
Bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about."
This Rosell takes as "a confirmation of the most transcendental questions of our true religion," for in Mansilatan he finds the principal god and father of Balda, "who descended from the heavens where he dwells, in order to create the world. Afterwards his only son Badla came down also to preserve and protect the world—that is men and things—against the power and trickery of the evil spirits Pudaugnon and Malimbung." The writer made persistent inquiry among the Mandaya to the south of Caraga, but could not find a trace of a belief in any one of the four spirits named; neither are these spirits mentioned in the notes of Governor Bolton, nor in the excellent description of the people about Cateel, furnished by such a careful observer as Mr. Maxey. It seems that this account, together with the song and its translation, must have been gathered from other than Mandayan sources. Long before 1885 the town of Caraga had become one of the strongholds of the church on the east coast of Mindanao, and Christianized settlers from all the southern islands had come to the vicinity.[121] It is probable that Rosell's information was secured from Christianized or Moro emigrants, and the first spirits named refer to Badhala—Bathala, or Batala—"the all powerful," and Dian Mansalanta—"the patron of lovers and generation."[122]
[121] They are often referred to as Caragas in the early writings.
[122] Further information regarding these spirits will be found in the Relations of Loarca, 1582 (BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. V, p. 171), and the Relation of Juan de Plasencia, 1589 (ibid, Vol. VII, pp. 189-96, Vol. XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note that the Bagobo spirit Toglat, who is one of the pair responsible for marriages and births, is sometimes addressed as Maniladan.
THE TUNGUD MOVEMENT
In 1908 a religious movement known as tungud started among the Manobo[123] at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. Garvan, of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was instigated by a Manobo named Mapakla. This man was taken ill, probably with cholera, and was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three days later he appeared among the terrified people and explained, that a powerful spirit named Magbabaya had entered his body and cured him. He further stated that the world was about to be destroyed and that only those persons who gave heed to his instructions would survive. These instructions bade all to cease planting and to kill their animals for, he said, "if they survive to the end they will eat you." A religious house or shrine was to be built in every settlement, and was to be looked after by divinely appointed ministers. Those persons who were at first inclined to be skeptical as to the truth of the message, were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya enter the bodies of the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic dances, interrupted only by trembling fits during which their eyes protruded and gave them the semblance of dead men.
[123] Not the Kulaman.
By the time the tungud had reached the Mayo district it had lost most of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to cause many of the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious dances. The coast Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage of the movement to further a plan to drive American planters and Christianized natives from the district. The leading Mandaya were invited to the house of the Moro pandita[124] "to see the spirit Diwata." During several nights the son of the pandita impersonated the spirit and appeared in the darkened room. Over his chest and forehead he had stretched thin gauze and beneath this had placed many fire-flies, which to the imaginative people made him appear superhuman. His entrance into the room was attended by a vigorous shaking of the house, caused by a younger brother stationed below. A weird dance followed and then the spirit advised the people to rise and wipe out the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had become so impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more than probable they would have joined the Moro in their project had not an American planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the leaders, thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given new attributes to at least one of the spirits.
[124] The religious head of the settlement.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
The before-mentioned ballyan direct the religious observances of the tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among their fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local ruler.
The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is governed by a bagani. To reach this coveted position a man must have distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten persons with his own hand.[125] The victims need not be killed in warfare and may be of any sex or age so long as they come from a hostile village. When the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant appeals to the neighboring bagani for the right to be numbered in their select company. They will assemble to partake of a feast prepared by the candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The petition may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the exploits related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as a half bagani. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth, but if he is granted the full title he is permitted to don a blood-red suit and to wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly sought by the more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many lives are taken each year.
[125] At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but the two bagani living there had each killed more than twice that number. Among the Mansaka the number required is often as high as thirty.
A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on the east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same section are now living five bagani who have gained this title by similar exploits.[126] Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result of these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man's family to seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not allowed to wed until the death is avenged.
[126] These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan; Kasicknan, Lewanan, and Malangit, in the mountains between Taguanan and Piso.
