The Itinerary will be found in the Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V, by William Bradford, London, 1850.]

And thus finally the testimony, upon which the tale of discovery was credited and proclaimed to the world, is contradicted and disproved. The statement that Verrazzano and a member of his crew were killed and then feasted upon by the inhabitants of the coast which he had visited a second time, has no support or confirmation in the history of that rude and uncivilized people; for, however savage and cruel they were towards their enemies, or, under provocation, towards strangers, no authenticated instance of their canibalism has ever been produced; but on the contrary the testimony of the best authorities, is that they were guiltless of any such horrid practice. Yet that statement was a part of the information which Ramusio received and communicated to his readers at the same time with the Verrazzano letter; and constituted a part of the evidence upon which he relied. How utterly false it was is shown by the agreement with Chabot and the capture and execution of Verrazzano by the Spaniards. It is now seen how the credulity of the historian was imposed upon, and he was led by actual misrepresentations to adopt a narrative which has no foundation in truth, and whose inconsistencies and incongruities he vainly sought to reconcile, but which, for three centuries, sanctioned by his authority alone, has been received as authentic and true; until at length, by the exposure of its original character, and the circumstances of its publication by him, with the production of undoubted evidence from the records of the time, it is proven to be a deliberate fraud.

This completes our purpose. The question, however, still presents itself what was the motive for this gross deception? The answer is suggested by the feet that all the evidence produced in favor of the story is traceable to Florence, the birthplace of Verrazzano. Ramusio obtained the Verazzano letter there,—the only one, he says, not astray in consequence of its unfortunate troubles. The letter of Carli, enclosing that of Verrazzano, is professedly written by a Florentine to his father in that city. The map of Hieronimo de Verrazano bears the impress of the family. The discourse of the French captain of Dieppe appears to have been sent originally to Florence, whence it was procured by Ramusio. Even the globe of Euphrosynus Ulpius, a name otherwise unknown, is represented to have been constructed for Marcellus, who had been archbishop of Florence. They are all the testimony of Florence in her own behalf. The cities of Italy which had grown in wealth and importance during the fifteenth century, by means of enterprising and valuable commerce, produced and nurtured a race of skillful seamen, among whom were the most distinguished of the first discoverers of the new world, in the persons of Columbus, Vespucci and the Cabots; but those cities contributed nothing more to the discoveries which thus were achieved, than to give these men birth and education. The glory of promoting and successfully accomplishing those results belonged to other nations, which had the wisdom and fortune to secure the services of these navigators. The cities shone, however, with the lustre reflected from having reared and instructed them to the work they so wonderfully performed. Although enjoying a common nationality, these municipales belonged to independent republics and were in a measure rivals of each other. Florence emulated Genoa. She truly boasted that Vespucci, born and raised on her soil, was the first to reach the main land and thus to have his name applied for the whole continent, "America quasi Americi terra;" while Genoa justly claimed for her son, that the discovery of all America was to be regarded as assured from the moment that Columbus landed on the little sandy island of Guanahana, on the 12th of October 1492. [Footnote: Humboldt, Examen Critique, IV, 37.] But Florence enjoys in addition the unenviable distinction of having sought to advance the pretensions of Vespucci by fictitious letters, purporting to be signed with his name.[Footnote: Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci, son caractere, ses scrits (meme les moins authentiques) &c., p. 67, et seq. (Lima, 1865).] That this spirit of civic pride in that same community may have actuated the fabrication of the Verrazzano letter is not improbable; but in justice to the memory of Verrazzano it must be added, there is no reason to believe that he was in any way accessory to the imposture.



APPENDIX

I.

LETTERA DI FERNANDO CARLI A SUO PADRE.

From the Archivo Storico Italiano. Appendice Tomo IX. 58-5 Firenze 1858.

Al nome di Dio

a di 4 Agosta 1524.

