The prized trinket baskets of the women generally have the fronts covered with cloth, to which hundreds of colored beads are sewed, in elaborate designs (Plate XXXVI).

The patterns brought out in the weaving are as beautiful and intricate as they are confusing. Five typical specimens of cloth used in women's skirts are shown in Plate XXXVII. In them can be found several apparently different designs to some of which names were assigned, but as there was no agreement among my informers I refrain from giving them here. The pattern marked X in (c) was generally identified as "alligator," yet the weavers were by no means agreed.

The strip of cloth (Plate XXXVIII) was intended for the center breadth in a woman's skirt and shows the typical designs employed in the best garments.

The extensive use of beads is shown in Plates XXXIX-XL. Carrying bags, clothing, combs, necklaces, armlets, belts and sheath covers are partially covered with or made up of colored beads, always in designs, yet very few of these patterns have generally accepted meanings or names. The same holds true of the designs in shell disks, which, on the finer garments, take the place of beads. A few exceptions to this are found in which realistic patterns appear in (Plate XXXIb and Fig. 34).

FIG. 34. REALISTIC PATTERNS IN BEADS AND SHELL DISKS.

Like the bead work, the embroidery and applique found on many garments are added "to make pretty." Some of this work is quite fine, but in general that of recent years is either inferior to that found on old garments or is borrowed from, or made by, the Bila-an women. Some garments, with designs produced by oversewing before dyeing, are seen here, but they are recent importations from the Kulaman or Tagakaolo tribes.

Necklaces and leglets are made of rattan and are decorated with burned lines or by being overlaid with platted strips of orchid and fern cuticle (Fig. 2).

A few rare specimens, such as personal ornaments or basket rims, have sewed in designs in which the sewing has been done with fern cuticle (Plate XXXIVb).

Incised patterns appear on nearly all the bamboo lime and tobacco holders, but here individual fancy plays such an important part that a hundred specimens might be examined without finding duplicate patterns. Fig. 14. shows nine of these tubes covered with cut-in designs, yet only one figure, that marked X in b could be identified. This was said to be the familiar crocodile.

Coming to the work in brass and copper we encounter an entirely new type of design. In some cases straight inlaid or overlaid strips and twisted wires are used to ornament the specimen; while in the raised and cut-in lines on the bells we find simple patterns. In the main, however, the ornamentation on this class of material consists of complicated scrolls (Plate XLI), designs suggesting flower or tree patterns, or conventionalized figures. One only needs to compare these objects with similar specimens from Borneo and the Malayan Islands of the South, to find the source of this type of ornamentation.[53] In fact the imitation of Moro wares is practiced today. In Plate XLIa and b are shown two betel nut boxes—No. 1 the work of the Samal Moro, No. 2 the imitation of the inlaid work on the top of the first specimen. This last was made in my presence, and with the expressed intention of duplicating the Moro box. However, in this case, as in all others, the Bagobo caster did not attempt to exactly reproduce the work of another, but simply borrowed a broad idea, and thus he often creates new forms.

[53] See LING ROTH, Oriental Silver Work.

Not once did the writer receive a name for any pattern or design shown in metal work. A careful study of the method of work, of the articles produced, and of the folk-lore and religious observances connected with the work in brass and copper brings one to the conclusion that this class of work is of comparatively recent introduction and that the instructors in the art were the Samal Moro.

Mention has already been made of the designs incised on combs and other objects which are afterwards filled with lime. Just here it is interesting to note that, so far as is known, the southern end of Mindanao and adjacent small islands, are the only parts of the Philippines in which this decoration, so typical of Melanesia, is to be found.

Realistic carvings were seen used in only two capacities. The first in certain ceremonies, where extremely crude wooden figures were offered to the spirits in exchange for the sick person (see p. 103), and the second, the wooden decoys used in hunting doves (See Plate XVIII).

Summing up our present information we can say: first, that the Bagobo makes use of certain realistic designs which in some cases have become conventionalized but still retain their former significance; second, that the greater part of decoration in beads, shell disks, embroidery or applique, as well as the incised designs in lime boxes and the like, have no meaning to the people of the present day, and are added only to make the objects more beautiful in the eyes of the owners. In this work there are no set patterns and each artist gives full reign to the fancy in producing these figures. Third, that the ideas for the patterns inlaid, incised, and cast in brass or copper, are furnished by the examples of this work coming from the Malays to the south, but that even in these the artist has taken great liberties in the execution of the design. Fourth, that one type of decoration, i. e., the incised figures filled with lime, suggests the possible influence of Melanesia on the artistic ideas of this people.

MYTHOLOGY.

During my stay with this tribe I heard parts of many folk-tales, some chanted, others told with gravity, and still others which caused the greatest levity. My limited knowledge of the dialect and pressure of other work caused me to delay the recording of these tales until I should begin a systematic study of the language. Owing to unforeseen circumstances, that time never came, and it is now possible to give only the slightest idea of a very rich body of tales.[54]

[54] Since this was written MISS BENEDICT has published an excellent collection of Bagobo Myths (Journal of American Folklore, 1913, XXVI. pp. 13-63.)

In the main these stories are an attempt to account for the present order of things. In the tale which we quoted in part, at the beginning of the paper, we are told of an all-powerful being who created the earth and all that is. Other spirits and many animals inhabited the sky and earth which the creator had made. Of the latter only one, the monkey, is named. He and his kind, we are told, once inhabited and owned all the world, but were dispossessed by two human beings, Toglai and Toglibon, from whom all the people of the world are descended. After their death a great drought caused the people to disperse and seek out new homes in other parts. They journeyed in pairs and because of the objects which they carried with them, they are now known by certain names. One couple, for instance, carried with them a small basket called bira-an, and for this reason their children are known as Bira-an (Bila-an). From the time of the dispersion until the arrival of the Spaniards we learn that certain mythical heroes performed wonderful feats, in some cases being closely identified with the spirits themselves, in others making use of magic, the knowledge of which seems to have been common in those times.

The two following tales are typical of those commonly heard in a Bagobo gathering. The first was told by Urbano Eli, a Bagobo of Malilla.

"After the people were created a man named LumabEt was born. He could talk when he was one day old and the people said he was sent by Manama. He lived ninety seasons and when still a young man he had a hunting dog which he took to hunt on the mountain. The dog started up a white deer and LumabEt and his companions followed until they had gone about the world nine times when they finally caught it. At the time they caught the deer LumabEt's hair was grey and he was an old man. All the time he was gone he had only one banana and one camote with him for food. When night came he planted the skin of the banana and in the morning he had ripe bananas to eat, and the camotes came the same way. When he had caught the deer LumabEt called the people to see him and he told them to kill his father. They obeyed him and then LumabEt took off his headband and waved it in the air over the dead man, and he at once was alive again. He did this eight times and at the eighth time his father was small like a little boy, for every time the people cut him in two the knife took off a little flesh. So all the people thought LumabEt was like a god.

"One year after he killed the deer he told all the people to come into his house, but they said they could not, for the house was small and the people many. But LumabEt said there was plenty of room, so all entered his house and were not crowded. The next morning the diwata, tigyama, and other spirits came and talked with him. After that he told the people that all who believed that he was powerful could go with him, but all who did not go would be turned into animals and buso. Then LumabEt started away and those who stayed back became animals and buso.

"He went to the place Binaton, across the ocean, the place where the earth and sky meet. When he got there he saw that the sky kept going up and down the same as a man opening and closing his jaws. LumabEt said to the sky 'You must go up,' but the sky replied 'No.' At last LumabEt promised the sky that if he let the others go he might catch the last one who tried to pass; so the sky opened and the people went through; but when near to the last the sky shut down and caught the bolo of next to the last man. The last one he caught and ate.

"That day LumabEt's son Tagalion was hunting and caught many animals which he hung up. Then he said he must go to his father's place; so he leaned an arrow against a baliti tree and sat on it. It began to grow down and carried him down to his father's place, but when he arrived there were no people there. He saw a gun, made out of gold, and some white bees in the house. The bees said 'You must not cry; we can take you to the sky,' So he rode on the gun, and the bees took him to the sky and he arrived there in three days.