Instances are known where the old men have conferred the title of bagani upon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of election, for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his own settlement the oldest of the bagani becomes supreme ruler, and if powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable distance. In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the title have so instilled fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they have been able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianized natives. War parties are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also enforce the laws handed down from their forefathers.
The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure cut away from his fellows. He no longer associates with them as equals but eats his meals alone, unless it happens that other bagani are present.
Below the bagani in rank come the warriors, a class which includes practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them are the slaves. Slavery was an ancient institution with this people when the Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to flourish up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the influence of the white man. The great majority of slaves are secured by capture, but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a lucrative slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of their master's household, but their children are treated as slaves. Captive boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields, and in most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant from master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom one of their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his old home or he may become a free member of the community in which he has been serving.
DWELLINGS
The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees, often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV).
Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest rest on the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature of the supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have horizontal sides and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which slopes directly from a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform does away with the necessity of side walls.
The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate LXXIV. Here the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or twenty feet above the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the foundation. Many smaller poles help support the floor and then extend upward to form the wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten bark rests on cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. Above it are occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which the walls of nipa palm are fastened. In some houses two or three of the foundation poles extend above the floor to such a height that they are used as the supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts rest on the beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. From the ridge a number of smaller rods extend to or project out over the side walls, and on them rests the roofing of nipa palm. A space of several inches often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. The whole structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is capable of withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives and creaks with every wind. During violent storms the house is further secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.
Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan ladders. These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access thus removed the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. If enemies do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage of their elevated position in the use of their weapons.
Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three families are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, and often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the girls' people.
Near the door, or in one comer of the room, is a small box of earth in which several stones are imbedded. This constitutes the hearth, about which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen vessels. The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each end of the roof, or through the narrow space under the eaves. There is no recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils[127] are scattered promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily cleared.
[127] These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving outfits, bark dye vats, as well as traps and weapons, nearly all of which are so similar to those already described for the Bagobo that they do not call for special notice here.
The people of a community build their houses within a short distance of one another, yet seldom so close together as to form a village. However, village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of Cateel Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by palisades, perched on the top of a conical hill.
Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the people and dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan river:
"The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far as intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was concerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen. They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear each other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north of the headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives coloring to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least unwonted sound. They make their clearings on the steep mountainsides and in these build two or three of their houses in strategic positions. In the very construction of their dwellings the idea of security in case of attack is predominant.
"The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some forty or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance to which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held in place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires a considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door to these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn plank, hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope during the day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor throughout the house.
"The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and sides of hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than seven feet from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. The largest house visited in this locality was that of Chief Leuanan, and this was some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one room and are inhabited by two or more families."
AGRICULTURE
About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes, sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised. However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for the primitive tools[128] with which the people work are ill-fitted to combat the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon grass. Only the exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the prevalence of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will cause the people to move their homes from one district to another.
[128] These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting stick.
We have already referred to the important part the limokon plays in the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,[129] and to the offerings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down certain trees.[130] The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and harvested without further reference to the spirit world, but the cultivation and care of this cereal can only be carried on according to certain fixed conditions.
[129] See pages 173 and 177.
[130] Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of cords. A number of strings are tied together in the center and the knot is buried. The loose ends are then joined and if it happens that the two ends of a cord have been tied together it is taken as a sign that the spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing.
About November first, when a group of seven stars called poyo poyo appears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear new land to begin their labors. By December first this constellation rises straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further confirmed by the appearance of a star known as sabak. If any have delayed their planting until the middle of December they are given a last warning when the stars forming Bayatik[131] appear.
[131] This is the same as balatik, page 62.
As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center of the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known as tagbinian and seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan, although by some it is insisted that it is intended for his residence. The seed rice is deposited inside the enclosure[132] and the men begin to prepare the soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks into the ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice from the tagbinian the women follow, dropping seeds into the holes.
[132] Maxey relates that at planting and harvest tune the Mandaya of Cateel carry offerings to the baliti trees and there offer it to Diwata, in supplication or thanks for an abundant crop.