"Onorando padre,—Considerando che quando fui in la armata di Barbaria alle Gierbe vi furono grate le nuove advisatevi giornalmente per lo illustre sig. Don Ugo di Moncada, capitano generale della Cesarea Maesta in quelle barbare parti, seguite certando [Footnote: Combattendo (Nota dell edisione Romana) con li Mori di detta isola; per la quale mostrasi haver fatto piacere a molti nostri padroni ed amici, e con quelli della conseguita vittoria congratulatovi, pertanto, essendo nuovamente qui nuova della giunta del capitano Giovanui da Verrazzano nostro fiorentino allo porto di Diepa in Normandia con sua nave Delfina, con la quale si parti dalle insule Canarie fino di Gennaio passato, per andare in busca di terre nuove per questa serenissima corona di Francia, in che mostro coraggio troppo nobile e grande a mettersi a tanto incognito viaggio con una sola nave che appena e una caravella di tonelli [Footnote: L'amanuense ha lasciato il numero delle lonnellate di cui era capace la nave (Nota come sopra)], solo con 60 uomini, con intenzione di, giusta sua possa discoprire il Oataio, tenendo cammino per altri climati di quelli usano li Portughesi in lo discoprire di verso la parte di Calicut, ma andando verso coro e settentrione omnino tenendo, che ancora [Footnote: Ancorche] Tolomeo ed Aristotile ed altri cosmografi descrivano verso tali climati non trovarsi terra, di trovarvene a ogni modo; e cosi gli ha Dio concesso, come distintamente descrive per una sua lettera a questa S. M.; della quale in questa ne e una copia. E per mancargli le vettovaglie, dopo molti mesi giunto navigando, assegna essergli stato forza tornare da quello in questo emisperio; e in sette mesi suto in viaggio mostrare grandissimo ed accelerato cammino, aver fatto cosa miranda e massima a chi intende la marinera del mondo. Della quale al cominciamento di detto suo viaggio si fece male iuditio [Footnote: L'ediz. romana ha indizio, una crediamo per errore di stampa.], e molti pensorno che non piu nedilui ne del vascello si avesse nuova, ma che ei dovesso perdere da quella banda della Norvegia per il grands diaccio che e per quello oceano settentrionale; ma come disse quel Moro, lo Dio grande, per darca ogni giorno piu notizie di sua infinita possanza e mostrarci di quanto sia admirabile questa mundiale machina, gli ha discoperto una latitudine di terra, come intenderete, di tauta grandezza che, secondo le buone ragioni e gradi, per latitudine (et) altezza, assegna e mostra piu grande che l'Europa, Africa e parte di Asia: ergo mundus novus; e guesto senza lo che [Footnote: Quello che (Nota come sopra.)] hanno discoperto in piu auni gli Spani per l'occidente, che appena e un anno torno Ferrando Maga-ghiana, quale discoperse grande paese con una nave meno delle cinque [Footnote: Forse venne qui omesso ite o simile; e sembra accennarsi al naufragio di una di quelle cinque navi] a discoprire. Donde addusse garofani molto piu eccellenti delli soliti; e le altro sue navi in 5 anui mai nuova ci e trapelata. Stimansi perae. Quello [Footnote: nelle romana si legge: "stimansi per se quello ec."; ma ci sembra che il senso glustifichi abbastanza la nostra correzione.] che questo nostro capitano abbia condotto non dice per questa sua lettera, salvo uno uomo giovanetta preso di quelli paesi; ma stimansi che abbia portato mostra di oro, poicbe da quelle bande non lo etimano, e di droghe e di altri liquori aromatici, per conferie qua con mold mercatanti di poi che sara stato alla presenza della Serenissima Maesta. E a questa ora doverra. essarvi, a di qua trasferirsi in breve, per che e molto desiato, par ragionare seco; tanto piu che trovers qui la Maesta del Re nostro sire, Che fra tre o quattro giorni vi si attende: e speriamo She S. M. lo rimetta. di mezza dozzina di buoni vascelli, e che tornera al viaggio. E se Francesco Carli nostro ci fosse tornato dal Cairo, advisate che alla ventura vorra andere seco a detto viaggio, e credo si conoschino al Cairo dove e stato piu anni; e non solo in Egitto ed Soria, ma quasi per tutto il cognito mondo; e di qua mediante sua virtu e stimato un altro Amerigo Vespucci, un altro Ferrando Magaghiana, e davantaggio; e speriamo che rimontandosi delle altre buone navi e vascelli ben conditi a vettovagliati come si richiede, abbia ad iscoprire qualche profittoso traffico e fatto; e fara, prestandogli nostro Signore Dio vita, onore alla nostra patria da acquistarne immortale fama e mamoria. E Alderotto Brunelleschi che parti con lui, e per fortuna tornando indietro nou volse piu seguire, come di costa lo intende, sara malcontento. Ne altro per ora mi occorre, perche per altre vi ho avvisato il bisogno. A voi di continuo mi raccomando, pregandovi ne facciate parte agli amici nostri, non dimenticando Pierfrancesco Dagaghiano [Footnote: Forse, da Gagliano], che per essere persona perita, tengo che na prendera grande passatempo; ed u lui mi raccomanderete. Simile al Rustichi, al quale non dispiacera se si diletta, come suole, intendere cose di cosmografia. Che Dio tutti di male vi guardi.

Vostro figliuoio FERNANDO CARLI in Lione."



II.

AGREEMENT OF PHILIPPE CHABOT, ADMIRAL OF FRANCE WITH CERTAIN ADVENTURERS INCLUDING VERRAZZANO.

From the Fontette Collection, XXI, 770, fol. 60, in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. First printed by M. Marguy, and her corrected according to the MS.

Nous, Philippe Chabot, baron d'Apremont, chevalier de l'ordre du Roi, son gouverneur et lieutenant general de Bourgoingne, admiral de France et de Bretaine.

Avons ce jourdhuy delibere que, pour le bien, prouffict et utilite de la chose publieque du royaulme de France, mettre sur deux de nos gallyons estant de present au Havre de Grace avec une nef appartenant a Jehan Ango, de Dieppe, du port soixantedix tonneaulx ou environ, por iceulx troys veseaulx, esquipper, vitailler et convinyr, pour faire le voiaige des espiceryes aux Indies.—Dont pour icelluy voiage faire avons accorde avec les personnes cidessoubz nommes et signez en la maniere qui ensuict pour fournyr lesd. trois navyres de marchandises, victailles et avance de compaignons ainsi qu'il sera requis et necessaire.

Et pour ce faire avons conclud et delibere, avec iceulx, mectre et employer jusqnes a la somme de vingt mil livres tour, c'est assavoir, pour nous Admiral quatre mille livres tour, maistre Guillaume Preudhomme, general de Normandye, deux mil livres tour; Pierre Despinolles, mil livres tour; Jehan Ango; deux mil livres tour; Jacques Boursier, pareille somme de deux mil livres tournoys, messire Jehan de Varesam, principalle pilote, semblable somme de deux mil livres tournoys.

Lesd. parties revenans ensemble a la somme de vingt mil livres tournoys. Por icelle employer aux vitailles, marchandises et avance, loyer de compagnons. Et nous Amyral et Ango prometons bailler lead. gallyons et nef, bien et deuement radoubees et accoustrees, comme il appartient a faire led voyaige, tant da calfadages, cables, ancres, doubles appareilz, tous cordages, artilleries, pouldres, boullets, et tout ce qui est requiz a telz navires pour faire ung tel et si long voiaige que cestuy et rendre iceulx galyons et nefs prestz, et apareillez a faire led. voiaige dedans deux moys de ce jourduy Par ainsy que nous Admiral et Ango, prenderons au retour dud. voiaige, pour le fret et noleage desd. gallyous et nef, le cart de toutes les marchandises qui reviendront et seront rapportes par iceulx, sans aucune chose payer.