"One of the men was looking down on the land below, and all of the spirits made fun of him and said they would take out his intestines so that he would be like one of them and never die. The man refused to let them, and he wanted to go back home because he was afraid; so Manama said to let him go.

"The spirits took leaves of the karan grass and tied to his legs, and made a chain of the grass and let him down to the earth. When he reached the earth he was no longer a man but was an owl."

(2) The second tale, which was recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J., is as follows:

"In one of the torrents which has its origin at the foot of Apo, there were two eels which, having acquired extraordinary magnitude, had no room in so little water, on account of which they determined to separate, each one taking a different direction in search of the sea or the great lakes. One arrived, happily, at the sea by the Padada river, and from it came eels in the sea. The other descending a torrent, swimming and confining himself as well as he might, enclosed in these narrow places, said to himself 'I haven't the slightest idea of what the sea is, but it appears to me that when I see before me an extraordinary clearness on a limpid surface, that must be the sea, and with one spring I will jump into it.' So saying, he arrived at a point where the torrent formed a cascade. He noticed that it cut off the horizon and to his view it appeared of an extraordinary clearness; he thought he could swim there without limit, and at his pleasure, and that this, in fine, must be the sea. He darted into it, but the unhappy one was dashed against the rocks, and too fatigued to swim through the rough waters, he lost his life. His body lay there inert and formed undulations which are now the folds which the earth forms to the left of Mt. Apo."

OTHER BRANCHES OF THE TRIBE.

To the south and southwest of Mt. Apo, and west of Digos, are seven settlements, the inhabitants of which are known as Obo or Tigdapaya. On the south they meet the Bila-an, and, like this latter people, extend over the watershed into the valley of the Cotabato river. On the northwest they come in contact with the Ata. They have intermarried with both of these tribes, have adopted many of their customs, and in some cases their manner of dress. However, they consider themselves, and are considered by the Bagobo, as a part of that tribe, and recognize Tongkaling as their chief. Bagobo customs and blood predominate, although intermarriage with the Negrito was evident in nearly every individual of this division seen by the writer.

Immediately wrest of Daliao are three villages whose people are known as Eto or Ata. Aside from a slightly greater percentage of individuals showing negroid features, these people do not differ in any respect from the Bagobo. It does not seem that they should be classed with the people later referred to as Ata. To the north, their lands join the territory held by the Guianga.

The habitat of the division called Guianga begins a few miles back of the Gulf and extends west to the watershed. An east and west line drawn through the village of Taloma marks their southern boundary, while to the north they approach the Lasan river. They are found in a number of scattered settlements which owe allegiance and are subject to five petty datu. Tongkaling is not recognized as having any authority in the district, and there seems to be no remembrance of a time when any of the Bagobo rulers held authority over the Guianga. Physically and culturally they do not seem to be far removed from the Bagobo, while their language is so closely related that individuals of the two divisions, meeting for the first time can carry on a conversation. There is, however, considerable variation between the dialects, both in intonation and vocabulary.

Further study may result in raising this branch to the dignity of a tribe, but the information at hand does not justify us in considering them other than a dialect group of the Bagobo.



II. BILA-AN.

SYNONYMS.

(a) TAGALAGAD—"dwellers in the back country" is the name generally applied to this tribe by the coast natives.

(b) TAGKOGON—"dwellers in the cogon"—The group living on the grass plains west of Malalag.

(c) BULUAN, BULUANES—The members of this tribe dwelling near to Lake Buluan. This group is sometimes identified with the Tagabili or Tagabulu who also reside in that region.

(d) BIRA-AN, BARA-AN—Synonym for BILA-AN, often used by the neighboring Bagobo.

(e) VILANES, BILANES.

(f) BALUD or TUMANAO—name sometimes applied by early writers to the Bila-an who live on the Sarangani Islands.

This tribe is found in the mountains on the west side of Davao Gulf beginning at an east and west line drawn through Bulatakay and extending south to Sarangani Point, and they also appear in small numbers in the Sarangani Islands which lie just south of the mainland. At Bulatakay they are a day's march back from the coast and to reach them it is necessary to pass for several hours through a rolling belt of forest land, then as the mountains are approached, gently sloping cogon plains about ten miles in width are crossed. West of Malalag they are still far from the sea with a belt of hill Tagakaolo between them and the coast people. In this region they have spread out in considerable numbers on to the grass plains, and for this reason are locally known as Tagkogon "dwellers in the cogon." On the gulf side of the divide, south of Malalag, they are found in small groups far back in the mountains, while between them and the sea are Tagakaolo, Kulaman and Moro. Along the watershed between the districts of Davao and Cotabato they possess all the territory and even extend in some numbers into the lowlands toward Lake Buluan. They are distinctly a mountain people, having never reached the sea, except near Sarangani Point, until after the advent of the American. Since then a few hundred have been induced to move to the coast plantations, and the town of Labau has been established on the Padada river about six miles back of the coast. According to Mr. H. S. Wilson, tribal ward headman for the Bila-an, this tribe numbers about ten thousand persons, of which number fifteen hundred reside on the Sarangani Islands.

The material here presented was gathered from the people of Labau, the Malalag cogon, and those living near the headwaters of the Ma-al and Padada rivers.

Formerly a neutral, uninhabited belt extended between them and the coast people, and at stated intervals they went to recognized trading points in this territory to exchange their agricultural and forest products for salt, fish, and other articles of barter. Beyond this trading and an occasional fight, they had few dealings with the coast people and seem never to have encountered the Spaniard.

They are almost unknown to history, for aside from two or three short accounts,[55] based mostly on hearsay, we find no mention of them. The coast natives who knew them by name only had many stories concerning their life and prowess, and one still hears that "the Bila-an are of small stature but agile like monkeys. One may wander for days through their territory without encountering a person and then when in a bad place suddenly see the little people in hundreds swarming down the sides of impassable cliffs. They are always in such numbers that, while they use only the bow and arrow, they are almost sure to exterminate the intruders." As a matter of fact, the Bila-an compare in stature with the coast natives and differ little from them in color, although a few individuals of decidedly lighter cast are met with.

[55] BLAIR and ROBERTSON The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, pp. 239, 282-283. Census of the Philippine Islands, 1905.

Observations were made on thirty-eight men, but no women could be induced to submit to being measured. The maximum height of the men was found to be 163.6 cm.; minimum 142.3 cm.; with an average of 154.7 cm. The cephalic indices showed 87.8 cm. as the maximum; 74 cm. the minimum; and 80.4 cm. the average. The greatest length-height index was 78.6 cm.; the minimum 62.4 cm. and the average 69.7 cm. From these measurements it appears that the Bila-an are somewhat shorter than the Bagobo; are more short headed, the majority being brachycephalic; while the height from tragus to vertex is about the same in both groups, and both have the crown and back of the head strongly arched. The face[56] is absolutely shorter and relatively broader than in the Bagobo. The forehead is usually high and full, but in about one-third of the individuals measured it was moderately retreating, while in the same proportion the supra-orbital ridges were quite strongly marked. In other features, as well as in hair form, eyes, body form and color, this people conform to the description given of the Bagobo (Plates XLII-XLVIII).

[56] Measured from the chin to the hair of the forehead. The greater part of this tribe live far back in the rugged mountains which form the watershed between the Cotabato valley and the Gulf of Davao. Travel through that district is entirely on foot, and is principally along the water courses, so that in going from place to place a person is continually crossing the stream. From time to time dim trails, scarcely worthy of that name, lead from the river's bank almost perpendicularly up the mountain-side or to the summits of high hills, where will be found one or two frail houses (Plate XLIX). The dwellings are never in large groups, and more frequently each house is by itself. From one habitation it is possible to look across the hills and see many others at no great distance, to reach which would necessitate a descent of several hundred feet and an equal climb up to each.