When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old granaries or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old man or woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and there cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop is sure to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as an offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has been harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that time a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish, together with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary, where it is presented to the spirit "in order that the granary may always be full." When the grain is needed for use it is removed from the straw by pounding it with wooden pestles, it is then placed in a wooden mortar and is again pounded until the husks are loosened. This accomplished, the grain is freed from chaff by tossing it in a winnower. If a greater amount has been cleared than is needed it is stored in gourds or water-proof baskets (Fig. 50). A month or two after the harvest a great celebration is held, the principal features of which are a feast and dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits.
FIG. 50. GOURD RICE HOLDER.
The small crop of sugar-cane is made into an alcoholic drink, which is sometimes indulged in at meal time but is generally reserved for festive occasions. The juice is boiled with a plant called palba, similar to ginger, and is stored away in bamboo tubes until it has reached a suitable stage of fermentation. Another drink is made by boiling strained honey with the palba and allowing it to ferment.
HUNTING AND FISHING
A considerable portion of the food supply is secured by hunting and fishing. Small birds are captured by placing a sticky substance on bare limbs of fruit-bearing trees, or by fastening gummed sticks in places frequented by birds. When a victim alights on this it is held securely until captured by the hunter. Fig. 51 shows another method of securing such small game. A cord with a noose at one end is attached to a bent limb. In the center of this cord is tied a short stick which acts as a trigger. This trigger is placed with the top end pressing against an arched twig a, while the other end draws b against the sides of the arch. Other sticks rest on b and on them is a covering of leaves on which is placed bait and the open noose. The weight of a bird or small animal on the cross-piece is sufficient to release the trigger and then the bent limb draws the noose taut.
FIG. 51. BIRD SNARE.
The series of slip nooses attached to a central cord which surrounds a tame decoy is also found in use here, and boys frequently secure birds by means of blow-guns. The latter do not differ from those already described on p. 73, but with this tribe they are regarded only as a boy's plaything.
Deer and pig are sometimes hunted by large parties with the aid of dogs. In such cases an attempt is made to drive the animals past concealed hunters, or to dispatch them with spears when brought to bay by the dogs. The more successful method, however, is by means of traps several types of which were seen by the writer. The first and most common is a dead fall consisting of a heavy log so arranged in the runway of the game that a passing animal will cause it to fall. Next in favor with the hunters is the bayatik. One end of a sapling is tied horizontally to a tree and is then bent back like a spring. It is held in place by means of a trigger which is released when an animal disturbs a vine stretched across the runway. Against the free end of the spring a long bamboo spear or arrow is placed in such a manner that it is thrown with great force against the animal which has released the trigger. This trap is frequently used in warfare to protect the retreat of a war party, or to surprise an enemy.
Sharpened bamboo sticks, two or three feet long, planted at points where animals are accustomed to jump or run down steep inclines, are wonderfully efficient in securing game. Sticks and leaves cover pits in which sharpened poles are planted and into these unsuspecting animals or members of a hostile party often fall. All these last named devices are exceedingly dangerous and it is unadvisable for a traveler in the jungle to try to penetrate a strange region unless accompanied by a native who knows the position of the traps and pits.
Fish are secured by means of bamboo traps through which a part of the water of a stream is diverted. These traps do not differ in any respect from those shown in Fig. 19. Along the coast metal fishhooks and dip and throw nets are in common use, but these are at present largely obtained from the Moro. The easiest and hence the most popular method of securing fish is to mash together the poisonous roots of the tobli tree and the fruit of the oliskEb. The pulp is then sunk into still pools of water and in a short time, the stupified[sic] fish begin to float to the surface, where they are quickly seized by the fishermen.
WARFARE
Mention has already been made of the use of pits and traps in warfare. In addition to these it is customary for a returning war party to conceal in the trail many sao~nag, small stiletto-shaped bamboo sticks, which pierce the feet of those in pursuit. A night camp is effectively protected in the same manner against barefooted enemies.
The arms used are spears, fighting knives with wide bellied blades, daggers, narrow shields with which weapons are defected (Fig. 52), and in some sections bows and arrows. The fighting knives and daggers (Plates LXXV-LXXVI) deserve more than casual notice. The heavy bellied blades of the knives are highly tempered, and not infrequently are bored through and inlaid with silver, in which instances they are known as binuta,—blind (Plate LXXVa). The sheaths, with their sharply upturned ends, are made of light wood on which are carved decorations, attached or inlaid bands of silver, or stained designs. The handles of the weapons are also decorated with incised silver bands.