Et pour le loyer dudict messire Jehan pillote, lequel s'est submis et oblige de fournyr deux pillotes bons et suffisans pour conduire les deux aultres navires, prendra pr son dict loyer et de ses deux pillotes, le sixiesme de tout se qui reviendra de marchandises, led. cart por nolliage, les frais et mises des marchandises et loyers desa copaignons en prealable prins et leves avant que prendre led. sixiesme.

Et se, par cas de fortune, aucuns d'iceulx gallyons on nef feussent pdus aud. voiaige, ou que l'ung p quelque incovenient et les deux aultres feissent leur voiaige, la marchandise qui reviendroit se pteroit comme dessus et y ptiroit led. navire qui n'ayroit este audict voyaige et les marchans, chacun au marc la livre, car tout va a commun profit.

Et se aucun butin se faict a la mer sur les Mores, ou aultres ennemys de la Foy et du Roy; monseigneur l'Amyral prendera en prealable sur icelluy butin son xme, et le reste qui revenderoit dud. butin se ptira comme l'autre marchandise, sanf quelque portion d'icelluy butin, que ong baillera aux copagnons ainsi qu'il sera avise.

Et fera mond. sr Lamyral expedier letres du Roy en patent pour avoir license et conge faira led. voiaige, et que aucun empeschement ne leur sera fet ou donne par aucune nation des aliez, amys ou cofenderez du Roy nore d sr.

Pour le voiage de messire Joan.

[Translation.]

We, Philippe Chabot, Baron d'Apremont, Knight of the Ordre du Roi, his Governor and Lieutenant-general of Burgundy, Admiral of France and of Brittany,

Have this day determined for the good, advantage, and utility of the public affairs of the Kingdom of France, to put two of our galleons, at present at Havre de Grace, with one ship belonging to Jehan Ango of Dieppe, of seventy tons burden or thereabouts, to equip, victual and fit these three vessels, to make the voyage for spices to the Indies. To make the aforesaid voyage we have agreed with the persons hereinafter named and signed, in the manner following, to furnish the said three vessels with goods, victuals, and advance money for the crew, as shall be requisite and necessary.

And to do this we have concluded and determined with the aforesaid, to put and employ as large a sum as twenty thousand pounds, Tours currency, that is to say, for ourself, Admiral, four thousand pounds, Tours; Master Guillaume Preudhomme, General of Normandy, two thousand pounds, Tours; Pierre Despinolles, one thousand pounds, Tours; Jehan Ango, two thousand pounds, Tours; Jacques Boursier, an equal sum of two thousand pounds, Tours; Messire Jehan de Varesam, Chief pilot, a like sum of two thousand pounds, Tours.

The said parts together amounting to the said sum of 20,000 pounds, Tours, [Footnote: The sums here named do not make twenty thousand pounds.—TRANSLATOR.] to be employed for provisions, merchandise, and advance money to hire the crew. And we, Admiral and Ango, promise to deliver the said galleons and ship well and properly refitted and accoutred, as befits to make the said voyage, as well as caulkings, cables, anchors, duplicate furniture, all cordage, artillery, powder, shot, and all that is required by such vessels, to make such a long voyage as this; and to have these galleons and ship ready and prepared to make the said voyage within two months from this day. Also, that we, Admiral and Ango, will take, on the return from the said voyage, for the freight and freighting of the said galleons and ship, the fourth part of all the merchandise which shall return and shall be brought back by the aforesaid, without any cost.

And for the hire of the said pilot, Messire Jehan, who has agreed and bound himself to provide two good and competent pilots to steer the other two vessels, he shall take for his hire and that of his two pilots, the sixth of all the goods which shall be brought back; the said fourth for freightage, expenses and disposing of the goods, and the wages of the crew, being previously taken and levied, before taking the said sixth.

And if, in case of accident, any of those galleons or ship should be lost on the said voyage, or if one by any mischance does not, and the other two do make their voyage, the merchandise which should he brought back, would be divided as above, and the said vessel which might not have been on the said voyage shall share, and the merchants each one a mark to the pound, for all goes to the common profit.

And if any booty be taken at sea, from the Moors or others enemies of the faith and the King, my Lord; the Admiral, shall take previously, of the aforesaid booty, his tenth; and the balance which would accrue from the said booty, shall be divided like the other goods, except some portion of that booty, which shall be given to the crew as shall be advised.

And my aforesaid Admiral shall have letters-patent from the king expedited, in order to have permission and leave to make the said voyage; and no obstruction shall be made or given to these letters, by any allies, friend, or confederate of the king, our said Lord.

For the voyage of Sir Joan.



III.

LETTER OF JOAO DA SILEIRA, THE PORTUGUESE AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE, TO KING DOM JOAO III.

Translated from the original at Lisbon, in Archivo de Torre de Tambo, Corp. Chron. Part I. Ma. 29. Doc. 54.