There is considerable variation in the architecture of the dwellings but the following description of the home of Datu Dialum, on the headwaters of the Ma-al river, will give the general plan of all.

Small hardwood poles about twenty feet in length formed the uprights to which the side and crossbeams were lashed, while in the center of each end beam smaller sticks were tied to form the king posts. From the ridge pole small timbers extended to the side beams, thus forming the framework on which the final topping of flattened bamboo was laid. This roof was of one pitch and at the sides overhung the walls by about a foot. Twelve feet above the ground other poles were lashed to the uprights and on these rested the cross timbers of the floor, which in turn were covered with broad strips of bark. The side walls extended between the floor and the beams, but in no place did they extend up to the roof. Entrance to the dwelling was gained by a notched log.

Once inside the house the arrangement impressed one as being similar to those of the Bagobo. Just above the door, and again in the far end of the room, poles were laid across the beams to form the floors of lofts which, in this case, were used as sleeping rooms.

In front of the door, at the opposite side of the room, was a bed of ashes in which three stones were sunk to form the stove, and above this was suspended a rack which contained cooking pots, drying wood, ears of corn, and the like. Close to the stove were a few earthen pots (Fig. 35) and many short bamboo tubes filled with water, while against the wall hung rattan frames filled with half cocoanut-shell dishes, spoons, and two or three old Chinese plates. Near the center of the room stood a rice mortar made by hollowing out a section of log. At the far end of the room was a raised sleeping platform, such as is found in all Bagobo houses, and extending from this to the center and on each side of the room were narrow stalls where the women were engaged in weaving, and in which they slept and kept their most valued possessions.

FIG. 35. COOKING POT AND COVER.

In the description of the house we have mentioned most of the furnishings. In addition it is customary to find a few well made mats of pandanus or buri palm leaf. These are spread on the floor when the owners wish to retire and for the rest of the time are rolled up and laid along the walls. Carved forked sticks which serve as torch-holders stand in various parts of the room, while somewhere near the stove is a miscellany of wooden meat blocks, bamboo fans and fly swatters, gourds filled with millet, salt, or mashed peppers, and shovel-shaped or round rice winnowers, which also serve as common eating dishes for the family and guests. Well made baskets stand by the walls or hang from pegs along with articles of clothing, while spears, shields, and other weapons are fastened to side walls or roof.

Small clearings are found at no great distance from these dwellings and in them the people raise rice, corn, millet, camotes, sugar-cane, and a few banana and hemp plants (Plate L). As is the case with all the wild tribes in this district, the Bila-an make new clearings as soon as the cogon grass begins to invade their fields, and this in time causes them to move their homes from one locality to another.

The domestic animals consist of a few chickens, dogs, an occasional cat and pig, and in the lower cogon lands, a few families possess horses. Some fish are secured from the river, while deer, wild pig, jungle fowl, and other game are taken with traps or secured by hunting.

There seems never to have been a time when this tribe was organized under a single leader as was the case with the Bagobo. Each district is so isolated from the others and the population so scattering that any such development has been barred, and hence the people of each river valley or highland plain have their local ruler. The power of this ruler is real only so far as his personal influence can make it so. He receives no pay for his services, but his position makes it possible for him to secure the help of his fellows when he is in need of workers or warriors. In return he conducts negotiations with other groups and administers justice in accordance with the customs handed down from bygone ages. Upon his death he is succeeded by his eldest son, unless the old men of the group should consider him incompetent, in which case they will determine upon the successor.

Warriors who have killed one or more persons[57] are known as lEbE (Plate XLII), and are permitted to wear plain red suits decorated with embroidery. Their duties and privileges are much the same as those of the Bagobo magani.

[57] Said to be four among the Tagkogon.

A class known as almo-os is composed mostly of middle-aged women who are in close communication with the spirits and who, like the mabalian of the Bagobo, conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of the sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings for their help and watchfulness. Unlike the mabalian, these women are seldom midwives, such duties being performed by a group called fandita.[58] Finally, we learn that slaves are sometimes taken from neighboring tribes or even from unfriendly settlements of their own people, to which class may be added offenders against the laws of the group. Slavery, however, is not very prevalent, for men are not greatly desired unless needed for a sacrifice, while young girls and women soon become regular members of their master's family.

[58] Probably a corruption of the Moro term pandi'a.

As has just been indicated a man may have as many wives as he can secure by purchase or capture, provided they are not blood relations, but a new wife cannot be added to the family until the one preceding has borne a child.

Difficulties are generally settled between the parties concerned, but if they carry their case to the ruler they must abide by his decision. A thief is usually compelled to return the stolen property, but in at least one case the culprit was sacrificed.[59]

[59] See p. 145.

Murder can be avenged by a murder so long as the trouble remains a family affair, but if the case goes to the ruler it is probable that he will levy a fine on the culprit. Unfaithfulness in a wife can be punished by the death of one or both offenders if the husband exacts the punishment, otherwise a fine is imposed.

The type of clothing worn by this tribe is practically identical with that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there is wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks are used in artistic designs. The woman's skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX).

Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck, but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to grow long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the men dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken feathers (Plate LI). Rarely is a women seen with any kind of head protection or hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar to this tribe (Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints drawn together at the center but flaring at top and bottom until it forms an ornament in the shape of an hour glass. The ear plugs worn by the men are of wood and are undecorated, but those of the women have the fronts overlaid with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other respects the dress of the women differs little from that of the Bagobo. They have the same necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, although in less quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these are larger than those used by the women of the other tribe and are lacking in bead and bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated with designs in colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted that the use of plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of that hue which contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite a number of garments are seen in which white pattens appear in a red background (Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not restricted, but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by warriors[60] only.

FIG. 36. WOMEN'S COMBS.

FIG. 37. A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS.

[60] See p. 155 for a description of this process. [Transcriber's note: 20 pages further from this one.]

Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs, for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis.

"In the beginning was MElu—a being of such great size as to be beyond comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold teeth, and who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above.

"He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or dead skin which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it accumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of this annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he decided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth.

"Now, while MElu was making the first two men, and when he had the first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of MElu that he be allowed to make the nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his point and did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first two people upside down. So great had been the argument over this making and placing of noses that MElu forgot to finish that part of the second person and went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana went away to his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the two people on the earth were about to perish on account of the water which ran off their heads into their noses. MElu seeing what was happening came to them and changed their noses, and then told them that they should save all the hair which came from their heads, and all the scurf which came from their bodies to the end that when he came again he might make more people. As time passed there came to be a great many people, and they lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor but the gathering of such fruits as they desired.

"One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing, one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were afraid. When MElu came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came, when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died. At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman together, and MElu never again came to visit his people on earth."[61]

[61] Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson.

The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an:

"In the beginning four beings, MElu and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata and Saweigh (or sEwE or sEweigh)-females, lived on a small earth or island as large as a hat and called salnaon. There were no trees or grass on this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent this bird across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan and of trees. When it returned MElu took the earth and beat it the same as a woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted the seeds in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time he said: 'Of what use is land without people'; so the others said, 'Let us make wax into people.' They did so, but when they put the wax near to the fire it melted, so they saw they could not make man that way. Next it was decided that they should use dirt, and MElu and Fiuweigh began to make man. All. went well until they were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who was making this part put the nose on upside down and when MElu told him that the people would drown if he left it that way he became very angry and refused to change it. When he turned his back, MElu seized the nose quickly and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste, he pressed his fingers (at the root).

"The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These two had children, Tapi (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants disagreed here, part insisting that MEsa, Lakbang, and Mangarang were part of the first people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal (female), Moay (male), Limbay (female), Madinda (female), Sinnamoway (male), Kamansa (male), Gilay (female), Gomayau (male), Salau (male), Slayen (female), BaEn (female), Kanfal (female), Latara (male)."

[Transcriber's note: These identifications of male and female (in parentheses above and below) are all signaled in the text using non-ASCII symbols; the symbols for male or female were footnoted.]

The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale. Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from Lakbang.

It is said that MElu and Saweigh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in the sky.

