But a welcome communication from Professor Bruun points out that the statement of Ibn Batuta identifies the silver-mines in question with certain mines of argentiferous lead-ore near the River Mious (a river falling into the sea of Azof, about 22 miles west of Taganrog); an ore which even in recent times has afforded 60 per cent. of lead, and 1/24 per cent. of silver. And it was these mines which furnished the ancient Russian rubles or ingots. Thus the original ruble was the saumah of Ibn Batuta, the sommo of Pegolotti. A ruble seems to be still called by some term like saumah in Central Asia; it is printed soom in the Appendix to Davies's Punjab Report, p. xi. And Professor Bruun tells me that the silver ruble is called Som by the Ossethi of Caucasus.[2]

Franc.-Michel quotes from Fitz-Stephen's Desc. of London (temp. Henry II.):—

"Aurum mittit Arabs ... Seres purpureas vestes; Galli sua vina; Norwegi, Russi, varium, grysium, sabelinas."

Russia was overrun with fire and sword as far as Tver and Torshok by Batu Khan (1237-1238), some years before his invasion of Poland and Silesia. Tartar tax-gatherers were established in the Russian cities as far north as Rostov and Jaroslawl, and for many years Russian princes as far as Novgorod paid homage to the Mongol Khans in their court at Sarai. Their subjection to the Khans was not such a trifle as Polo seems to imply; and at least a dozen Russian princes met their death at the hands of the Mongol executioner.



NOTE 2.—The Lac of this passage appears to be WALLACHIA. Abulfeda calls the Wallachs Aulak; Rubruquis Illac, which he says is the same word as Blac (the usual European form of those days being Blachi, Blachia), but the Tartars could not pronounce the B (p. 275). Abulghazi says the original inhabitants of Kipchak were the Urus, the Olaks, the Majars, and the Bashkirs.

Rubruquis is wrong in placing Illac or Wallachs in Asia; at least the people near the Ural, who he says were so-called by the Tartars, cannot have been Wallachs. Professor Bruun, who corrects my error in following Rubruquis, thinks those Asiatic Blac must have been Polovtzi, or Cumanians.

[Mr. Rockhill (Rubruck, p. 130, note) writes: "A branch of the Volga Bulgars occupied the Moldo-Vallach country in about A.D. 485, but it was not until the first years of the 6th century that a portion of them passed the Danube under the leadership of Asparuk, and established themselves in the present Bulgaria, Friar William's 'Land of Assan.'"—H.C.]

NOTE 3.—Oroech is generally supposed to be a mistake for Noroech, NORWEGE or Norway, which is probable enough. But considering the Asiatic sources of most of our author's information, it is also possible that Oroech represents WAREG. The Waraegs or Warangs are celebrated in the oldest Russian history as a race of warlike immigrants, of whom came Rurik, the founder of the ancient royal dynasty, and whose name was long preserved in that of the Varangian guards at Constantinople. Many Eastern geographers, from Al Biruni downwards, speak of the Warag or Warang as a nation dwelling in the north, on the borders of the Slavonic countries, and on the shores of a great arm of the Western Ocean, called the Sea of Warang, evidently the Baltic. The Waraegers are generally considered to have been Danes or Northmen, and Erman mentions that in the bazaars of Tobolsk he found Danish goods known as Varaegian. Mr. Hyde Clark, as I learn from a review, has recently identified the Warangs or Warings with the Varini, whom Tacitus couples with the Angli, and has shown probable evidence for their having taken part in the invasion of Britain. He has also shown that many points of the laws which they established in Russia were purely Saxon in character. (Bayer in Comment. Acad. Petropol. IV. 276 seqq.; Fraehn in App. to Ibn Fozlan, p. 177 seqq.; Erman, I. 374; Sat. Review, 19th June, 1869; Gold. Horde, App. p. 428.)

[1] This Ukak of Ibn Batuta is not, as I too hastily supposed (vol. i. p. 8) the Ucaca of the Polos on the Volga, but a place of the same name on the Sea of Azof, which appears in some mediaeval maps as Locac or Locaq (i.e. l'Ocac), and which Elle de Laprimaudaie in his Periplus of the Mediaeval Caspian, locates at a place called Kaszik, a little east of Mariupol. (Et. sur le Comm. au Moyen. Age, p. 230.) I owe this correction to a valued correspondent, Professor Bruun, of Odessa.

[2] The word is, however, perhaps Or. Turkish; Som, "pure, solid." (See Pavet de Courteille, and Vambery, s.v.)



CHAPTER XXIII.

HE BEGINS TO SPEAK OF THE STRAITS OF CONSTANTINOPLE, BUT DECIDES TO LEAVE THAT MATTER.

At the straits leading into the Great Sea, on the west side, there is a hill called the FARO.—But since beginning on this matter I have changed my mind, because so many people know all about it, so we will not put it in our description, but go on to something else. And so I will tell you about the Tartars of the Ponent, and the lords who have reigned over them.



CHAPTER XXIV.

CONCERNING THE TARTARS OF THE PONENT AND THEIR LORDS.

The first lord of the Tartars of the Ponent was SAIN, a very great and puissant king, who conquered ROSIA and COMANIA, ALANIA, LAC, MENJAR, ZIC, GOTHIA, and GAZARIA; all these provinces were conquered by King Sain. Before his conquest these all belonged to the Comanians, but they did not hold well together nor were they united, and thus they lost their territories and were dispersed over divers countries; and those who remained all became the servants of King Sain.[NOTE 1]

After King Sain reigned King PATU, and after Patu BARCA, and after Barca MUNGLETEMUR, and after Mungletemur King TOTAMANGUL, and then TOCTAI the present sovereign.[NOTE 2]

Now I have told you of the Tartar kings of the Ponent, and next I shall tell you of a great battle that was fought between Alau the Lord of the Levant and Barca the Lord of the Ponent.

So now we will relate out of what occasion that battle arose, and how it was fought.