Sire:

I received a letter from Your Highness on the 19th of this month, through Joao Francisco, wherein I am directed what is to be done respecting the galleon and caravel, taken at the deira Islands, [Footnote: Probably Madeira Islands. TRANSLATOR.] by the galleys of France. As soon as I received the instruction, which was about the beginning of Christmas, I spoke on the subject in a manner befitting the nature of the case. At once they were released,—the caravel with her artillery and the brocades and silks. [Footnote: That is to say, the hangings, tapestry, and awnings of the vessel. TRANSLATOR.] By this time they must have arrived at Lisbon. As respects the merchandise, I had the promise that if it was found to be the property of Your Highness or of your subjects it should not be sold. After a few days, discovering that it belonged to Joao Francisco, an ample order was given to his agents for its entire restitution, which orders set forth that as he lives in the kingdoms of Your Highness, and there is an old friendship existing with the King of France which he was no less desirous of preserving, in this he would favor that king. After this order was promulgated another came from the chief official, in consequence of which nothing was delivered, and the goods moreover were sold. From that time to the present, nothing has been accomplished. I will strive the best I can for despatch, in the manner that Your Highness points out, and will give account of what I do.

When the matter of the galleon occurred, the Licentiate Pero Gomez had already embarked at Anaflor. I advised the Doctor, Maestro Diogo, who was about going to Reuao [Footnote: i.e. Rouen. TRANSLATOR.] that he ought not to leave before writing, and to give Your Highness a statement of the facts in that regard; as he at once wrote that he would do so, I have said nothing further in my letters.

By what I hear, Maestro Joao Verazano, who is going on the discovery of Cathay, has not left up to this date, for want of opportunity and because of differences, I understand, between himself and men; and on this topic, though knowing nothing positively, I have written my doubts in accompanying letters. I shall continue to doubt unless he take his departure.

The Doctor Maestro Diogo de Gouvea is now going to Ruao [Footnote: i.e. Rouen. TRANSLATOR.] where he is going to find out everything with the greatest exactness possible, and, as I have requested, report at great length. May our Lord prolong the life of Your Highness many days and prosper the royal estate.

From Poessi the xxv of April 1523.

JOAO DA SILVEIRA.



IV.

I. LETTER OF ALONSO DAVILA TO THE EMPEROR CHARLES V, RELATING TO THE CAPTURE OF THE TREASURE SENT FROM MEXICO BY CORTES.

Translated from the original in the Archivo de Indias at Seville.

VERY HIGH AND VERY POWERFUL CATHOLIC LORD KING:

Captain Domingo Alonso, who was commander of the three caravels that sailed as guard on the coast of Andalusia, gave a cedula to Antonio Quinones and myself at the Island of Azores, in which Your Majesty was pleased to state to us that, from the news of our fear of the French who were said to run the coast, we had remained at the island of Santa Maria until your Highness should direct what might be for the royal service, in so doing we had acted well; that to secure the gold and articles we had brought, the three caravels were sent to us under that captain; and we were enjoined to embark in them at once and come with every thing to the city of Seville, to the House of Contratacion, and the officers who by the royal command reside there, for which favor we kiss your feet and hands.

The caravels arrived the xvth of May, and directly in fulfilment of the order we embarked, sailing for the Portuguese coast, which the pilots deemed the safer course, and coming within ten leagues of Cape St. Vincent, six armed French ships ran out upon us. We fought them from two caravels, until we were overpowered, when everything eminently valuable on the way to Your Majesty was lost; the other caravel not being disposed to fight escaped to carry the news; and but for that perhaps the captain might better have staid with his additional force aid our defence than to carry back such tidings. Quinones died, and I am a prisoner at Rochelle in France.

I should desire to come, would they but let me, to kiss your royal feet, and give a complete history of all; for I lost everything I possessed in the service of Your Majesty, and have wished that my life had been as well. I entreat that privileges be granted to the residents and inhabitants of New Spain and that you will consider services to have been rendered, since that people have loyally done their duty to this moment, and will ever do as true vassals.

I beseech that Your Majesty be pleased to order good protection placed on the coast of Andalusia for the ships coming from the Indies; for now all the French, flushed as they are, desire to take positions whence they may commit mischief. Let it be an armament that can act offensively, and which will not flee, but seek out the enemy.

I entreat, prisoner and lost as I am, yet desiring still to die in the royal service, that Your Highness will so favor me, that if any ship should be sent to New Spain, an order be directed to Hernando Cortes, requiring that the Indians I have there deposited in the name of Your Majesty be not taken, but that they be bestowed on me for the period that is your pleasure.

Our Lord augment the imperial state of Your Royal Majesty to the extent your royal person may require.

From Rochela of France, the XVIth day of June of M. d. XXIIJ years.

Of Y.C.Ca. Ma. the loyal vassal who kisses your very royal feet and hands,

ALONSO DAVILA.

STATEMENT CONCERNING THE FRENCH VESSELS OF WHICH CRUISE THE SEA OF SPAIN,

Translated from the original in the Archivio de Indias, Seville, in the same hand, says Dr. D. Francisco Xmarez, the ancient archivero, as the letter of Alonso Davilla addressed from Rochelle to the emperor. The hand writing is most difficult to make out. The amounts marked CII may intend coo, and CI two CO.

The French vessels of war which cruise the sea of Spain as far as Andalusia, of which Jn. Florin le Diepa is captain.

First, a largo ship CII. tons, in which are CII men—the half soldiers, and the other half sailors; carries XX pieces of artillery of brass, besides others of iron, with munitions and victuals in large quantity.

Another vessel, built in Vizcaya, captured by the French of CI tons.

Another vessel of CI tons, made in Britany.

Five galleons-the largest of LXX tons, another of IX, another of L, another of XL, made in Vizcaya, another of XL, which are also provided with CC men of war, being of the French soldiers who were in Tuenteravia, They have besides full supply of man & of artillery, munition and victuals for one year; and, it is said, that this armada goes direct to Andalusia, to ran that coast and take what may come from the Indias; for this is the same armada that last year took the CXXM ducats that were coming, consequently, it is necessary that His Majesty should have an armada in Andalusia to go to meet this one of France, and not suffer to do mischief.