A variation of this story credits MElu and Dwata with being the creators of Fiuweigh and SEweigh. They were the ancestors of men, for they took earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped it until it moved. The first people they made were Otis (male) and Lakbang (female). Two of their children were Mastafi (male) and Lakarol (or Landol) (female). From these two came all the Bila-an. "These two lived in a small distant place and their one animal was Baswit—a bird. They sent him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a piece of earth and the fruit of a pandag tree. Lakarol planted the fruit in the piece of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and finally made the earth."

From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElu, or MElE, is the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought in times of calamity and at very important occasions.

Duwata (Duata, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to be the wife of MElu and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan.

Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human.

Lamot ta Mangayo, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of the Bagobo.

The busau are a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward men, who live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of the busau, is said to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in considerable esteem by the people of the Padada region, but he is not recognized by the Tagkogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi, who owns the rice, is in great favor with the Padada people, but is unknown to the latter group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose mother died in pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times it attacks and injures people.

These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep their good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful, but far more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more to be feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the spirits of the dead. A man's spirit, almogol, does not live in his body, but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it wanders the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies. After separating from the body the almogol goes to Kilot, a good place below the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it spends most of its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts where it aids or injures the living.

The almo-os, already mentioned,[62] have considerable influence with all the spirits, but they are particularly close to the almogol. When a person is ill he is placed in a little house known as lawig (Plate LII), beside which a fire is kindled. Nearby are two decorated bamboo sticks, behind which the spirit of the sick man stands while he watches the proceeding. The almo-os takes a chicken in his hands and, while five or six assistants dance, he chants, appealing to the spirit to see the good things that are being prepared, and to be pleased to return to the sick man. Occasionally, the music stops and one of the dancers cries "almogol, here is food for you; you must not go away." After a time the fowl is killed, is cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid, while the "doctor" continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases the spirit it will pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick person in the lawig, but if it is not convinced that it should remain it departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit house for a day and is then returned to his home.

[62] See page 133.

Little structures known as bolon are erected for other spirits who may be trying to injure the almogol or attempting to persuade it to leave its owner.

Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth of a child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are about to start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later paragraph. When approaching a place known to be owned by certain spirits, it is thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to Ma-al is a large rock which marks the divide between the mountains and the open cogon lands. As the writer's party approached this stone one of the men removed some of his leg bands and placed them beside the rock, at the same time praying the busau to "take the present and do not let any of our party fall sick or be injured on the journey." It is also customary for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make a trade, first to make an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich man, and to ask his help in the venture.

Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the constellation Balatik has risen out of the sea. The spirits place this sign in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared, but it does not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we have previously described. At that time the men cut the trees and underbrush, and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into which the women drop seed rice.

When the land is ready for planting, a little house called botabwE is built in the center of the field, and beside it is placed a platform or table, sina-al, on which is an offering of food. Early in the morning, while the others sleep, the owner and his wife carry the seed rice to the field and place it on the botabwE. After a time they eat some of the food which has previously been offered and then begin to plant, beginning close to the spirit house. Soon they are joined by other workers who aid them in the planting. These assistants do not receive payment for their services other than food while working and like help when in need. At this time a bamboo pole, with one end split and spread open like a cup,[63] is placed in front of the elevated platform of the family dwelling and the guardian spirit of the fields is promised that after the harvest he will receive the new seed rice. While the rice is growing the men attend to the fences and the women keep down weeds or frighten birds and other intruders away. When the crops have matured all the people of a neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, and there celebrate a ceremony known as Pandoman. Two bundles of rice are laid on a mat in the center of the room, and beside them a spear is thrust into the floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElu and Dwata who are besought to give health to the workers while they are gathering crops. As soon as this offering is made, the men begin to build the rice granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the mat and gifts, for until the new storehouses are completed there must be no dancing or merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the wife of the owner goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of grain, she carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in the sabak another on a little platform, gramso, near to the house, as an offering to MElu and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and eaten by the family. The following morning all the women go to the fields to gather the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to the house a celebration begins, agongs and EdEl[64] furnish the music for the dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make merry; then the workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of cooked food or new rice.

[63] This pole which is here known as sabak is the same as the tambara of the Bagobo. See p. 66 and Fig. 12.

[64] See p. 110 note. [Transcriber's note: 30 pages earlier.]

Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to the women.

A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers. Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties.

Along the edge of the cogon lands are many large buri palms,[65] from which a starch commercially known as sago is secured. The men cut down a tree close to its roots and remove the hard outer bark, thus exposing the soft fibrous interior (Plate LIII); then a section of bamboo is bent so as to resemble an adze[sic], and with this the men loosen or break up the soft interior portion of the trunk. This is removed to a near-by stream, and is placed in a bark vat into which water is led by means of bamboo tubes. Here a woman works it with her hands until the starch grains are separated from the fibrous matter. As the water drains slowly out the fine starch is carried with it into a coarse cloth sieve, which retains all the larger matter but allows the starch to be carried into another bark vat below. Fresh water passes slowly through this lower vat, removing the bitter sap from the flour, which is deposited on the bottom of the vat. From time to time this is scraped up and placed in baskets where it is kept until needed. The flour, while rather tasteless, is nutritious and in years of drought is the chief source of food supply.

[65] Corypha umbraculifera.

Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat making, weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time of the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or in search of forest products.

The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in brass and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all inferior to those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as well as their manufactures are identical with those of the Bagobo from whom they probably learned the art. So far as could be learned no iron work is done by members of this tribe, and the few spears and knives possessed by the warriors seem to be trade articles.

The old men claim that until recent years the bow and arrow was their sole offensive weapon. It is certain that today they have a greater variety of arrows and are more skillful in the use of this type of weapon than are any of their neighbors. None of the weapons found on the gulf side of the divide appeared to be poisoned, but a number secured by Major Porter from the Lake Buluan region seem to have been so treated (Fig. 38). Different types of arrows have been developed for different purposes; one for fighting, another for deer and pig, another for monkeys, and still others for fish and birds (Fig. 39). Birds are killed also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with those shown on page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used by boys. Pitch sticks (Fig. 40), chicken snares, and fish traps are in common use, but bird nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown.

FIG. 38. BOWS, ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM LAKE BULUAN REGION.

FIG. 39. BOWS AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE.

FIG. 40. PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS.

When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-LV). They are in bad repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as follows: "Now listen Lamot ta Mangayo, let the person who killed my brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning from the fray they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElu saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a present to you."

There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as a rule, continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery.[66] When the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of betel nut to MElu, and to the spirit of the child's grandfather, if deceased. The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the delivery, and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo knife. She also assists about the house for a time, and for these services receives two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings for the right arm, and some needles. The father is not under any restrictions at this time, but for a day of two he will gather young patina palms and from them prepare food for his wife.

[66] A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared by her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition.

From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty.

As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years of age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having decided upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he may wish to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit. Arrived at the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that his son wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his wife. In reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither agongs, animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an offering of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may be, a return present equal to half its value must be made.[67] Should the girl's parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off and the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware of and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of the groom's parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished first to the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all the friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with the girl's family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies, she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a second wife share equally with those by the first marriage.

[67] Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101.

The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.[68] This removes the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.

[68] See pp. 157 and 161. [Transcriber's note: This is page 144.]

If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death should be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite, while less common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and may be occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance, if a person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune, they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the descriptions of two eye-witnesses.

The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau named Lantingari. His account is as follows:

"Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos, died and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos of Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was necessary both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth, and fame of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a Bila-an of Latian (now deceased), caught a man named Saligon stealing camotes, sugar-cane, and corn from the land.[69] He bound and tied the man, and after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his prisoner for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun.

[69] The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had anything to do with later developments.

"The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau during the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet apart, and a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The culprit was tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal pole so that his arms were high above his head, and his feet were fastened to a stake.

"The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElu and Lamot ta Mangayo to look and see that they were killing the man because of his great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him.[70] At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of the victim and sew them in the designs on the men's trousers in place of black thread."[71]

[70] The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty, Karan and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since they were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had taken his body up and would not punish his murderers.