NOTE 1.—+The COMANIANS, a people of Turkish race, the Polovtzi[or "Dwellers of the Plain" of Nestor, the Russian Annalist] of the old Russians, were one of the chief nations occupying the plains on the north of the Black Sea and eastward to the Caspian, previous to the Mongol invasion. Rubruquis makes them identical with the KIPCHAK, whose name is generally attached to those plains by Oriental writers, but Hammer disputes this. [See a note, pp. 92-93 of Rockhill's Rubruck.—H.C.]

ALANIA, the country of the Alans on the northern skirts of the Caucasus and towards the Caspian; LAC, the Wallachs as above. MENJAR is a subject of doubt. It may be Majar, on the Kuma River, a city which was visited by Ibn Batuta, and is mentioned by Abulfeda as Kummajar. It was in the 14th century the seat of a Franciscan convent. Coins of that century, both of Majar and New Majar, are given by Erdmann. The building of the fortresses of Kichi Majar and Ulu Majar (little and great) is ascribed in the Derbend Nameh to Naoshirwan. The ruins of Majar were extensive when seen by Gmelin in the last century, but when visited by Klaproth in the early part of the present one there were few buildings remaining. Inscriptions found there are, like the coins, Mongol-Mahomedan of the 14th century. Klaproth, with reference to these ruins, says that Majar merely means in "old Tartar" a stone building, and denies any connection with the Magyars as a nation. But it is possible that the Magyar country, i.e. Hungary, is here intended by Polo, for several Asiatic writers of his time, or near it, speak of the Hungarians as Majar. Thus Abulfeda speaks of the infidel nations near the Danube as including Aulak, Majars, and Serbs; Rashiduddin speaks of the Mongols as conquering the country of the Bashkirds, the Majars, and the Sassan (probably Saxons of Transylvania). One such mention from Abulghazi has been quoted in note 2 to ch. xxii.; in the Masalak-al-Absar, the Cherkes, Russians, Aas (or Alans), and Majar are associated; the Majar and Alan in Sharifuddin. Doubts indeed arise whether in some of these instances a people located in Asia be not intended.[1] (Rubr. p. 246; D'Avezac, p. 486 seqq.; Golden Horde, p. 5; I.B. II. 375 seqq.; Buesching, IV. 359; Cathay, p. 233; Numi Asiatici, I. 333, 451; Klaproth's Travels, ch. xxxi.; N. et Ex. XIII. i. 269, 279; P. de la Croix, II. 383; Rein. Abulf. I. 80; D'Ohsson, II. 628.)

["The author of the Tarikh Djihan Kushai, as well as Rashid and other Mohammedan authors of the same period, term the Hungarians Bashkerds (Bashkirs). This latter name, written also Bashkurd, appears for the first time, it seems, in Ibn Fozlan's narrative of an embassy to the Bulgars on the Volga in the beginning of the 10th century (translated by Fraehn, 'De Bashkiris,' etc., 1822).... The Hungarians arrived in Europe in the 9th century, and then called themselves Magyar (to be pronounced Modjor), as they do down to the present time. The Russian Chronicler Nestor mentions their passing near Kiev in 898, and terms them Ugry. But the name Magyar was also known to other nations in the Middle Ages. Abulfeda (ii. 324) notices the Madjgars; it would, however, seem that he applies this name to the Bashkirs in Asia. The name Madjar occurs also in Rashid's record. In the Chinese and Mongol annals of the 13th century the Hungarians are termed Madja-rh." (Bretschneider, Med. Res. I. pp. 326-327.)—H.C.]

ZIC is Circassia. The name was known to Pliny, Ptolemy, and other writers of classic times. Ramusio (II. 196 v) gives a curious letter to Aldus Manutius from George Interiano, "Della vita de' Zychi chiamati Circassi," and a great number of other references to ancient and mediaeval use of the name will be found in D'Avezac's Essay, so often quoted (p. 497).

GOTHIA is the southern coast of the Crimea from Sudak to Balaklava and the mountains north of the latter, then still occupied by a tribe of the Goths. The Genoese officer who governed this coast in the 15th century bore the title of Capitanus Gotiae; and a remnant of the tribe still survived, maintaining their Teutonic speech, to the middle of the 16th century, when Busbeck, the emperor's ambassador to the Porte, fell in with two of them, from whom he derived a small vocabulary and other particulars. (Busbequii Opera, 1660, p. 321 seqq.; D'Avezac, pp. 498-499; Heyd., II. 123 seqq.; Cathay, pp. 200-201.)

GAZARIA, the Crimea and part of the northern shore of the Sea of Azov, formerly occupied by the Khazars, a people whom Klaproth endeavours to prove to have been of Finnish race. When the Genoese held their settlements on the Crimean coast the Board at Genoa which administered the affairs of these colonies was called The Office of Gazaria.

NOTE 2.—The real list of the "Kings of the Ponent," or Khans of the Golden Horde, down to the time of Polo's narrative, runs thus: BATU, Sartak, Ulagchi (these two almost nominal), BARKA, MANGKU TIMUR, TUDAI MANGKU, Tulabugha, Tuktuka or TOKTAI. Polo here omits Tulabugha (though he mentions him below in ch. xxix.), and introduces before Batu, as a great and powerful conqueror, the founder of the empire, a prince whom he calls Sain. This is in fact Batu himself, the leader of the great Tartar invasion of Europe (1240-1242), whom he has split into two kings. Batu bore the surname of Sain Khan, or "the Good Prince," by which name he is mentioned, e.g., in Makrizi (Quatremere's Trans. II. 45), also in Wassaf (Hammer's Trans. pp. 29-30). Piano Carpini's account of him is worth quoting: "Hominibus quidem ejus satis benignus; timetur tamen valde ab iis; sed crudelissimus est in pugna; sagax est multum; et etiam astutissimus in bello, quia longo tempore jam pugnavit." This Good Prince was indeed crudelissimus in pugna. At Moscow he ordered a general massacre, and 270,000 right ears are said to have been laid before him in testimony to its accomplishment. It is odd enough that a mistake like that in the text is not confined to Polo. The chronicle of Kazan, according to a Russian writer, makes Sain succeed Batu. (Carpini, p. 746; J. As. ser. IV. tom. xvii. p. 109; Buesching, V. 493; also Golden Horde, p. 142, note.)