V.

1. LETTER FROM THE JUDGE OF CADIZ TO CHARLES V, GIVING THE NAMES OF THE PRINCIPAL PERSONS CAPTURED WITH JUAN FLORIN; AND OF HIS DEATH.

Translated from the original, in the Archivo general in Simancos. Estado: Legajo 13, fol. 316.

Sacred Caesarean Catholic Majesty.

The Licentiate Juan de Giles your Resident Judge in the City of Cadiz reports what has been done in the taking of Juan Florin, a French corsair, and others, made prisoners with him. Before receiving a cedula signed by Your Majesty at Lerma, the thirteenth of last month, knowing that there were some differences of opinion among those making the capture, I labored, and with success, to induce them to bring Juan Florin, Mons. de la Saia, loner Juan de Mensieris, Hichel and a page of Juan Florin before Your Majesty, to avoid certain difficulties that were impending. This was done by Bartolome del Alamo, high-sheriff of said City, with six persons, one from each ship engaged in the capture. These took their departure on the 15th of last month, carrying their prisoners to court; and by virtue of the cedula of Your Majesty, I caused the delivery to me of the remaining French to be kept securely as Your Highness required. One hundred and twenty or one hundred and thirty of them were given up, and were in custody when a certain dispatch, came to hand from your Counsel on the twenty seventh of last month. In obedience thereto, I ordered the chief Alcalde of said city to proceed against these in my power, agreeably to what was commanded me by your Counsel; and with the utmost speed I came on in pursuit of Juan Florin to Colmenar de Arenas where were executed on his person the laws of your kingdom, Mon de Mensieris, Michel and Gile I condemned perpetually to the galleys; and because the High Sheriff and the Vizcaynos left Mons de la Sale at the point of death with Juan Lopez de Cumaya, a Vizcaino, who go by another road, I send the High Sheriff for him while I return to Cadiz to make provision for things not done in a manner beat befitting the royal service.

In pursuance of your Majesty's order I take especial care that no person ransom or conceal himself. Those of consideration, captured with Juan Florin are Mons de la Sala, doctor indiscretis, a native of Paris, Mons Juan de Mensieris, a native of Turenne, son of Martin Mensieris, who has an income of two hundred ducats, Mons de Londo, a native of Lombardy, son of a gentleman, a Baron, native of Venice, Mons de Lane, second son of Mons de Lane, Mons Vipar, a native of Drumar, son of Mons Vipar, who is rich, and Mons Fasan.

S. C. C. M. I kiss the sacred feet of Your Majesty,

Licenclado Giles

2. LETTER OF THE JUDGE OF CADIZ IN ANSWER TO A ROYAL MISSIVE, STATING BY WHOM JUAN FLORIN WAS CAPTURED, AND HIS EXECUTION.

Translated from the original in the Archivo general in Sijoncas Astado: Legajo 18, fol. 845.

Sacred Caesarean Catholic Majesty:

The Licentiate Giles, Resident Judge in the City of Cadiz, in compliance with what your Majesty required by your cedula that it should be stated who captured Juan Florin and his accomplices, answers that Martin Yricar, Antonio de Cumaya, Juan Martinez de Aricabalo, Martin Perez de Leabnr, Saba de Ysasa, Juan de Galarza, Captains of their galleons and ships, with their people, were those who captured Juan Florin in the manner that they will relate, and brought him to the Bay of Cadiz. I went directly to their galleons, and to my requirement they answered that they would keep him in safety, that they desired all for your service; and this notwithstanding that the said Juan Florin promised them thirty thousand ducats to be released. The captains of the fleet of Portugal who were cruising at sea in quest of him at the same place in which he was taken also offered ten thousand ducats for him that they might take him to their king, and other offers were made, none of which they would accept, but, unitedly, with the sheriff of that city, took him to Your Majesty, like good and loyal servants. And when they arrived at Puerto del Pico, finding Your Majesty had commanded that he and his said accomplices should be given up to me at once, they delivered and I executed the law upon them.

Those captains have sustained much injury and have been at much cost, as I am witness. They arrived with their ships broken, the sails rent, the castles carried away. They had spent much in munition and powder, and for the sustenance of those French before they delivered them to me. When they arrived in the bay they were greatly reduced and hungered, having exhausted their stores by giving to the French. Much would it be for the service of Your Majesty that those Captains should be satisfied for their losses and rewarded which I have promised them, as Your Highness desired by your cedula, that others seeing how they are honored may be encouraged in the royal service. Thus much I entreat that Your Majesty will order done for the loyalty I know those captains tear to your service, and because they are persons by whom you may he much served.

S. C. C. M. I kiss the sacred feet of your Highness. LICENCLADO GILES.



VI. THE VERRAZZANO LETTER ACCORDING TO THE ORIGINAL VERSION

Translated by Dr. J. G. Cogswel, from a copy of the MS. in the Magliahechian Library in Florence, and printed in the Collections of the New York Historical Society. Second Series. Vol. 1, pp. 41-51

CAPTAIN JOHN DE VERRAZZANO to His Most Serene Majesty the KING OF FRANCE, writes: [Footnote: This introduction reads in the original: "Captain John Da Verrazzano Florentine, of Normandy, to the most Serene Crown of France, relates:"]

Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty concerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before apprized of all that had happened to us—that we had been compelled by the impetuous violence of the winds to put into Brittany in distress with only the two ships Normandy and Dolphin; [Footnote: The signification of Delfina, the name of the Verazzano ship of discovery, is differently given by the translators. Hakluyt renders it into English by the Word Dolphin and Dr. Cogswel here does the same. But this is not correct. The Italian for dolphin is delfino; which also signifies the dauphin, or oldest son of the King of France, so called because upon the cession of Dauphiny to the crown of France, he became entitled to wear the armorial device, which was a dolphin, of the princes of that province. Delfina is the feminine noun of Delfino, in that sense, that is the Dauphiness, M. Margry has so interpreted it in this case, and accordingly gives the vessel the name of Dauphine (Nav. Fran. 209), which as she is represented to have belonged to France, would have been her actual name.] and that after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must have heard, and also of our new plan of continuing our begun voyage with the Dolphin alone; from this voyage being now returned, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our discoveries,

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock near the island of Madeira, belonging to his most Serene Majesty the King of Portugal, with fifty men, having provisions sufficient for eight months, arms and other warlike munition and naval stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 24th of February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the west, a little northwardly, in twenty-four days more, having run four hundred leagues, we reached a new country, which had never before been seen by any one, either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared to be very low, but on approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we perceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and examine into the nature of the country, but for fifty leagues we could find none in which we could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretched to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the north-ward, and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea-side fled at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us. These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They then showed us by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small animals, like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' feathers.

The complexion of these people is black, not much different from that of the Ethiopians; their hair is black and thick, and not very long, it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body; the only exception, to their good looks is that have broad faces, but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars they resemble the people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of our short stay among them and the distance of our ship from the shore.

We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms of the sea which make in through inlets, washing the shores on both aides as the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little distance rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and charming in appearance to be described, I do not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest or the rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of vines and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but which, we could not examine more closely for the reasons before given, and not on account of any difficulty in traversing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated.

As the "East" stretches around this country, I think it cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the ground. It abounds also in animals. as deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sports. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of 34. the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these regions, the most prevalent are the north-west and west. In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with but little rain: if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks And bold, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experience; for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries, we found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved at all.

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, which we found stretching out to the west (east?); the inhabitants being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating by various friendly signs that we might trust ourselves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking-glasses, and other like trifles; when he came near three or four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach When these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took him up by the head, legs and anus, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way uttered very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in their language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the native were about to roast him for food. But as soon as be had recovered his strength after a short stay with them; showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the shore, then leaving him, that he might feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were black like the others, that they had shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds; this is all that he observed of them.

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another land, which appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves for the same reason; the old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight Sending Completed Page, Please Wait ... as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers different from our own. We cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior of the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other usages we know nothing;—we believe, however, that all the people we were among live in the same way.

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast, as we could find no harbour, we determined to depart, and coast along the shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel, only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues, we found a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea; from the sea to the estuary of the river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of the mouth; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the others, being dressed out with feathers of birds of various colours. They came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed eighty (ottanta) leagues towards the east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it; at length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the mainland, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires which we saw all around its shores; we gave it the name of your Majesty's illustrious mother.

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we found a very excellent harbour. Before entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than within fifty paces; stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described; one was about forty years old, the other about twenty- four, and they were dressed in the following manner: The oldest had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair was tied back in various knots; around his neck he wore a large chain ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man was similar in his general appearance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage, They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion (?); some of them incline more to a white (bronze?), and others to a tawny colour; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains; their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well- formed men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty; they wear no clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang thrown upon their breasts on each side. Others wear different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most ordinary of the metals—yellow being the colour especially disliked by them; azure and red are those in highest estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about their necks; they do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were made; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship; and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very careful; for, although they came on board themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by any entreaties or any presents, we could make them. One of the two kings often came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusement; but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying they would some and see our ship—this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men staid two or three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight of his attendants, to enquire about our movements, often asking us if we intended to remain there long, and offering us every thing at his command, and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, whether of corn, wine or oil; there are open plains twenty- five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other hinderances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed that they might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous; the trees of which they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others, unknown in Europe, We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons; their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, without any regularity of architecture; and covered with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no doubt that they would build stately edifices if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea- coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has ports and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from place to place as circumstances of situation and season may require; this is easily done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers; in some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated; in the time of sowing they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long- lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives—making loud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of life, their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn of them. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41 degrees 40' of north latitude, but much colder than accidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad; afterwards upon entering it, the extent between the east (oriente) and north is twelve leagues,[Footnote: See ante, p.51, note] and than enlarging itself it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five small islands, of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbour.

Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on the sixth (sei) of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our sight; the nature of the country appeared much the same as before, but the mountains were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no variety. The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond more to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people ware entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and barbarous that we were unable by any signs we could make, to hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals and other animals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, and fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord to our boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continually crying out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be given in exchange; they took from us only knives, fish books and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to out courtesies; when we had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure made the moat brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrated two or three leagues into the interior with, twenty-five men; when we came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary except vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from woods, and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains, but none which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, all near the main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high and so disposed as to afford excellent harbours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near Illyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those we were last among. After sailing between east and north the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and water and determined to return to France, having discovered 502, [Footnote: see ante. p. 58, note.] that is 700 (sic) leagues of unknown lands.

As to the religions faith of all these tribes, not understanding their language, we could not discover either by sign or gestures any thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion or laws, or any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they worshipped neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon nor other planets; nor could we learn if they were given to any kind of idolatry, or offered any sacrifices or supplications, or if they have temples or houses of prayer in their villages; our conclusion was, that they have no religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very easy to be persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness and fervour in all which they saw us do as Christians in our acts of worship.