[71] The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the details.

Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly a resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is not a yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does it follow each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance or a member of the ruler's family it should take place in eight days, regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He further insists that neither Balatik nor any other constellation governs the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better crops or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death of Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows:

"A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made for a sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the forest some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles which supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them and inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was brought in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on each side of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place only near the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in the yard. After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta Mangayo, MElu, and Dwata, I placed my spear to the man's side, and then all the male relatives took hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon through the body. Other men then cut at the body with their knives, finally releasing it from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women and boys were allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after which it was buried."

Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see.

In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the people will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained. Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41 the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers, tobacco tubes, and the like.

FIG. 41. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

FIG. 42. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

The language of this tribe, while quite uniform among its divisions, varies considerably from that of any of their coast neighbors. There is at once noticeable a more common use of obscure vowel and consonant sounds, such as b, f, E, a, and k, in the beginning, end or even in the body of the word; while the letter f, seldom found in Philippine dialects, is here very common; and finally, there is wide variation in vocabulary.

There are certain ill-defined tales to the effect that this tribe once lived about Lake Buluan, and one writer[72] has attempted to show that the tribal name is derived from that early home. Today they are still in considerable numbers in that region, and this together with the fact that they are now, and have been since the advent of the white man, primarily an interior mountain people, helps to give credence to the belief that they have spread to their present homes from the lake district. Their language is a further proof that they have long been separated from the people of the Davao Gulf region, for it differs more from all the other dialects studied than did any of these vary among themselves. Despite the foregoing statement, this brief sketch has shown that in material culture, religion, and even physical type this tribe does not differ radically from the Bagobo.

[72] BLUMENTRITT, Smithsonian Report for 1899.



III. KULAMAN.

SYNONYMS.

(a) CULAMANES.

(b) MANOBO.

According to Governor Bolton this tribe numbers about thirty-five hundred individuals and occupies a considerable portion of the coast, and adjacent mountains, from the Padada river on the north to Sarangani Bay on the south. On the east side of Davao Gulf its members are found along the beach and in the mountains, from Sigaboy to Cape San Agustin, and also in a few scattered villages on the southeastern Pacific Coast.

By their neighbors they are known as Kulaman or Manobo. The former designation is translated as "bad man," but it is probable that they received the name from the town of Kulaman, where they formerly resided. They are equally well known as Manobo—a word meaning "man." Earlier writers, misled by these two names, have generally treated this people as forming two distinct groups, but this is quite incorrect, both names being applied to a part or to the whole of the tribe. It has also been customary to describe them as a part of the great Manobo tribe which inhabits a large portion of Central and Northeastern Mindanao. The writer is of the opinion that there is not sufficient evidence to justify such a classification and that for the present we must consider them as distinct from the Manobo of the northern district as are the other tribes of Davao Gulf.

According to their own tales, the Kulaman once held all the coast from the Padada River to Sarangani Bay, but did not extend far back from the sea, since in the mountains lived the Tagakaolo and Bila-an with whom they were constantly at war. When the Moro appeared on their coasts and offered help against the hill tribes in return for land, they were gladly received and were given several village sites near to the mouths of various rivers. Aside from a few minor quarrels, the Kulaman have always lived on friendly terms with these later comers, and not a few of the tribe have been converted to Mohammedism.

Influenced by their new allies they organized under several petty rulers who were subservient to the datu at Kulaman, and with this superior organization they were able to carry on such successful warfare against the hill tribes that the Tagakaolo were, for a time, partially under their rule.

When the Spaniards arrived and undertook to subdue the Moro, the Kulaman cast their lot with their Mohammedan allies, and even after the power of the Moro was broken, they remained irreconcilable and frequently raided the settlements under the care of the Spanish priests.

The recent history of the tribe, as told by Datu Bongkalasan of Padada, as is follows: "About a hundred years ago when Gogo became datu, he left Kulaman and settled at Piapi, not far from Padada, and planted the cocoanut trees which can still be seen there. He was a man with a very small head, but his arms were as large as a man's legs. He lived until very old, and during his lifetime never did any work but was always a great warrior. Under him the tribe became strong and all the other datu feared him. When he died his son Kolatau my uncle, succeeded him. Like his father, he was a great warrior and all the neighboring tribes paid him slaves and other tribute. His two sons died during his lifetime; so upon his death the leadership fell to me, Bongkalasan."

By the time Bongkalasan became ruler, the influence of the Spaniards was strong enough to break the power of any coast datu, and after a hostile demonstration by the new ruler his town was destroyed and his following scattered. A part of the people took to the hills while others migrated to the east side of the Gulf and settled near Sigaboy. It is not believed that any members of this tribe were in that vicinity prior to this time. A further migration took place shortly after the arrival of the Americans, when a brother of Bongkalasan took a number of the Kulaman over to Sigaboy. A certain amount of communication is kept up between the people on both sides of the Gulf and the dialects are still so similar that it is certain the separation has not been for any great period of time.

Upon the establishment of American rule a number of hemp planters settled along the coast and soon their inducements to laborers began to scatter the people, until today members of this tribe can be found as far north as Santa Cruz. The power and influence of the datu has waned until he now has a following of less than two hundred people. Only that portion of the tribe which retired to the hills still maintains any semblance of their old prowess and even those groups are growing smaller year by year.

At the height of their power the men of the tribe were noted as boat-builders[73] and fishermen. Fighting also took up a considerable portion of their time, for added to their desire for loot and slaves was a demand for victims imposed by the warrior deity. The women cultivated little patches of corn, camotes, and some cocoanuts, and at certain seasons all the members of the tribe went to the forest to gather sago, but aside from this the sea furnished most of their food supply. According to their own stories they did not cultivate rice until recent years, and Datu Bongkalasan insists that none of the people planted rice when he was a boy. It is his belief that all the ceremonies connected with the rice culture were learned from the Tagakaolo and Bila-an.

[73] This art is now practically lost and their boats are secured from the Moro.

From the Spanish writers[74] we hear little but evil of this people. They are spoken of as warlike, superstitious, treacherous, and vengeful as head-hunters "who expose the heads of their enemies on poles," and as slavers. From Father GISBERT[75] we learn that in 1886, about twelve hundred members of the tribe were converted to Christianity; but during the period following the departure of the Spaniards most of them deserted the faith and returned to the old life. Since American occupation they have been among the most troublesome people of Southern Mindanao, and only as late as 1911 were responsible for the death of a number of planters and the destruction of the plantations in the neighborhood of Nuin. They are rapidly breaking up as a tribe, and are intermarrying with the coast natives and hill tribes, from both of whom they are adopting artifacts and ideas. Already they have so altered their dwellings that we cannot refer to a typical Kulaman home; their house-hold utensils[76] are those of their neighbors, and this is true also of most of the clothing, although one special type will be mentioned later on.

[74] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. LV, p. 556.

[75] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 242.

[76] Long narrow hemp cloth pillows (fig. 43) and round waterproof boxes with infitting, tray-like tops (fig. 44) are found in nearly every house. The use of these two articles is not confined to this people, but is typical of them. The same type of box is found among the Manobo of the Agusan river valley.

FIG. 43. PART OF A HEMP CLOTH PILLOW COVER.

FIG. 44. WATERPROOF BASKET WITH INFITTING TOP.

As a result of their slave raids, and the adoption of captive women and their offspring into the family, we find great variation in the members of the tribe (Plates LXI-LXII).

Measurements on twenty-seven men gave the following results:

Height:—Maximum 169.0 cm.; minimum 146.0 cm.; average 158.3 cm.

Cephalic Index:—Maximum 86.4; minimum 71.7; average 78.1.

Length-Height. Index:—Maximum 76.5; minimum 61.9; average 68.4.