Batu himself, in the great invasion of the West, was with the southern host in Hungary; the northern army which fought at Liegnitz was under Baidar, a son of Chaghatai.

According to the Masalak-al-Absar, the territory of Kipchak, over which this dynasty ruled, extended in length from the Sea of Istambul to the River Irtish, a journey of 6 months, and in breadth from Bolghar to the Iron Gates, 4 (?) months' journey. A second traveller, quoted in the same work, says the empire extended from the Iron Gates to Yughra (see p. 483 supra), and from the Irtish to the country of the Nemej. The last term is very curious, being the Russian Niemicz, "Dumb," a term which in Russia is used as a proper name of the Germans; a people, to wit, unable to speak Slavonic. (N. et Ex. XIII. i. 282, 284.)

["An allusion to the Mongol invasion of Poland and Silesia is found in the Yuen-shi, ch. cxxi., biography of Wu-liang-ho t'ai (the son of Su-bu-t'ai). It is stated there that Wu-liang-ho t'ai [Urtangcadai] accompanied Badu when he invaded the countries of Kin ch'a (Kipchak) and Wu-la-sz' (Russia). Subsequently he took part also in the expedition against the P'o-lie-rh and Nie-mi-sze." (Dr. Bretschneider, Med. Res. I. p. 322.) With reference to these two names, Dr. Bretschneider says, in a note, that he has no doubt that the Poles and Germans are intended. "As to its origin, the Russian linguists generally derive it from nemoi, 'dumb,' i.e., unable to speak Slavonic. To the ancient Byzantine chroniclers the Germans were known under the same name. Cf. Muralt's Essai de Chronogr. Byzant., sub anno 882: 'Les Slavons maltraites par les guerriers Nemetzi de Swiatopolc' (King of Great Moravia, 870-894). Sophocles' Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine periods from B.C. 146 to A.D. 1100: 'Nemitzi' Austrians, Germans. This name is met also in the Mohammedan authors. According to the Masalak-al-Absar, of the first half of the 14th century (transl. by Quatremere, N. et Ext. XXII. 284), the country of the Kipchaks extended (eastward) to the country of the Nemedj, which separates the Franks from the Russians. The Turks still call the Germans Niemesi; the Hungarians term them Nemet."—H.C.]



[1] This doubt arises also where Abulfeda speaks of Majgaria in the far north, "the capital of the country of the Madjgars, a Turk race" of pagan nomads, by whom he seems to mean the Bashkirs. (Reinaud's Abulf. I. 324.) For it is to the Bashkir country that the Franciscan travellers apply the term Great Hungary, showing that they were led to believe it the original seat of the Magyars. (Rubr. 274, Plan. Carpin. 747; and in same vol. D'Avezac, p. 491.) Further confusion arises from the fact that, besides the Uralian Bashkirs, there were, down to the 13th century, Bashkirs recognised as such, and as distinct from the Hungarians though akin to them, dwelling in Hungarian territory. Ibn Said, speaking of Sebennico (the cradle of the Polo family), says that when the Tartars advanced under its walls (1242?) "the Hungarians, the Bashkirs, and the Germans united their forces near the city" and gave the invaders a signal defeat. (Reinaud's Abulf. I. 312; see also 294, 295.) One would gladly know what are the real names that M. Reinaud refers Hongrois and Allemands. The Christian Bashkirds of Khondemir, on the borders of the Franks, appear to be Hungarians. (See J. As., ser. IV. tom. xvii. p. 111.)



CHAPTER XXV.

OF THE WAR THAT AROSE BETWEEN ALAU AND BARCA, AND THE BATTLES THAT THEY FOUGHT.

It was in the year 1261 of Christ's incarnation that there arose a great discord between King Alau the Lord of the Tartars of the Levant, and Barca the King of the Tartars of the Ponent; the occasion whereof was a province that lay on the confines of both.[NOTE 1]

(They exchange defiances, and make vast preparations.)

And when his preparations were complete, Alau the Lord of Levant set forth with all his people. They marched for many days without any adventure to speak of, and at last they reached a great plain which extends between the Iron Gates and the Sea Of Sarain.[NOTE 2] In this plain he pitched his camp in beautiful order; and I can assure you there was many a rich tent and pavilion therein, so that it looked indeed like a camp of the wealthy. Alau said he would tarry there to see if Barca and his people would come; so there they tarried, abiding the enemy's arrival. This place where the camp was pitched was on the frontier of the two kings. Now let us speak of Barca and his people.[NOTE 3]

NOTE 1.—"Que marcesoit a le un et a le autre;" in Scotch phrase, "which marched with both."

NOTE 2.—Respecting the Iron Gates, see vol. i. p. 53. The Caspian is here called the Sea of Sarain, probably for Sarai, after the great city on the Volga. For we find it in the Catalan Map of 1375 termed the Sea of Sarra. Otherwise Sarain might have been taken for some corruption of Shirwan. (See vol. i. p. 59, note 8.)

NOTE 3.—The war here spoken of is the same which is mentioned in the very beginning of the book, as having compelled the two Elder Polos to travel much further eastward than they had contemplated.

Many jealousies and heart-burnings between the cousins Hulaku and Barka had existed for several years. The Mameluke Sultan Bibars seems also to have stimulated Barka to hostility with Hulaku. War broke out in 1262, when 30,000 men from Kipchak, under the command of Nogai, passed Derbend into the province of Shirwan. They were at first successful, but afterwards defeated. In December, Hulaku, at the head of a great army, passed Derbend, and routed the forces which met him. Abaka, son of Hulaku, was sent on with a large force, and came upon the opulent camp of Barka beyond the Terek. They were revelling in its plunder, when Barka rallied his troops and came upon the army of Abaka, driving them southward again, across the frozen river. The ice broke and many perished. Abaka escaped, chased by Barka to Derbend. Hulaku returned to Tabriz and made great preparations for vengeance, but matters were apparently never carried further. Hence Polo's is anything but an accurate account of the matter.