FIG. 52. WOODEN SHIELDS.
Much as the fighting knives are prized, the dagger, bayadau or badau, is in even greater favor. It is worn on the front left-hand part of the body in ready reach of the right hand, and is never removed unless the owner is in the company of trusted relatives. A light thread, easily broken, holds the dagger in its sheath and the slightest disturbance is enough to cause the owner to draw his weapon.
The older warriors claim that it formerly was their custom to protect themselves with strips of hemp cloth, limbotung, which they wound many times around their bodies in order to ward off knife thrusts, but this method of protection seems to have fallen into disuse.[133]
[133] This type of protective armor is still used by the Bukidnon of Central Mindanao.
Individual warriors lie in ambush for their foes, but when a great raid is planned the party is under the command of a bagani. These attacks are arranged to take place during the full moon and the warriors usually assault a settlement which they think can be taken by surprise, and hence unprepared. It is very seldom that these people fight in the open, and invaders do not attempt a combat unless they feel sure of the outcome. If they find a house well protected they may attempt to fire it by attaching a torch to an arrow and shooting it into the grass roof, the occupants being slaughtered as they rush out. If one of the enemy puts up an especially good fight his body is opened and the warriors eat a portion of his heart and liver, thinking thus to gain in valor.
Mr. Maxey mentions the use of poisoned weapons in the neighborhood of Cateel, but the Mandaya of the south seem to be entirely ignorant of this custom, Maxey's account of the preparation of the poison is as follows:
"The poison is, according to the writer's informant, prepared as follows: A long bamboo is cut and carried to a tree called camandag.[134] The bamboo must be long enough to reach to the limit of the shadow cast by the tree to the trunk of the same, as the tree is so poisonous that it even affects those who stand beneath it. The bamboo has a sharp point which is stuck into the tree and receives the milk which exudes from the cut. After several days the bamboo is removed and the contents emptied into another bamboo which serves for a sheath or quiver for the arrows, these being placed in it point down. The slightest scratch will cause death. A peculiar thing about the tree from which the poison is extracted, is that the person extracting must not only not get under the tree, but must approach it from the windward, as the effects of even the odor are unpleasant and dangerous."
[134] Croton tiglium L.
INDUSTRIES
In the description of the tribe up to this point we have touched upon those pursuits which engross the greater part of the time. In addition to these, it falls to the lot of the women to manufacture and decorate all the clothing worn by members of the tribe. Some cotton is grown and is used in the manufacture of jackets, but the bulk of the garments are of hemp. In the description of the Decorative Art we shall deal with the decoration of the hemp cloth skirts worn by the women. Here it is only necessary for us to observe that this cloth is produced and colored by exactly the same process as is employed by the Bagobo women.[135]
[135] See p. 79.
A very little brass casting is done by the Mandaya of one district, but it is evidently a crude copy of Moro work. By far the greater part of the brass betel boxes, and ornaments of that metal, as well as spear heads, are purchased from the coast Mohammedans.
Iron working is an ancient art with this people and the beauty and temper of their knives and daggers is not excelled by the output of any other Philippine tribe. In the manufacture of these weapons they employ the same methods as their neighbors to the south and west.
No wild tribe in the archipelago has made so much use of silver in the production of ornaments as has the Mandaya. Thin silver plates are rolled into small tubes and are attached to the woman's ear plugs (Fig. 49), finger rings of the same metal are produced in great numbers, but the finest work appears in the large silver ornaments worn on the breasts by both sexes (Fig. 53). Silver coins are beaten into thin disks, in the center of which a hole is cut. About this opening appear beautiful intricate designs, some engraved, others stamped with metal dies.
FIG. 53. SILVER BREAST ORNAMENTS.
All work in metal is limited to a few skilled men, but many lesser industries, such as shaping tortoise shell rings and shell bracelets, carving of spoons, and making baskets, are carried on by other members of the tribe during their leisure hours.