If these figures are compared with those of the Bagobo it will be seen that there is little difference in the averages; however, this similarity is less real than the figures indicate, for with the Kulaman there are more individuals at both extremes. For example: the cephalic indices of eight out of the twenty-seven were 80 or above, while six were less than 75; again, in the length-height indices six were above 70 and an equal number less than 65. In other respects there is such variation that it is hard to generalize. It is noticeable that there is a greater tendency toward prognathism than we have heretofore met with; the forehead, while high, is moderately retreating and the supra-orbital ridges prominent in most individuals; the hair is brown-black and is inclined to curl in locks. The wide variation of type within the tribe is to be expected when we know that its members have been constantly recruited from the neighboring tribes. It is even possible that a considerable number of slave women from distant islands may have been added to the group by purchase from the Moro.[77]

[77] According to early writers, the Moro of the Gulf carried on a lucrative slave trade with this and other tribes. As the Moro raids were made by water and often reached as far as the Northeastern coast of this island and south to the Celebes it is quite possible that these remote districts have helped in the upbuilding of the tribe under discussion.

The religious beliefs have many points in common with those of the neighboring tribes, but there are some which require special notice.

Two powerful beings, TimanEm and his wife Diwata[78] are above all other spirits.

[78] The Padada people say the term diwata is a name which may be applied to the timanEm, of whom there are two, a male and a female.

Mandalangan, also called Siling or Manobo Siring, is much like the Bagobo divinity of similar name. He is fond of war and bloodshed and when there has been a great slaughter he feasts on the flesh and drinks of the blood of the slain. Only warriors can address him and make the offerings of red food which he demands. Once a year, usually after the rice harvest and when the moon is full, a raid must be made and victims slain so that this spirit can feast.[79] If the Warriors fail to render him this service Mandalangan will cause their bodies to swell up and many will die, while sickness will visit all other members of the tribe.[80]

[79] Data Bongkalasan says it was formerly the custom to make a foray at each full moon.

[80] This was the reason given for the raid on the coast plantations in 1911.

The many spirits who inhabit rocks and large trees are generally favorable to man and are collectively known as magintalonan.

Tama owns the deer and wild pigs, and no one hunts or traps in the forest until he has made an offering of betel nut to this spirit. When game is secured its tail and ears are strung on rattan and are hung in a tree, in exchange for the live animal.

The maniokan, generally evil spirits, resemble snakes, and like them live in the ground. People are frequently made lame by simply stepping over their homes.

Each man and woman has a spirit, kalaloa,[81] dwelling in his body during lifetime. At death this spirit goes into the sky, unless it deserves punishment, in which case it is hurried to Kilot, a region below. In either place these spirits keep close watch over the living and bring success or disaster according to their will. They have come to be looked upon as the guardians of the fields, and suitable offerings are made to them at planting and harvest time.

[81] The Kulaman of Santa Cruz insist that each person has two kalaloa, one on the right side and one on the left. At death the one on the right side goes to a good place in the sky, where there is no work and "thoughts come easy." The kalaloa of the left side goes into the ground to a poor place called Kilot. It is probable that the neighboring Bagobo have influenced the beliefs of this group.

A few old men, makating, are thought to be able to address the spirits with greater probability of success than the others; but they do not stand in the same relation to the spirit world as do the mabalian of the Bagobo. The nearest approach to that class is a group of women known as lokEs[82], who act as midwives and make use of roots and herbs in curing sickness.

[82] In Santa Cruz known as bagbabolan or mananagamen.

The people are warned of disaster or impending danger by various signs. A snake crossing the trail is an imperative order for the traveler to turn back; the call of the limokon[83] is likewise a warning, while should one of the principals to any agreement sneeze during the negotiations the project would be delayed or abandoned.

[83] See p. 63 note.

There is only slight development of beliefs and ceremonies in connection with the cultivation of field crops, due probably to the recent adoption of agriculture by the members of this tribe. A field is seldom planted to rice for more than one season, after which the land is used for corn, camotes, and the like, until the invasion of cogon grass makes further cultivation impossible.

As a result new land must be broken for each planting. When the constellation layag "a sail" and balangay "a boat" appear in the month of December, the people go to the desired plot, cut down the trees, and when these are dry, fire them.

Before the planting can be begun the seed rice must be carried to the center of the field where a bamboo pole, talabinian, and a stalk of sugar-cane have previously been placed, as an offering to the kalaloa who guard the land. Again at harvest time an offering of food is taken to this spot and the spirits of the dead are besought as follows: "Do not take our rice, but let it last for a long time, for now we give a part to you." A meal and dance follow the offering and then all who desire may aid in cutting the new rice.

No offerings are associated with the planting or harvesting of other field crops, but the gathering of sago flour is attended by gifts to the spirits of the dead and prayers for the health of the workers. The method of obtaining and preparing the flour is the same as that already described. Offerings are made before and after a hunt, and a man never goes to fish without first placing a leg ring and some betel nut on the sand close to the water, meanwhile saying, "You TimanEm must give us some food; and you shall have your part." Upon his return he places a small fish beside the first offering and is then free to take his catch to the village.

In addition to the pursuits already outlined, we find that some of the men are expert workers in iron (Fig. 45), copper, and brass, while the women are weavers. Their weaving does not differ from that previously described, but a peculiar type of decoration has been developed by this tribe, and from them has spread somewhat to their neighbors. Waxed threads are used to work designs into cloth so that when the fabric is placed in dye the liquid will not reach the portions thus covered. Later, when the threads are removed, white patterns appear on the red background (See Plate LXIII).

FIG. 45. MAN'S KNIFE AND SHEATH.

Slaves are kept, but their duties are so similar to those of the freeborn that it is impossible for the casual observer to pick out the members of this class.

Until recent years a large part of the man's time was taken up in preparation for or active participation in the inter-tribal fights. There are several incentives for these raids. First is the desire for loot and slaves; then comes the ambition of the young men to be recognized as successful warriors; and finally, and most compelling is the demand of the spirit Mandalangan for victims.

A man who has killed five or more persons is entitled to wear a red suit covered with peculiar white designs (See Plate LXIII), and is henceforth known as mabolot. When his score has reached twenty-five he receives the still more honorable title of maisEg and is then allowed to dress entirely in black and to deck his hair with red flowers.[84]

[84] The flowers used are Celosia cristata L., Graptophyllum hortense nees; Coleus atropurpeus Benth.

A raid is made only when the moon is full. A dish of red rice is decorated with red flowers and is placed in the center of the room. Around it the warriors stick their spears and then one of the oldest of the company takes up a handful of the food and offers it to the spirit, saying: "Mandalangan come and eat, for we are ready to fight; go with us and help us." As he finishes his prayer each warrior takes a portion of the rice and throws it out of doors, for "they are not yet worthy to eat what Mandalangan has left." Returning to the room they all eat of white rice and are ready for the raid. In addition to their spears they should carry shields and fighting knives, and in recent years quite a number have come into possession of firearms.

Although the warriors are bold in their attack and do not hesitate to assault strong villages, they have no scruples against seizing or killing members of small parties or the inhabitants of isolated dwellings.[85] It is necessary that the raiders secure at least one victim, otherwise another foray must be made at once. The body of the slain is opened, the liver is extracted and is eaten by the warriors who thus "become like Mandalangan."[86] The head, forearms, and lower part of the legs are carried back to the village where they are cut to pieces by the women and children. The men take no part in this mutilation of the body, but as soon as the fragments are buried they begin to dance, meanwhile holding their unsheathed knives high above their heads. After a time the head-man blows loudly on a decorated bamboo trumpet (Fig. 46), while all the men unite in shouting "to announce their victory." At last they have fulfilled all the commands of Mandalangan and without fear they enter the house and partake of the red food which has been offered to him.

[85] Should water fall by accident on a warrior who is on a raid, it is considered a bad omen and the plans may be changed or delayed. In one instance the owner of a place marked for attack fastened dishes of water so that the marauders unwittingly knocked them over on themselves, and, as a result, the place was left unharmed.

[86] At times the skull is opened and the brain eaten.

FIG. 46. TAMBOLANG OR BAMBOO TRUMPET.