The following extract from Wassaf's History, referring to this war, is a fine sample of that prince of rigmarole:

"In the winter of 662 (A.D. 1262-1263) when the Almighty Artist had covered the River of Derbend with plates of silver, and the Furrier of the Winter had clad the hills and heaths in ermine; the river being frozen hard as a rock to the depth of a spear's length, an army of Mongols went forth at the command of Barka Aghul, filthy as Ghuls and Devils of the dry-places, and in numbers countless as the rain-drops," etc. etc. (Golden Horde, p. 163 seqq.; Ilchan. I. 214 seqq.; Q.R. p. 393 seqq.; Q. Makrizi, I. 170; Hammer's Wassaf, p. 93.)



CHAPTER XXVI.

HOW BARCA AND HIS ARMY ADVANCED TO MEET ALAU.

(Barca advances with 350,000 horse, encamps on the plain within 10 miles of Alau; addresses his men, announcing his intention of fighting after 3 days, and expresses his confidence of success as they are in the right and have 50,000 men more than the enemy.)



CHAPTER XXVII.

HOW ALAU ADDRESSED HIS FOLLOWERS.

(Alau calls together "a numerous parliament of his worthies"[1] and addresses them.)

[1] "Il asemble encore sez parlemant de grand quantites des buens homes."



CHAPTER XXVIII.

OF THE GREAT BATTLE BETWEEN ALAU AND BARCA.

(Description of the Battle in the usual style, with nothing characteristic. Results in the rout of Barca and great slaughter.)



CHAPTER XXIX.

HOW TOTAMANGU WAS LORD OF THE TARTARS OF THE PONENT.

You must know there was a Prince of the Tartars of the Ponent called MONGOTEMUR, and from him the sovereignty passed to a young gentleman called TOLOBUGA. But TOTAMANGU, who was a man of great influence, with the help of another Tartar King called NOGAI, slew Tolobuga and got possession of the sovereignty. He reigned not long however, and at his death TOCTAI, an able and valiant man, was chosen sovereign in the place of Totamangu. But in the meantime two sons of that Tolobuga who was slain were grown up, and were likely youths, able and prudent.

So these two brothers, the sons of Totamangu, got together a goodly company and proceeded to the court of Toctai. When they had got thither they conducted themselves with great discretion, keeping on their knees till Toctai bade them welcome, and to stand up. Then the eldest addressed the Sovereign thus: "Good my Lord Toctai, I will tell you to the best of my ability why we be come hither. We are the sons of Totamangu, whom Tolobuga and Nogai slew, as thou well knowest. Of Tolobuga we will say no more, since he is dead, but we demand justice against Nogai as the slayer of our Father; and we pray thee as Sovereign Lord to summon him before thee and to do us justice. For this cause are we come!"[NOTE 1]

(Toctai agrees to their demand and sends two messengers to summon Nogai, but Nogai mocks at the message and refuses to go. Whereupon Toctai sends a second couple of messengers.)

NOTE 1.—I have not attempted to correct the obvious confusion here; for in comparing the story related here with the regular historians we find the knots too complicated for solution.

In the text as it stands we first learn that Totamangu by help of Nogai kills Tolobuga, takes the throne, dies, and is succeeded by Toctai. But presently we find that it is the sons of Totamangu who claim vengeance from Toctai against Nogai for having aided Tolobuga to slay their father. Turning back to the list of princes in chapter xxiv. we find Totamangu indeed, but Tolobuga omitted altogether.

The outline of the history as gathered from Hammer and D'Ohsson is as follows:—

NOGHAI, for more than half a century one of the most influential of the Mongol Princes, was a great-great-grandson of Chinghiz, being the son of Tatar, son of Tewal, son of Juji. He is first heard of as a leader under Batu Khan in the great invasion of Europe (1241), and again in 1258 we find him leading an invasion of Poland.

In the latter quarter of the century he had established himself as practically independent, in the south of Russia. There is much about him in the Byzantine history of Pachymeres; Michael Palaeologus sought his alliance against the Bulgarians (of the south), and gave him his illegitimate daughter Euphrosyne to wife. Some years later Noghai gave a daughter of his own in marriage to Feodor Rostislawitz, Prince of Smolensk.

Mangu- or Mangku-Temur, the great-nephew and successor of Barka, died in 1280-81 leaving nine sons, but was succeeded by his brother TUDAI-MANGKU (Polo's Totamangu). This Prince occupied himself chiefly with the company of Mahomedan theologians and was averse to the cares of government. In 1287 he abdicated, and was replaced by TULABUGHA (Tolobuga), the son of an elder brother, whose power, however, was shared by other princes. Tulabugha quarrelled with old Noghai and was preparing to attack him. Noghai however persuaded him to come to an interview, and at this Tulabugha was put to death. TOKTAI, one of the sons of Mangku-Temur, who was associated with Noghai, obtained the throne of Kipchak. This was in 1291. We hear nothing of sons of Tudai-Mangku or Tulabugha.

Some years later we hear of a symbolic declaration of war sent by Toktai to Noghai, and then of a great battle between them near the banks of the Don, in which Toktai is defeated. Later, they are again at war, and somewhere south of the Dnieper Noghai is beaten. As he was escaping with a few mounted followers, he was cut down by a Russian horseman. "I am Noghai," said the old warrior, "take me to Toktai." The Russian took the bridle to lead him to the camp, but by the way the old chief expired. The horseman carried his head to the Khan; its heavy grey eyebrows, we are told, hung over and hid the eyes. Toktai asked the Russian how he knew the head to be that of Noghai. "He told me so himself," said the man. And so he was ordered to execution for having presumed to slay a great Prince without orders. How like the story of David and the Amalekite in Ziklag! (2 Samuel, ch. i.).

The chronology of these events is doubtful. Rashiduddin seems to put the defeat of Toktai near the Don in 1298-1299, and a passage in Wassaf extracted by Hammer seems to put the defeat and death of Noghai about 1303. On the other hand, there is evidence that war between the two was in full flame in the beginning of 1296; Makrizi seems to report the news of a great defeat of Toktai by Noghai as reaching Cairo in Jumadah I.A.H. 697 or February-March, 1298. And Novairi, from whom D'Ohsson gives extracts, appears to put the defeat and death of Noghai in 1299. If the battle on the Don is that recounted by Marco it cannot be put later than 1297, and he must have had news of it at Venice, perhaps from relations at Soldaia. I am indeed reluctant to believe that he is not speaking of events of which he had cognizance before quitting the East; but there is no evidence in favour of that view. (Golden Horde, especially 269 seqq.; Ilchan. II. 347, and also p. 35; D'Ohsson, IV. Appendix; Q. Makrizi, IV. 60.)