BIRTH
In each district there are one or two mid wives, known as managamon. They are women past middle life who are versed in the medicines and rites which should be employed at the time of birth. They are not considered as ballyan, yet they talk to the spirits upon certain occasions.
When a pregnant woman is about to be delivered the midwife crushes the bark of the dap-dap tree and makes a medicine called tagaumo, which she gives to the patient. It is claimed that this causes the muscles to relax so that they allow an easy delivery. The umbilical cord is cut with a bamboo knife and as soon as the child has been bathed it is given to the mother. The afterbirth is placed in a specially prepared basket and is either hung against the side of the house or in a nearby tree. For a few days the midwife assists about the house and then, if all is well with the child, she takes her payment of rice, chicken, and fish, and returns to her home. Should the child be ailing she will return, and having placed rice and betel-nut on banana leaves she carries these to the top of the house and there offers them to the asuang,[136] meanwhile asking those spirits to accept the offering and to cease troubling the child. No ceremony takes place at the time of naming or at the age of puberty, but at the latter period the teeth are filed and blackened so that the young person may be more beautiful and, therefore, able to contract a suitable marriage.
[136] See p. 176. [Transcriber's note: This is page 192.]
MARRIAGE
Frequently parents arrange matches for their children while they are still very young, but in the majority of cases the matter is left until after the age of puberty when the wishes of the young people are taken into consideration. The youth or his father having chosen a suitable girl takes or sends a spear, knife, or other acceptable present to her father. If this offering is accepted it indicates approval of the match, and soon thereafter a feast is prepared to which friends of both families are invited. At this feast the price to be paid for the girl and the time of marriage are agreed upon, and at least partial payment is made. As is the case with the neighboring tribes, a part of the value of this gift is returned. Following the agreement the boy enters the service of his fiancee's father and for a year or more lives as a member of the family. Even after the marriage a considerable amount of service is expected from him at the time of planting, harvesting, or building.
The marriage ceremony proper follows a feast, and consists of the young couple feeding each other with rice and drinking from a common cup.
Should anything occur to prevent the marriage, after the payment for the girl has been made, the gifts must be returned or service equal to their value must be rendered.
Unfaithfulness on the part of the woman seems to be the one cause for a separation and this is uncommon, for unless her admirer purchases her for a sum equal to the amount her husband spent in obtaining her, the divorced woman remains as a slave in the home of her former husband.
Polygamy is permitted and is quite common, but a man may not take a second wife until a child has been born to the first. In addition to his wives a man may have as many concubines as he can afford to purchase.
It is said to be a grave offense for a man to embrace a married woman, or even to touch the breasts, elbows, or heels of any woman he does not intend to marry. An unmarried woman who permits such familiarities is considered as good as married. Despite this assertion, the writer knows of several cases where young people openly lived together without being considered married, and later the parents arranged marriages between these girls and other suitors.
According to several informants, incest is punished by the sacrifice of the guilty parties. They are tied to a tree with their hands drawn backward around the trunks and are then speared to death. This seems to be the one and only occasion when human sacrifice is practiced by members of this tribe.
SICKNESS AND DEATH.
When a person is seriously ill a ballyan is summoned and she, after securing prepared rice, betel-nuts, and a live chicken, enters into communication with the spirits. First she converses with the dead father or other deceased relative of the sick person and requests his aid in effecting a cure, next she presents food to Diwata and implores his aid, and finally calls upon the asuang to whom she offers the live fowl on the condition that they will cease trying to injure the patient. Having thus done all in her power to influence the spirits she may administer some simple remedy, after which she begins to dance contra-clockwise, around a bamboo pole on which leaves and betel-nut have been hung.[137]
[137] This ceremony usually takes place in the house, but if the man was taken ill in the forest or in his field it may be conducted there.