The events just preceding and following the birth of a child are very similar to those of the Bagobo, except that there are no restrictions of any kind placed on the father and mother, neither are there any ceremonies connected with the birth or naming of a child unless unusual events have convinced the people that the spirits are in some way displeased.[87]

[87] Triplets are killed, as with the Bagobo.

The afterbirth is placed in the care of an old woman who carries it directly to a sturdy molave[88] tree and there attaches it to the branches "so that the child may become strong like the tree." While on this mission the bearer looks neither to the right nor to the left, nor does she hesitate, for such actions on her part might influence the disposition of the child or cause it to have physical deformities.[89] No special attention is given to youths when they reach the age of puberty, although it is customary to file and blacken their teeth at about that period.

[88] Vitex littoralis Decne.

[89] Similar beliefs are held by the Tinguian of Northern Luzon.

Marriage is attended by gifts and ceremonies, such as we have previously described. We find the groom paying a price for his bride, but receiving a return gift from her parents; the couple feed one another with rice and are thereby legally married; and finally we learn that a child is kept with them until they have had intercourse. It is customary for the youth to serve his father-in-law-to-be for two or three years preceding the wedding, after which he is released from such service.

As is the case with the neighboring tribes, polygamy is practiced, the only bar to marriage being blood relationship. Upon the death of the head of the family one-half of his property goes to his wife and half to the children. If there are two or more wives, the first wife still retains half, while all the children share equally in the balance of the estate, thus leaving the second and succeeding wives without a portion.

Sickness may be caused by evil spirits, or it may be due to a desire on the part of the kalaloa to leave its present abode. In either case the man becomes ill and it behooves him to take immediate steps to placate the evil spirits or to convince his kalaloa to remain with him. This last can best be accomplished by bathing the sick person with water which has been heated in a good agong. A fine dish would do equally well, but should the hot water cause it to break the spirit would depart at once. In extreme cases the lokEs will gather certain roots and brew them into a drink which she gives to the sick person. At each tree or shrub visited in her search for medicines she leaves an offering of betel nuts and leg rings, and when the drink has been prepared she makes a further gift, meanwhile begging TimanEm to aid her in effecting a cure. If all efforts fail and the spirit leaves, the corpse is placed in the center of the house, where it is kept from two to nine days according to the wealth and prominence of the deceased. During this time no one should sleep in the dwelling, for the spirit might be resentful and turn the face of the sleeper black.

Usually, the body is buried in the ground at a distance from the house. The coffin is made out of a split log, in which weapons, jars, and the like are placed for the use of the spirit. If the dead man has been a warrior he is dressed in the clothing distinctive of his rank, and his grave is covered with red flowers. At times the coffins are shaped to resemble small boats and are then placed on high poles near to the beach.

For a month following a funeral the relatives refrain from all merrymaking. At the expiration of this period all go to a near-by river and with their knives, cut to pieces a braided cord, which has been made since the burial, and as they destroy it they shout "This is a man we are killing. This is a man we are killing." Finally, the pieces are thrown into the river and the period of taboo is past.



IV. TAGAKAOLO.

SYNONYMS.

(a) TAGAKAOLA.

(b) SAKA—"head of the river."

(c) KAGAN, KALAGAN, CALAGANES, CALAGARS.

(d) LAOC. According to the account of PASTELL,[90] this name is given to a small, degraded division of the Tagakaolo who live in the mountains of Haguimitan on San Augustin peninsula.

[90] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 259.

The present habitat and general condition of this tribe is nearly the same as that of the Kulaman.

Prior to Spanish times they held the hill region back of the coast, between Malalag and Lais. On the Gulf side they were barred from the sea by the Kulaman and Moro, while in the mountains they encountered the powerful Bila-an tribe.

About fifty years ago that part of the tribe living furthest to the north united under the leadership of a brave warrior named Paugok, and made war on the Bagobo. They were successful in this conflict and drove their enemies from the rich valleys of the Padada and Bulatakay rivers, where they established themselves. This brought them in close contact with the Kulaman and Moro of the coast, with whom they lived on friendly terms. The influence of the latter group was so great that the newcomers not only adopted their style of dress, but also substituted cotton for hemp in the manufacture of their garments. Today the members of this tribe can still be recognized by their close fitting suits of red and yellow striped cloth, from which they have received the name of Kagan.[91] They have also been constant borrowers, from all their neighbors, of ideas for house-building and utensils. They have intermarried to some extent with the Kulaman, and in times past Bila-an and Bagobo slave women have been added to the tribe.

[91] The general name applied to red cotton trade cloth.

Today practically all the members of the Kagan division are found living on the American plantations along the Padada and Bulatakay rivers. They are on friendly terms with their Tagakaolo kinsmen, and are still so like them in language, social customs, and religious beliefs, that one description will suffice for both.

At some unrecorded date a considerable, portion of the tribe migrated to the east side of Davao Gulf, and settled near Cape San Agustin, where, it is said, they now number more than two thousand.

The name Tagakaolo signifies "those who dwell at the head of the river," and is applied to all the hill people living between the coast and the country of the Bila-an. They have always been broken up into small groups, often at war with one another, yet they appear to be quite uniform in type, language, and religious beliefs. In recent years many of them have been induced to come down to the coast plantations, but the great majority still remain in the mountains. They are of a turbulent, warlike disposition, and have been a constant source of trouble to the Spanish and American authorities.[92] At the time of the writer's visit they had joined with the Kulaman in raiding the coast settlements, and, as a result, were being vigorously pursued by the American troops; for this reason it was only possible to gain information from those remaining on the plantations.

[92] Members of this tribe were responsible for the murder of Governor Bolton.

The total number of persons making up the tribe is estimated at six thousand, but this is at best a mere guess.

There is scarcely any variation in physical type between the Kagan branch and the Tagakaolo proper, while for the whole tribe there is less variation between its members than in any group so far discussed.

The following results were obtained by measurements on twenty-seven men:

Maximum height 166.6 cm.; minimum 151.3 cm.; average 157.4 cm.

Cephalic indices—Maximum 89.7; minimum 76.3; average 81.5.

Length-height indices—Maximum 79.0; minimum 63.1, average 70.0.

These tables show that aside from being more short-headed, this tribe differs little from the Bagobo, Bila-an, and Kulaman. Like the Kulaman, they have high foreheads, often full and vaulted but quite as frequently retreating from well-marked supra-orbital ridges. They are slightly more prognathous than the Kulaman, and in the majority of cases the hair is curled in locks. The teeth are usually mutilated and blackened, while shaving of the eyebrows and tattooing of the left forearm and breast are quite common.

The historians of the tribe tell us that all the Tagakaolo are descended from Lakbang, MEngEdan, and his wife Bodek. In the beginning these three persons lived on a small island in the sea. Two children, Linkanan and Lampagan, were born to them and they in turn were parents of two birds—the kalau and sabitan. These birds flew away to other places and returned with bits of soil which their parents patted and moulded with their hands until they had formed the earth. Other children were born and from them have come all the people who now inhabit the land.

Two powerful spirits, Diwata and TimanEm, watched the formation of the world, and when it was completed the latter spirit planted trees upon it. He still takes considerable interest in the affairs of men and each year sends the spirits Layag and Bangay,[93] as stars, to tell the people when to prepare their land for the planting of crops.

[93] See page 154.

Other spirits, less friendly, have existed from the first time. Of these one named Siling causes much trouble by confusing travelers through the forest. Spirits of unborn children—mantianak[94]—wander through the forest crying "ina-a-a" (mother), and often attack human beings. The only way persons thus assailed can hope to escape is by running to a stream and throwing water on the abdomens of their pursuers.

[94] Frequently called busau.

The powerful spirit Tama owns the deer and wild pig, and is usually kind to hunters who offer him proper gifts. Should they fail in this duty he may cause them to become lost or injured. Mandalangan (Mandangan) is known as a powerful spirit who loves war and bloodshed, but he is so closely interwoven in the minds of the people with TimanEm that it is doubtful if he should be classed as a separate spirit.