The symbolical message mentioned above as sent by Toktai to Noghai, consisted of a hoe, an arrow, and a handful of earth. Noghai interpreted this as meaning, "If you hide in the earth, I will dig you out! If you rise to the heavens I will shoot you down! Choose a battle-field!" What a singular similarity we have here to the message that reached Darius 1800 years before, on this very ground, from Toktai's predecessors, alien from him in blood it may be, but identical in customs and mental characteristics:—

"At last Darius was in a great strait, and the Kings of the Scythians having ascertained this, sent a herald bearing, as gifts to Darius, a bird, a mouse, a frog, and five arrows.... Darius's opinion was that the Scythians meant to give themselves up to him.... But the opinion of Gobryas, one of the seven who had deposed the Magus, did not coincide with this; he conjectured that the presents intimated: 'Unless, O Persians, ye become birds, and fly into the air, or become mice and hide yourselves beneath the earth, or become frogs and leap into the lakes, ye shall never return home again, but be stricken by these arrows.' And thus the other Persians interpreted the gifts." (Herodotus, by Carey, IV. 131, 132.) Again, more than 500 years after Noghai and Toktai were laid in the steppe, when Muraview reached the court of Khiva in 1820, it happened that among the Russian presents offered to the Khan were two loaves of sugar on the same tray with a quantity of powder and shot. The Uzbegs interpreted this as a symbolical demand: Peace or War? (V. et Turcomanie, p. 165.)



CHAPTER XXX.

OF THE SECOND MESSAGE THAT TOCTAI SENT TO NOGAI, AND HIS REPLY.

(They carry a threat of attack if he should refuse to present himself before Toctai. Nogai refuses with defiance. Both sides prepare for war, but Toctai's force is the greater in numbers.)



CHAPTER XXXI.

HOW TOCTAI MARCHED AGAINST NOGAI.

(The usual description of their advance to meet one another. Toctai is joined by the two sons of Totamangu with a goodly company. They encamp within ten miles of each other in the Plain of NERGHI.)



CHAPTER XXXII.

HOW TOCTAI AND NOGAI ADDRESS THEIR PEOPLE, AND THE NEXT DAY JOIN BATTLE.

(The whole of this is in the usual formula without any circumstances worth transcribing. The forces of Nogai though inferior in numbers are the better men-at-arms. King Toctai shows great valour.)



CHAPTER XXXIII.

THE VALIANT FEATS AND VICTORY OF KING NOGAI.

(The deeds of Nogai surpass all; the enemy scatter like a flock, and are pursued, losing 60,000 men, but Toctai escapes, and so do the two sons of Totamangu.)



CHAPTER XXXIV. AND LAST

CONCLUSION.[1]

And now ye have heard all that we can tell you about the Tartars and the Saracens and their customs, and likewise about the other countries of the world as far as our researches and information extend. Only we have said nothing whatever about the GREATER SEA and the provinces that lie round it, although we know it thoroughly. But it seems to me a needless and useless task to speak about places which are visited by people every day. For there are so many who sail all about that sea constantly, Venetians, and Genoese, and Pisans, and many others, that everybody knows all about it, and that is the reason that I pass it over and say nothing of it.

Of the manner in which we took our departure from the Court of the Great Kaan you have heard at the beginning of the Book, in that chapter where we told you of all the vexation and trouble that Messer Maffeo and Messer Nicolo and Messer Marco had about getting the Great Kaan's leave to go; and in the same chapter is related the lucky chance that led to our departure. And you may be sure that but for that lucky chance, we should never have got away in spite of all our trouble, and never have got back to our country again. But I believe it was God's pleasure that we should get back in order that people might learn about the things that the world contains. For according to what has been said in the introduction at the beginning of the Book, there never was a man, be he Christian or Saracen or Tartar or Heathen, who ever travelled over so much of the world as did that noble and illustrious citizen of the City of Venice, Messer Marco the son of Messer Nicolo Polo.

Thanks be to God! Amen! Amen!

[1] This conclusion is not found in any copy except in the Crusca Italian, and, with a little modification, in another at Florence, belonging to the Pucci family. It is just possible that it was the embellishment of a transcriber or translator; but in any case it is very old, and serves as an epilogue.



APPENDICES



APPENDIX A.—Geneaology of the House of Chinghiz, to end of Thirteenth Century.

Supreme [KAANS] in large capitals. KHANS of KIPCHAK, CHAGATAI, and PERSIA in small capitals. Numerals indicate order of succession. For other sons of Kublai, see Book II., chapter ix.

Those who are mentioned by Marco Polo have a line under their names.

Seniority runs from right to left.

Vesugai _________ Uchegin or [I._CHINGIZ KAAN_] Pilgutai _____ ____ Jintu TULI [II. OKKODAI KAAN] ___ __ ____ Tagajar Arikbuga I. _HULAKU_ [V._KUBLAI_ [IV._MANGKU_ _KAAN_] _KAAN_] ___ _ _ Agul 3._TIGUDAR_ Tara- 2._ABAKA_ _Chingkim_ _AHMAD_ kai _ ___ __ [VI._TEMUR KAAN_] Kanbala __ _ _Nayan_ 6._BAIDU_ Tarmabala 5._KAI-_ 4._ARGHUN_ _KHATU_ __ __ 8. OLJAITU 7._GHAZAN_ [Khans of PERSIA] __________ Shiregi Kashin [III. _KUYUK_KAAN] _Kaidu_ Chapar or Shabar __________ _CHAGATAI_ _ ________ Kadami Sarban Paidar 2.YESSU- Muwatukan Juji MANGKU, followed by Kara-Hulaku's widow, 3. ARGUNA. __ 8. TUKA 7. NIK- ALGHUL Yesan- I. KAKA- _Nigudar-_ (or BUKA) PAL Tewa. HULAKU. _Aghul_ TEMUR 6.BORRAK. 5.MUBARIK SHAH 9. TEWA or DUA [Khans of ULUS CHAGATAI] __________ Tewal Shaiban 4. _BARKA_ 7. _BATU_ ____ __ Tatar Kaunchi 3.ULAGHJI Toghan 2. SARTAK ___ __ _Noghai_ 6. _TUDAI- 5. _MANGKU_ Bartu _MANGKU_ _TEMUR_ ___ 8._TOKTAI_ Abaji 7. _TULABUGA_.