If this treatment proves to be of no avail and the patient dies his body is placed in the center of the house and for two days and nights is guarded by relatives and friends. During the time that the body remains in the dwelling the family is required to fast and all the people of the settlement are prohibited from playing on agongs, from singing or indulging in other signs of merriment. Finally, the body is wrapped in a mat and is buried in the forest.[138]
[138] Maxey gives the following account of burial near Cateel: "The dead person is dressed in his best clothes, wrapped in a piece of abaca cloth, and placed in a coffin of bamboo poles, or one hewn from a solid log, if the person was one of means, and buried. If of the poorer class he is merely wrapped in a piece of matting-, and either buried or covered over with stones, sticks, and the like. If of high rank, the body is not buried, but after preparation is taken into the forest and placed in a small hut under a balete tree. Food, spears, bolos, hats, shields, and some articles of furniture are placed on the graves to placate the spirits who might otherwise bring harm to the surviving members of the clan or family. There is no fixed period of mourning, but the members of the family must wear black for some time after the death. The sick are never abandoned prior to death, but slaves nearing death are sometimes killed to stop their sufferings. The owner, however, must first consult with others of the clan."
Returning from the burial all the people partake of a feast and then set fire to the dwelling "because we do not like the asuang which killed the man in that house." During the ensuing nine days the spouse of the dead dresses in black and for a month following, or until they can purchase a slave, the whole family is barred from merry-making. Two reasons for the purchase of this slave were advanced by members of the tribe. One was that the family could be happy if they were still rich enough to purchase a slave. The second, that they thus replaced the dead man with another, "for the slaves are like members of our own family."
DECORATIVE ART.
The decorative art of the Mandaya is similar in many respects to that of the Bagobo and Bila-an, yet in part it differs greatly from both. As is true with the other tribes, the weavers make use of many figures which they do not associate with any living forms, but which, nevertheless, strongly suggest that they may have been derived from realistic designs. In addition to such patterns they frequently employ figures which are intentional copies of human or animal forms. Of these the most common are those representing a man and a crocodile; these sometimes appear together, sometimes alone. The requirements of the space to be filled, as well as readiness of the worker to alter any part in order to give a more pleasing effect to the design have resulted in many distorted and conventionalized figures which can only be explained by the artist. The accompanying drawings are taken from articles collected by the writer and now in the Field Museum of Natural History.
Patterns A to H in Fig. 54 appear in hemp cloth skirts. These show the steps in the conventionalization of the human figure,[139] as explained by the weavers. In the first four the forms are so realistic that they need no explanation, but E is more complicated. Here two greatly conventionalized figures have been used, one erect, the other with head down. The size of the head has been increased while the body is represented by a small diamond-shaped pattern with outstretched arms attached. The legs and feet of both figures help to form a pattern similar to a head, except that it lacks the "hair" shown in the end designs. F resembles the preceding quite closely. In it the central head-like pattern does not appear and the legs and feet of one figure help to form the head of the other. This design has been doubled, thus necessitating some alteration of the figures at the points of union. In G and H nearly all the realistic elements have vanished, yet certain resemblance to D and E can be discerned.
[139] One weaver insisted that this figure represents a frog, because of its webbed feet, but none of the others agreed with her.
FIG. 54A TO H. DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN FORM.
We have already learned that the crocodile is held in great regard and in some sections there is evidence of its more or less sacred character. Its importance in the minds of the people is well shown by the frequency with which it appears in their decorative designs. Fig. 55A shows one of these animals which has just eaten a man. Both figures are so realistic that the intention of the weaver is apparent. In B, D, E, and F, the animal is still realistic, but the man disappears, and in his place is a formless object or straight lines which are identified as "something eaten."
FIG. 55A TO H. CROCODILE DESIGNS.
The pattern G is given as the next step in the conventionalization. Here the legs, feet, and "something eaten" have assumed undue proportions, while nearly every trace of likeness has vanished. This figure is multiplied five times to obtain the highly conventionalized form shown in H.
By referring to G it is possible to see how the complicated designs in I and J have been derived, although they bear little resemblance to the original crocodile form.
Fig. 56 was identified as a crocodile but was not regarded as a step in the conventionalization shown. Many other figures such as 57 appear so closely related to the designs just described that it seems certain they must have had a common origin, yet this was denied by all the weavers, who insisted that such decorations were added only to make the garments pretty.
FIG. 56. CROCODILE DESIGN.