It remains for me to lay before your Majesty a Cosmographical exposition of our voyage. Taking our departure, an I before observed, from the above mentioned desert rocks, which lie on the extreme verge of the west, as known to the ancients, in the meridian of the Fortunate Islands, and in the latitude of 32 degrees north from the equator, and steering a westward course, we had run, when we first made land, a distance of 1200 leagues or 4800 miles, reckoning, according to nautical usage, four miles to a league. This distance calculated geometrically, upon the usual ratio of the diameter to the circumference of the circle, gives 92 degrees; for if we take 114 degrees as the chord of an arc of a great circle, we have by the same ratio 95 deg., as the chord of an arc on the parallel of 34 degrees, being that on which we first made land, and 300 degrees as the circumference of the whole circle passing through this plane. Allowing then, as actual observations show, that 62 1/2 terrestrial miles correspond to a celestial degree, we find the whole circumference of 300 deg., as just given, to be 18,759 miles, which divided by 360, makes the length of a degree of longitude in the parallel of 34 degrees to be 52 miles, and that is the true measure. Upon this basis, 1200 leagues, or 4800 miles meridional distance, on the parallel of 34, give 92 degrees, and so many therefore have we sailed farther to the west than was known to the ancients. During our voyage we had no lunar eclipses or like celestial phenomenas, we therefore determined our progress from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various instruments, by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by calculating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one horizon to another; all these observations, as also the ebb and flow of the sea in all places, were noted in a little book, which may prove serviceable to navigators; they are communicated to your Majesty in the hope of promoting science.

My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme coast of Asia, expecting however, to find in the newly discovered land some such an obstacle, as they have proved to be, yet I did not doubt that I should penetrate by some passage to the eastern ocean. It was the opinion of the ancients, that our oriental Indian ocean is one and without interposing land. Aristotle supports it by arguments founded on various probabilities; but it is contrary to that of the moderns and shown to be erroneous by experience; the country which has been discovered, and which was unknown to the ancients, is another world compared with that before known, being manifestly larger than our Europe, together with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we might rightly estimate its extent, as shall now be briefly explained to your Majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond the equator on a meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortunate Islands to the latitude of 54, and there still found land; turning about they steered northward on the same meridian and along the coast to the eighth degree of latitude near the equator, and thence along the coast more to the west and north-west, to the latitude of 21 Degrees, without finding a termination to the continent; they estimated the distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to the 20 first run west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees and so far west; they sailed from the meridian of these islands, but this may vary somewhat from truth; we did not make this voyage and therefore cannot speak from experience; we calculated it geometrically from the observations furnished by many navigators, who have made the voyage and affirm the distance to be 1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the deviations of the ship from a straight course, by reason of contrary winds. I hope that we shall now obtain certain information on these points, by new voyages to be made on the same coasts. But to return to ourselves; in the voyage which we have made by order of your Majesty, in addition to the 92 degrees we run towards the west from our point of departure, before we reached land in the latitude of 34, we have to count 800 leagues which we ran north-east-wardly, and 400 nearly east along the coast before we reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where we turned, our course from the shore towards home. Beyond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north as the Arctic circle, without coming to the termination of the land. Thus adding the degrees of south latitude explored, which are 54, to those of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120, and therefore, more than are embraced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, for the north point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 71 north, and the Cape of Good Hope, which is the southern extremity of Africa, is in 35 south, and their sum is only 106, and if the breadth of this newly discovered country corresponds to its extent of sea coast, it doubtless exceeds Asia in size. In this way we find that the land forms a much larger portion of our globe than the ancients supposed, who maintained, contrary to mathematical reasoning, that it was less than the water, whereas actual experience proves the reverse, so that we judge in respect to extent of surface the land covers as much space as the water; and I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out and explain to your Majesty the great extent of that new land, or new world, of which I have been speaking. The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain is joined to Europe at the north in Norway and Russia, which disproves the idea of the ancients that all this part had been navigated from the Cimbric Chersonesus, eastward as far as the Caspian Sea. They also maintained that the whole continent was surrounded by two seas situate to the east and west of it, which seas in fact do not surround either of the two continents, for as we have seen above, the land of the southern hemisphere at the latitude of 54 extends eastwardly an unknown distance, and that of the northern passing the 66th parallel turns to the east, and has no termination as high as the 70th. In a short time, I hope, we shall have more certain knowledge of these things, by the aid of your Majesty, whom I pray Almighty God to prosper in lasting glory, that, we may see the most important results of this our cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy words of the Gospel.

On board the ship Dolphin, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, the 8th of July, 1524.

Your humble servant,

JANUS VERRAZZANUS.

We have received from Mr. Henry Harrisse of Paris copies, taken from the archives of the Parliament of Rouen, of two powers of attorney made by Verrazzano. They do not relate to his reputed voyage of discovery, but apparently refer to the projected voyage to the Indies for spices, and serve to establish the authenticity of the agreement with Chabot in regard to the latter voyage. They are important in so far as they fix the year 1526 as that in which the contract was made, corroborating the opinion which we expressed in that particular,[Footnote: page 35.] and conforming to the documents from the archives in Simancas in regard to the capture and execution of Verrazzano by the Spaniards. They also prove that Verrazzano had a brother Hieronimo, a relationship conceded [Footnote: Page 91] to the author of the map, in the Borgian collection,[Footnote: The Propaganda College in which this collection is found, is not in the Vatican, as inadvertently stated, but in the Via Due Macelli on the opposite side of the river.] bearing his name, though not ascertained, but regarded as of no practical importance, inasmuch as the mere consanguinity of these parties could not verify the representations on the map, even if they were made by Hieronimo, of which as yet there is no positive proof. Indeed on the contrary we are assured from Rome, on high authority, that this map appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550, and is regarded by its custodians is only a copy at the best.

This note with the two papers from Rouen appended are intended as a supplement to the Memoir on the "Voyage of Verrazzano." H. C. M, Brooklyn, April, 20, 1876.