[Khans of KIPCHAK or ULUS JUJI]



APPENDIX B.—The Polo Families.

(I.) GENEALOGY OF THE FAMILY OF MARCO POLO THE TRAVELLER.

/- Maffeo, /- Giovannino Seniority runs from make will in (Illeg.) [bottom] to [top]. Feb. 1309; alive in 1321. was dead before 1318. +- Stefano (Illeg.) alive in 1321. Catarina, d. of Nic. /- Fiordelisa. Sagredo. +- Maffeo - Pasqua. 2. (Mother made a will, (Illeg.) of Maffeo. 1300. Fiordelisa Trevisan?) Renuzzo Delfio +- Nicolo, -+ of S. Giov. /- Moreta, Grisostomo married married twice, - MARCO, after 1324; d. before 1300. of S. Giov. alive in Grisostomo, 1336. 1. (Marco's 1254-1324. A Mother, -+- Bellella, n Name unknown.) Donata (?) married to d died after before 1324; r 1333 and died before 1333. e before 1336. a - Fantina, married P before 1324; o alive in 1379. l - Pietro Bragadin o Marco Bragadin of S. Giov. , of S. Geminiano Grisostomo, + was alive in o 1388. f /- Maroca. /- Agnesina S. - Marco, +- Nicolo. Marco, -+ made will, known as F 1280 Marcolino - Matteo, e (1328) of married Caterina, l S. Giov. daughter of i Grisotomo. Giandomenico. c - Antonio. e (Illegitimate)

Fiordelisa Felice Polo, called Cousins, 1280, 1300.



(II.) THE POLOS OF SAN GEREMIA.

The preceding Table gives the Family of our Traveller as far as I have seen sound data for tracing it, either upwards or downwards.

I have expressed, in the introductory notices, my doubts about the Venetian genealogies, which continue the family down to 1418 or 19, because it seems to me certain that all of them do more or less confound with our Polos of S. Giovanni Grisostomo, members of the other Polo Family of S. Geremia. It will help to disentangle the subject if we put down what is ascertained regarding the S. Geremia family.

To the latter with tolerable certainty belonged the following:—

1302. MARCO Polo of Cannareggio, see vol. i. pp. 64-67. (The Church of S. Geremia stands on the canal called Cannareggio.)

Already in 1224, we find a Marco Polo of S. Geremia and Cannareggio. (See Liber Plegiorum, published with Archivio Veneto, 1872 pp. 32, 36).

1319. (Bianca, widow of GIOVANNI Polo?)[1]

1332. 24th March. Concession, apparently of some privilege in connection with the State Lake in San Basilio, to DONATO and HERMORAO (= Hermolaus or Almoro) Paulo (Document partially illegible).[2]

1333. 23rd October. Will of Marchesina Corner, wife of Marino Gradenigo of S. Apollinare, who chooses for her executors "my mother Dona Fiordelisa Cornaro, and my uncle (Barba) Ser Marco Polo."[3] Another extract apparently of the same will mentions "mia cusina MARIA Polo," and "mio cusin MARCO Polo" three times.[4]

1349. MARINO Polo and Brothers.[5]

1348. About this time died NICOLO Polo of S. Geremia,[6] who seems to have been a Member of the Great Council.[7] He had a brother MARCO, and this Marco had a daughter AGNESINA. Nicolo also leaves a sister BARBARA (a nun), a son GIOVANNINO (apparently illegitimate[7]), of age in 1351,[6] a nephew GHERARDO, and a niece FILIPPA,[6] Abbess of Sta. Catarina in Mazzorbo.

The executors of Nicolo are GIOVANNI and DONATO Polo.[6] We have not their relationship stated.

DONATO must have been the richest Polo we hear of, for in the Estimo or forced Loan of 1379 for the Genoese War, he is assessed at 23,000 Lire.[8] A history of that war also states that he ("Donado Polo del Canareggio") presented the Government with 1000 ducats, besides maintaining in arms himself, his son, and seven others.[9] Under 1388 we find Donato still living, and mention of CATARUZZA, d. of Donato:[10] and under 1390 of Elena, widow of Donato.[10]

The Testamentary Papers of Nicolo also speak of GIACOMO [or Jacopo] Polo. He is down in the Estimo of 1379 for 1000 Lire;[11] and in 1371 an inscription in Cicogna shows him establishing a family burial-place in Sta. Maria de' Servi:[12]

[M deg.CCC deg.LXXI. Die primo mensis ... S. Dni IACHOBI. PAVLI. DE CFINIO. SANCTI. IEREMIE. ET. SVOR. HEREDVM.]

(1353. 2nd June. Viriola, widow of ANDREA or Andrinolo Polo of Sta. Maria Nuova ?)[13]

1379. In addition to those already mentioned we have NICOLO assessed at 4000 lire.[11]

1381. And apparently this is the NICOLO, son of Almoro (Hermolaus), who was raised to the Great Council, for public service rendered, among 30 elected to that honour after the war of Chioggia.[14] Under 1410 we find ANNA, relict of Nicolo Polo.[15]

1379. In this year also, ALMORO, whether father or brother of the last, contributes 4000 lire to the Estimo.[11]

1390. CLEMENTE Polo (died before 1397)[15] and his wife MADDALUZIA.[15] Also in this year PAOLO Polo, son of Nicolo, gave his daughter in marriage to Giov. Vitturi.[16]

1408 and 1411. CHIARA, daughter of Francesco Balbi, and widow of ERMOLAO (or Almoro) Polo, called of Sta. Trinita.[15]

1416. GIOVANNI, perhaps the Giovannino mentioned above.[15]

1420. 22nd November. BARTOLO, son of Ser ALMORO and of the Nobil Donna CHIARA Orio.(?)[17] This couple probably the same as in the penultimate entry.