FIG. 57. DESIGN USED IN WEAVING.
Going from weaving to designs cut in wood, something of the same state of affairs is encountered. Pattern a on the bamboo comb (Fig. 48) is identified as the crocodile, yet the very similar figures shown on a bamboo lime holder (Fig. 58) and on a wooden clothes-hanger (Fig. 59) are not so recognized.
FIG. 58. INCISED DESIGNS ON A BAMBOO LIME HOLDER.
FIG. 59. CLOTHES HANGER.
Figs. 60 and 61 show characteristic designs which are embroidered on jackets or carrying bags. All these are added with the one idea of beautifying the garment, without any thought of copying some living form. This is true also of the incised zigzag lines, scrolls, and meander patterns seen on the silver breast disks (Fig. 53), and those stained on palm bark hats (Fig. 47).
FIGS. 60 AND 61. EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING BAGS.
Tobacco pouches (Fig. 62) are often completely covered with bright colored geometrical designs embroidered in trade yarn. This work, which is quite unlike the other decoration used by this people, was probably introduced along with trade yarn and analine[sic] dyes.
FIG. 62. TOBACCO POUCHES.
CONCLUSION
From the material now at our disposal certain general conclusions can be drawn.
A comparison of the physical measurements indicates that no group is of pure race. There are significant variations between members of different tribes, but these occur also between individuals of the same village. The average person in each group is short-headed, yet long-headed individuals are found in every tribe and variations just as great as this appear in the other measurements and observations.
We have previously noted the evidences of an aboriginal pygmy population, that has been partially absorbed by intermarriage with the later comers.[140] In all the groups, except the Bila-an, the percentage of individuals showing evidences of Negrito blood increases as we go from the coasts toward the interior, until in such divisions as the Obo and Tigdapaya of the Bagobo, and the Tugauanum of the Ata, practically all the people show traces of this admixture.
[140] Negrito are reported from the Samal Islands in the Gulf of Davao.
In addition to the types already described there are found in each tribe individuals who in all but color might readily pass as white men. These persons freely intermarry with the rest of the population, and it is no uncommon thing to find in one family children of this sort as well as those showing Negrito characteristics or those conforming to the average type.[141]
[141] This will be discussed in a forthcoming publication on Physical Types. That paper will present a full series of measurements accompanied by photographs, including the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao in which tribe this type is more frequently seen than in Davao District.
The facts indicate that the tribes now found in Davao District did not reach the coasts of Mindanao at the same time, but rather that they represent several periods of migration, of which the Kulaman is the last. This tribe, which only a few generations ago seems to have been made up of seafarers, has not yet entirely adapted itself to a settled existence and it is only within the lifetime of the present generation that its members have taken seriously to agriculture.
It appears that the Bila-an once inhabited the district about Lake Buluan, but the pressure of the Moro has forced most of them from that region toward the mountains to the south and east. They have taken possession of both sides of this mountain range, except for the lower eastern slopes where they have encountered the Tagakaolo.
The other tribes probably landed on the southern or southeastern coast of the Island, from whence they have gradually moved to their present habitats.
Intermarriage between the tribes, Moro raids, warfare with the accompanying capture of slaves, and the possible influence of boat-loads of castaways, all have to be considered in dealing with the types found in Davao District. We have already seen that the physical measurements indicate a complex racial history.
After giving full credit to all these influences, however, it does not appear to the writer that such radical differences exist between the tribes as will justify us in assigning to them different ancestry or places of origin. The summarized description of the Bagobo given on page 56 would, with only, slight modification, apply to all the other tribes, with the exception of certain groups of the Ata in which the Negrito element is very pronounced. In brief, the various influences that have been at work on one group have influenced all the others, since their arrival on the island of Mindanao.
This conclusion is further justified by the language in which a large per cent of the words in daily use are common to all the groups. Even the Bila-an dialect, which differs more from all the others than do any of those from one another, has so many words in common with the coast tongues and is so similar in structure that one of my native boys, who never before had seen a Bila-an, was able freely to carry on a conversation within a few days after his arrival in one of their most isolated settlements.