In addition to these beings are the kawE, or shades of the dead, the chiefs of whom are the people who created the earth. During life the kawE live in the body, but after death they go to the sky where they remain the greater part of the time. They do return to earth at certain seasons, to aid or injure the living, and it is usually one of their number who keeps guard over the rice-fields. Certain persons known as balian can talk to these spirits and from them have learned the ceremonies which the people should perform at certain seasons, and at the critical periods of life. In the main these ceremonies are so similar to those just described that it is useless to repeat. The proceedings at a birth, marriage, or death are practically identical with the Kulaman, as are also those at planting and harvest time. A slight variation was noticed after the rice planting at Padada, when all the workers placed their planting sticks on an offering of rice and then poured water over them "so as to cause an abundance of rain." Another difference is noticed following the death of a warrior. His knife lies in its sheath beside the body for seven days and during that time can only be drawn if it is to be used in sacrificing a slave. If such an offering is made it is carried out in much the same way as the Bagobo sacrifice, except that the bereaved father, son, or brother cuts the body in halves.

If it is impossible to offer a slave, a palm leaf cup is filled with water and is carried to the forest. Here the relatives dance and then dip the knife and some sticks in the water for "this is the same as dipping them in blood." Later they are carried back and hung up in the house of mourning.

According to the long established custom, warriors must go to fight once each year, when the moon is bright. Spears, fighting knives, bows and arrows, sharpened bamboo sticks, and shields have long been used, and to these several guns have been added in recent years.

The attack is from ambush and the victims are generally cut to pieces, although women and children are sometimes taken captive. Tufts of hair taken from the slain are attached to the shields of the warriors, and an arm is carried back to the home town "so that the women and children can cut it to pieces and become brave."

The foregoing account shows that the Kagan and Tagakaolo living on the hemp plantations differ very little from their neighbors, whom we have previously described. It may be that an investigation, carried on in peaceful times, far back in the mountains, will show that more radical differences exist in the great body of the tribe.



V. ATA.

The people classed under this name are the least known of any of the wild inhabitants of Mindanao. They probably receive their name from the word atas which signifies "those up above" or "the dwellers in the uplands." It does not appear that they form a single tribe, or that they are even of uniform type.

The writer did no intensive work with them, and the following notes make no pretense of being first-hand knowledge. I have drawn on all possible sources for this scanty information, but am mostly indebted to the letters and reports of the late Governor Bolton, who, without doubt, knew more of this people than any other white man.

I am thus compelled to make my descriptions vague; indeed, my one excuse for dealing with the Ata is to bring together such information as we possess in the hope that it may be of value to some other worker who may later take up the task of studying this little known people.

According to Governor Bolton, the Ata inhabit the regions west and northwest of Mt. Apo, the headwaters of the Davao river—north and west of the Guianga—as well as the headwaters of the Lasan, Tuganay, and Libagawan rivers. In all these regions they extend over the watershed, converging toward the center of the island at the headwaters of the Pulangi river.

It should be noted at the outset that the Eto or Ata, living between the Guianga and Bagobo, should not be included in this division.

In the region about Mt. Apo they are closely allied to the Obo and Tigdapaya,[95] while in the region adjoining the Guianga they have intermarried with that people and have adopted many of their customs as well as dress. On the headwaters of the Lasan river we are told that they are known as Dugbatang or Dugbatung; that they are a timid degenerate branch having no fixed habitations and very little clothing; they are small, with crispy hair, and often decorate their bodies with tattooed designs. About twenty miles up the Tuganay river Governor Bolton encountered a similar group of Ata whom he describes as being very wild. From the headwaters of this river he crossed over near to the source of the river Libagawan where he discovered a hitherto unknown people—the Tugauanum. These he believed were mixed Malay and Negrito, with crispy or curly hair and sharp features.

[95] See p. 128.

While in the central part of Mindanao, on the headwaters of the Pulangi river, the writer saw about fifty people known as Tugauanum who came over the mountains to trade. They were certainly of mixed ancestry, showing a distinct infusion of Negrito blood, and in other respects conforming to the description of Governor Bolton. Among articles of barter carried by them were the typical knives and hemp cloth of the west side of the Davao gulf region, showing that they are at least in the line of trade with the tribes we have already studied.

According to their own stories, the original home of the tribe was along the river Mapula which flows into the Tuganay near its source. Governor Bolton tells of hearing, while in this section, of a people called Dedaanum "who were small and black and had curly hair," but who had all been killed by the Tugauanum. He was also informed that a numerous tribe of very small black people called Tugniah lived on the headwaters of the river Omiern, which flows north of the Libagawan. They were said to live in trees, to plant nothing, and to subsist on sago flour. "Their bolos are like sabers and they use lances, bows, and arrows."

The Governor classes the Tugauanum as Ata "since they speak the same language" but he adds "they are probably the same race as the Libabaoan." This latter people are elsewhere in his notes referred to as Guibabauon or Dibabaoan. They live along the headwaters of the Tagum river and are, he believes, a mixture of Ata and Mandaya.[96]

[96] The writer believes that the Libabaoan are probably the same as the Divavaoan who are classed as a branch of the Mandaya. See p. 165.

From one source we learn that the Ata are small, in many respects resembling the Negrito; that they are timid and are either nomads or build their houses high in the branches of trees. Another writer tells us that they are a superior type, with aquiline noses, thick beards, and are tall. "They are very brave and hold their own with the Moro." We are also told that they cultivate the soil and build good houses.

The estimates concerning their numbers are equally conflicting. Governor Bolton gives the population as six thousand; the report of the Philippine Commission for 1900 credits them with eight thousand, while Father Gisbert believed that they aggregated "not less than twenty thousand souls."

The divergent reports are due to the fact that up to the year 1886 only one village of this people had been visited,[97] and since that time only a few hasty trips have been made into their territory.

[97] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 242-3.

From our present information it seems probable that the Ata are descendants of an early invading people who intermarried first with the early Negrito inhabitants, and later with other tribes with which they came in contact. They have been free borrowers from their neighbors in all respects, and hence we find them occupying all the steps from the nomad condition of the pygmy blacks to the highly specialized life of the Guianga.

The following account of their beliefs was extracted from letters written by Governor Bolton. He fails to designate the section from which the information was gathered, but its similarity to Bagobo and Guianga makes it probable that the account comes from the Ata dwelling near those people. Considerable variation will doubtless be found in other districts.

"The greatest of all the spirits is Manama[98] who made the first men from blades of grass, weaving them together until they resembled a human form. In this manner he made eight persons—male and female—who later became the ancestors of the Ata and all the neighboring tribes. Long after this the water covered the whole earth and all the Ata were drowned except two men and a woman. The waters carried them far away and they would have perished had not a large eagle come to their aid. This bird offered to carry them to their homes on its back. One man refused, but the other two accepted its help and returned to Mapula.

[98] See page 106.

"The other deities are Mandarangan, Malalayug, god of agriculture; Mabalian, the spirit who presides over childbirth; Tarasyub and Taratuan, the guardian spirits of the brass and iron workers; Boypandi—the spirit who guards over the weavers."

While in the Ata country the Governor observed certain customs of the people. As his party approached the palisaded house of Madundun they stopped for twenty minutes to perform a ceremony called anting-anting. "An old man waved his shield and a cloth, meanwhile repeating mysterious words. Then each man was given a chew of betel-nut and was well rubbed with a charm." "At Tuli a swarm of bees passed over the house just as the party was ready to start. This was taken as a sign that some of the party would be killed by the arrows of the enemy, hence they refused to go." "Likewise, if the dove limokan calls on the left side of the trail the party will refuse to proceed, unless another limokan answers the call from the right side of the path."



VI. MANDAYA.

("Inhabitants of the Uplands").

SYNONYMS.

(a) MANSAKA ("Inhabitants of the mountain clearings"). This name is applied to those Mandaya who formerly dwelt far back in the mountains. Many of this division have recently emigrated to the coast and are now found at the north and east part of Davao Gulf.