1474, seqq. Accounts belonging to the Trust Estate of BARTOLOMEO Polo of S. Geremia.[15]

There remains to be mentioned a MARCO POLO, member of the Greater Council, chosen Auditor Sententiarum, 7th March, 1350, and named among the electors of the Doges Marino Faliero (1354) and Giovanni Gradenigo (1355). The same person appears to have been sent as Provveditore to Dalmatia in 1355. As yet it is doubtful to what family he belonged, and it is possible that he may have belonged to our traveller's branch, and have continued that branch according to the tradition. But I suspect that he is identical with the Marco, brother of Nicolo Polo of S. Geremia, mentioned above, under 1348. (See also vol. i. p. 74.) Cappellari states distinctly that this Marco was the father of the Lady who married Azzo Trevisan. (See Introd. p. 78.)

We have intimated the probability that he was the Marco mentioned twice in connection with the Court of Sicily. (See vol. i. p. 79, note.)

A later Marco Polo, in 1537, distinguished himself against the Turks in command of a ship called the Giustiniana; forcing his way past the enemy's batteries into the Gulf of Prevesa, and cannonading that fortress. But he had to retire, being unsupported.

It may be added that a Francesco Paulo appears among the list of those condemned for participation in the conspiracy of Baiamonte Tiepolo in 1310. (Dandulo in Mur. XII. 410, 490.)

[I note from the MS. of Priuli, Genealogie delle famiglie nobili di Venesia, kept in the R'o. Archivio di Stato at Venice, some information, pp. 4376-4378, which permit me to draw up the following Genealogy which may throw some light on the Polos of San Geremia:—

ANDREA, of San Felice - -+ Marco Nicolo Maffio of S. Grisostomo buried at S. Lorenzo. + - Marco Steffano Giovanni Maffio (Milioni) - -+ Almoro of Maffio Marco Nicolo San Geremia Nicolo of San Geremia made a Nobleman, 4th Sept. 1381 + Maffio Marco Marin Marco + 1418 Governor of Castel Vecchio, at Verona.

Sir Henry Yule writes above (II. p. 507) that Nicolo Polo of S. Geremia had a brother Marco, and this Marco had a daughter Agnesina. I find in the Acts of the Notary Brutti, in the Will of Elisabetta Polo, dated 14th March, 1350:—

BETA = MARCO POLO [MARCOLINO?] of S. Grisostomo + + -+ Agnesina Christina Marina = Nicoleto. = Michaleto in the Monastery of S. Lorenzo.

The Maffio, son of Nicolo of S. Giov. Grisostomo, and father of Pasqua and Fiordelisa, married probably after his will (1300) and had his four sons: Almoro of S. Geremia, Maffio, Marco, Nicolo. Indeed, Cicogna writes (Insc. Ven. II. p. 390):—"Non apparisce che Maffeo abbia avuto figliuoli maschi da questo testamento [1300]; ma per altro non e cosa assurda il credere che posteriormente a questo testamento 1300 possa avere avuti figliuoli maschi; ed in effetto le Genealogie gliene danno quatro, cioe Ermolao, Maffio, Marco, Nicolo. Il Ramusio anzi glien da cinque, senza nominarli, uno de'quali Marco, e una femmina di nome Maria; e Marco Barbaro gliene da sei, cioe Nicolo, Maria, Pietro, Donado, Marco, Franceschino."—H.C.]

[Sig. Ab. Cav. Zanetti gives (Archivio Veneto, XVI. 1878, p. 110). See our Int., p. 78.

MATTEO, son of MARCOLINO + + -+ Maria? Marco married Benedetto died at Verona Cornaro in 1401, and in 1417, 1418, or 1425.] Azzo Trevisan

[1] Document in Archivio of the Casa di Ricovero, Bundle LXXVII., No. 209.

[2] Registro di Grazie, 4 deg. c. Comm. by Comm. Berchet.

[3] Arch. Gen. dei Giudici del Proprio, Perg. No. 82, 1st July, 1342, cites this. (Comm. Berchet.)

[4] Arch. dei Procuratori di San Marco, with Testam. 1327, January, marked "N.H. Ser Marco Gradenigo." (Comm. Berchet.)

[5] Document in Archivio of the Casa di Ricovero, Bundle LXXIV., No. 651.

[6] List (extracted in 1868-9) of Documents in the above Archivio, but which seem to have been since mislaid.

[7] Parchment in the possession of Cav. F. Stefani, containing a decision, dated 16th September, 1355, signed by the Doge and two Councillors, in favour of Giovannino Polo, natural son of the Noble Nicoletto of S. Geremia (qu. Nobilis Viri Nicoleti Paulo).

[8] In Gallicciolli, Delle Mem. Ven. Antiche, Ven. 1795, II. p. 136. In the MS. of Cappellari Campidoglio Veneto, in the Marciana, the sum stated is 3000 only.

[9] Della Presa di Chiozza in Muratori, Script. xv. 785.

[10] Documents seen by the Editor in the Arch, of the Casa di Ricovero.

[11] In Gallicciolli Delle Mem. Ven. Antiche, Ven. 1795, II. p. 136.

[12] Cicogna, I. p. 77.

[13] Arch. Gen. dei Giud. Perg. No. 120.

[14] Cappellari, MS.; Sanuto, Vite de' Duchi di Ven. in Muratori, XXII. 730.

[15] Documents seen by the Editor in the Arch, of the Casa di Ricovero.

[16] Cappellari.

[17] Libro d'Oro from 1414 to 1407 in Museo Correr. Comm. by Comm. Berchet.



APPENDIX C.—Calendar of Documents Relating to Marco Polo and his Family.

1.—(1280).

Will of Marco Polo of S. Severo, uncle of the Traveller, executed at Venice, 5th August, 1280. An Abstract given in vol. i. pp. 23-24.

The originals of this and the two other Wills (Nos. 2 and 8) are in St. Mark's Library. They were published first by Cicogna, Iscrizioni Veneziane, and again more exactly by Lazari.

2.—(1300).