Similar as are the people and their dialects, the cultural agreements are even more noticeable. Taking the Bagobo as a starting point, we find a highly developed culture which, with a few minor changes, holds good for the tribes immediately surrounding. These in turn differ little from their neighbors, although from time to time some new forms appear. The Cibolan type of dwelling, with its raised platform at one end and box-like enclosures along the side walls, is met with until the Mandaya territory is approached, while, with little variation, the house furnishings and utensils in daily use are the same throughout the District. The same complicated method of overtying, dyeing, and weaving of hemp employed in the manufacture of women's skirts is in use from Cateel in the north to Sarangani Bay in the south, while in the manufacture of weapons the iron worker in Cibolan differs not at all from his fellow-craftsman among the Mandaya. Here we are confronted by the objection that, so far as is known, no iron work is done by the Bila-an and Ata, but this is a condition which is encountered throughout the archipelago. In the interior of Luzon are found isolated villages, the inhabitants of which are expert workers in iron and steel, while their neighbors seem to be ignorant of the process.[142] The writer holds to the opinion that iron working is an ancient art throughout the Philippine archipelago and that its use for various reasons, such as lack of material, has died out in certain sections. Brass workers are found among most of the tribes, but, as was observed earlier in this paper, there is sufficient evidence that the industry is of recent introduction, and the amount and excellence of the work done by the brass casters is governed by the nearness or remoteness of Moro settlements.
[142] The process used in Northern Luzon is very similar to that employed in Southern Mindanao.
Except for the cotton garments recently adopted by the Kagan branch of the Tagakaolo, and the suits worn by the Mandaya men, the clothing seen throughout the District is very similar. A few ornaments, such as the silver rings and breast disks of the Mandaya, have only a limited distribution, but for the most part the decorations worn by the different tribes differ only in the number of beads, bells, and shell disks used in their manufacture.
In the ornamentation of their garments certain groups have specialized until the bead work of the Bagobo excels all such work found in the Philippines. The same can be said of the intricate and beautifully embroidered designs seen in the garments of the Bila-an or the oversewed fabrics of the Kulaman, while the crudely embroidered patterns of the Mandaya are wonderfully effective. Yet, despite apparent dissimilarities, there is such a likeness in many forms of ornamentation, as well as in the technique of the methods of production, that there seems to be ample proof of free borrowing, or of a common origin.
On the non-material side the similarities between the groups are even more marked. In each tribe the warriors gain distinction among their fellows, the protection of certain spirits, and the privilege of wearing red garments, by killing a certain number of persons. Except among the Kulaman, mediums much like the mabalian of the Bagobo make known the wishes of the superior beings and direct the ceremonies. The people are instructed when to plant by the spirits who place certain constellations in the skies. These are the same for all the groups, although often known by different names. The limokon warns or encourages the traveler, while certain acts of the individual, such as sneezing, are looked upon as warnings from unseen beings. Many of these beings having like attributes, although often bearing different names, are known to each group. The idea of one or more spirits dwelling in different parts of a man's body is widespread, while the belief that the right side of the body is under the care of good influences and the left subject to the bad, is well nigh universal in the District.
In conclusion note should be made of oft repeated assertions to the effect that a part of the people of Davao District are white, and that they are also cannibals and headhunters. The first can be dismissed with the statement that so far as the writer has been able to observe or to learn from trustworthy sources, there is no justification for such a story. It can be just as positively stated that neither the Mandaya nor any other tribe here described practice cannabalism[sic]. Warriors do eat a part of the livers and hearts of men who have shown great valor, the eaters thus securing some of the good qualities of the victims. The Kulaman warriors always taste of the liver of the slain "in order to become like Mandalangan," but they expressed the greatest disgust when it was suggested that the balance of the body might make good food.
While it is true that the Kulaman take the heads, and some times the arms,[143] of slain foes, and that the same custom is some times followed by individual warriors of the other tribes, head-hunting for the sake of the trophy is not practiced here, as is the case in Northern Luzon. The skull or other portions of the body are kept only long enough to prove the murder, or until they can be mutilated by the women and children, "who thus become brave."
[143] This is also the custom of the Bukidnon.
THE END |
|