DOCUMENTS FROM THE ARCHIVES OF THE OF ROUEN.

"Du vendredi onze mai 1526

Noble homme Jehan de Varasenne, capitain des navires esquippez pour aller au voyage des Indes, lequel fist, nomma, ordonna, counstitua et estably son procureur general et certains messagiers eapeciaulx cest asscavoir Jerosme de Vurasenne son frere et heritier et Zanobis do Rousselay en plaidoirie et par eapeciaL de recevoir tout ce qui au dit constituant est, sera peult et pourra estre den par quelque personne et pour quelque cause ou causes que ce soit on puisse estre tant a raison du dit voyage des Indes qur autrement, du dit deu ensemble de ses descords et procez traicter, composer et appoincter par tels prix moiens et conditions que les dita Jerosme et de Rousselay pourront et de receu et bailler quictance et discharge telle que mestier sera et generalemeat promettre, tenir et obliger biens et heiritages—presents m Gales et Nieolaa Doublet Janus Verrazanus"

Sur le meme feuillet—

"Du samedi douzieme jour de mai 1526.

Noble homme Messire Jehan de Varasenne, capitaine des navires esquippez pour uller au voiage des Indes, confessa avoir commis, constitue et estably Adam Godeffroy, bourgeois de Rouen auqel il a donne et donne par ces presentes pouvoir et puissauce de faire pour le dit de Verrassane [Footnote: Les mots "en sa charge de capitaine es dits navires," sont ici rayes dans l'original, et l'on ajoute en marge ceux ci: "et pour le dit Godeffroy." ] en ung dea dits navires nomme la Barque de Fescamp, du port de quatre vingt et dix tonneualx ou environ dont est maistre, aprez Dieu, Pierre Cauuay pour ouicelluy navire faire traffiquer et negossier par le dit Varrassenne en toutes choses pour le dit voiage des Indes ainsi que par le dit de Varrassene sera baille par articles et memoires soubz son seing audit Grodeffroy. Et pour ce faire le dit de Varrasene a promis payer au dit Godeffroy pour sa peine et vaccation de farie et accomplir les dits articles et memoirs a son pouvoir en faisant le dit voiage de la dite barque la somme de cinq ceuts livres tournois icelle somme payer au retour du dit voiage a quoi faire le dit de Varassene a oblige et oblige tous ses biens meublea et heritages et iceulx prendre par execution incontinent le dit retour.—Etaussai le dit Godefroy s'est submis faire le dit voyage et deuement et loyaument servir le dit de Varassenne et accomplir a son pouvoir les dits articles et memoires qui ainsi lui seront baillez par le dit de Varraesenne.—Et est ce sans prejudice des biens, deniers et merchandises que le dit Godeffroy aura et pourra mettre es dites navirea pour faire le dit voiage, lesquels lui et les siens auront avec eux emportez pour le profit d'icculx oultre la dite somme de cinq ceuts livres tournois pour le dit voyage et a ce tenir obligent par l'uu et l'autre chacun en son regard leurs biens et heritages.— Presents Jehan Desvaulx et Robert Bouton."

(Translation.)

Friday the Eleventh of May, 1526.

Jehan de Varasenne, nobleman, captain of the ships equipped to go on the voyage to the Indies, has made, named, ordained, constituted and instituted his attorney, and certain special commissioners that is to say, Jerosme de Varasenne his brother and heir and Zanobis de Rousselay, to sue and especially to receive all which to the said principal is, shall be, may and may become due by any person and for any cause or causes whatsoever as regards what is thus due as well by reason of the said voyage to the Indies as otherwise; and also his disagreements and law suits to treat compound and settle by such prices, means and conditions as the said Jerosme and de Rousselay shall be able to do, and to receive and receipt for and discharge according as the case may be, and generally to pledge, hold and bind chattels and lands.

Present mol Gales and Nicolas Doublet.

JANUS VERRAZANUS.

On the same leaf:

Saturday the Twelfth day of May, 1526. Messire Jehan de Varasenne, nobleman, captain of the ships equipped to go on the voyage to the Indies acknowledged that he had appointed, constituted and instituted Adam Godeffroy citizen of Rouen, to whom be has given and gives by these presents power and authority to act for the said de Varrasenne [FOOTNOTE: The words "in his quality of captain of the said ships" are here erased in the original, and they have added in the margin these; "and for the said Godeffroy."] in one of the said ships named the barque of Fescamp of the burthen of ninety tons or thereabouts, of which the master is, after God, Pierre Cauvay, the which ship to employ in trading and traffic for the said Varrasenne in all things for the said voyage of the Indies as by the said de Varrassenne shall be directed by articles and memoranda under his sign manual to the said Godeffroy. And for doing this the said de Varrasenne has promised to pay to the said Godeffroy for his trouble and time and attention in doing and fulfilling the said articles and memoranda according to his ability in making the said voyage of the said barque, the sum of five hundred pounds Tours currency, and this sum to pay on the return from the said voyage, to do which the said de Varrasenne has bound and binds all his chattels and lands, and to take them by execution immediately on the said return. And in like manner the said Godeffroy has undertaken to make the said voyage and duly and loyally to serve the said de Varrasenne, and to carry out according to his power the said articles and memoranda which thus shall be given by the said de Varrasenne.

And it is without prejudice of the goods, funds and merchandise which the said Godeffroy shall have and might place on the said ships to make the said voyage, which he and his shall have carried away with them, for their profit, besides the said sum of five hundred pounds Tours currency for the said voyage. And to keep this, each for himself, both parties bind themselves, their chattels and lands.

Present Jehan Desvaulx and Robert Bouton.

THE END