Will of Maffeo Polo, brother of the Traveller, executed at Venice, 31st August, 1300. Abstract given at pp. 64-65 of vol. i.

3.—(1302).

Archivio Generale—Maggior Consiglio—Liber Magnus, p. 81.[1]

1392. 13 Aprilis. (Capta est): Quod fit gratia provido viro MARCO PAULO quod ipse absolvatur a pena incursa pro eo quod non fecit circari unam suam conductam cum ignoraverit ordinem circa hoc.

Ego MARCUS MICHAEL consiliarius m.p.s. Ego PAULUS DELPHINUS consiliarius m.p.s. Ego MARCUS SIBOTO de mandato ipsorum cancellavi.

4—(1305).

Resolution of the Maggior Consiglio, under date 10th April, 1305, in which Marco Polo is styled Marcus Paulo Milioni. (See p. 67 of vol. i.) In the Archivio Generate, Maggior Cons. Reg. M.S., Carta 82.[2]

"Item quod fiat gratia Bonocio de Mestre de illis Libris centum quinquaginta duobus, in quibus extitit condempnatus per Capitaneos Postarum, occasione vini per eum portati contra bampnum, isto modo videlicet quod solvere debeat dictum debitum hinc ad annos quatuor, solvendo annuatim quartum dicti debiti per hunc modum, scilicet quod dictus Bonocius ire debeat cum nostris Ambaxiatoribus, et soldum quod ei competet pro ipsis viis debeat scontari, et it quod ad solvendum dictum quartum deficiat per eum vel suos plegios integre persolvatur. Et sunt plegii Nobiles Viri PETRUS MAUROCENO et MARCHUS PAULO MILION et plures alii qui sunt scripti ad Cameram Capitaneorum Postarum."

5.—(1311).

Decision in Marco Polo's suit against Paulo Girardo, 9th March 1311, for recovery of the price of musk sold on commission, etc. (From the Archives of the Casa di Ricovero at Venice, Filza No. 202). (See vol. i. p. 70.)

"In nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Incarnatione Domini Nostri Jesu Christi millesimo trecentesimo undecimo, Mensis Marci die nono, intrante Indicione Nona, Rivoalti ...

"Cum coram nobilibus viris Dominis CATHARINO DALMARIO et MARCO LANDO, Judicibus Peticionum, Domino LEONARDO DE MOLINO, tercio Judice curie, tunc absente, inter Nobilem Virum MARCUM POLO de confinio Sancti Johannis Grisostomi ex una parte, et PAULUM GIRARDO de confinio Sancti Apollinaris ex altera parte, quo ex suo officio verteretur occasione librarum trium denariorum grossorum Venetorum in parte una, quas sibi PAULO GIRARDO petebat idem MARCUS POLO pro dimidia libra muscli quam ab ipso MARCO POLO ipse PAULUS GIRARDO habuerat, et vendiderat precio suprascriptarum Librarum trium den. Ven. gros. et occasione den. Venet. gross. viginti, quos eciam ipse MARCUS POLO eidem POLO Girardo pectebat pro manchamento unius sazii de musclo, quem dicebat sibi defficere de libra una muscli, quam simul cum suprascripta dimidia ipse Paulus Girardo ab ipso MARCO POLO habuerat et receperat, in parte altera de dicta, Barbaro advocatori (sic) curie pro suprascripto MARCO POLO sive JOHANNIS (sic) POLO[3] de Confinio Sancti Johannis Grisostomi constitutus in Curia pro ipso MARCO POLO sicut coram suprascriptis Dominis Judicibus legitimum testificatum extiterat ... legi fecit quamdam cedulam bambazinam scriptam manu propria ipsius PAULI GIRARDI, cujus tenor talis, videlicet: ... "de avril recevi io Polo Girardo da Missier Marco Polo libre 1/2 de musclo metemelo libre tre de grossi. Ancora recevi io Polo libre una de musclo che me lo mete libre sei de grossi, et va a so risico et da sua vintura et damelo in choleganza a la mitade de lo precio." * * * * "Quare cum ipse Paulus noluerit satisfacere de predictis, nec velit ad presens * * * * * Condempnatum ipsum PAULUM GIRARDO in expensis pro parte dicti MARCI PAULO factis in questione, dando et assignando sibi terminum competentem pro predictis omnibus et singulis persolvendis, in quem terminum si non solveret judicant ipsi domini judices quod capi debetur ipse PAULUS GERARDO et carceribus Comunis Venetiarum precludi, de quibus exire non posset donec sibi MARCO PAULO omnia singula suprascripta exolvenda dixisset, non obstante absencia ipsius PAULI GERARDO cum sibi ex parte Domini Ducis proministeriale Curie Palacii preceptum fuisset ut hodie esset ad Curiam Peticionum.

* * * * *

"Ego KATHARINUS DALMARIO Judex Peticionum manu mea subscripsi

"Ego MARCUS LANDO Judex Peticionum manu mea subscripsi

"Ego NICOLAUS, Presbiter Sancti Canciani notarius complevi et roboravi."

6.—(1319).

In a list of documents preserved in the Archives of the Casa di Ricovero, occurs the entry which follows. But several recent searches have been made for the document itself in vain.

* "No 94 MARCO GALETTI investe della proprieta dei beni che si trovano in S. Giovanni Grisostomo MARCO POLO di Nicolo. 1319, 10 Settembre, rogato dal notaio Nicolo Prete di S. Canciano."

The notary here is the same who made the official record of the document last cited.

[This document was kept in the Archives of the Istituto degli Esposti, now transferred to the Archivio di Stato, and was found by the Ab. Cav. V. Zanetti, and published by him in the Archivio Veneto, XVI., 1878, pp. 98-100; parchment, 1157, filza I.; Marco Polo the traveller, according to a letter of the 16th March, 1306, had made in 1304, a loan of 20 lire di grossi to his cousin Nicolo, son of Marco the elder; the sum remaining unpaid at the death of Nicolo, his son and heir Marcolino became the debtor, and by order of the Doge Giovanni Soranzo, Marco Galetti, according to a sentence of the Giudici del Mobile, of the 2nd July, transferred to the traveller Marco on the 10th September, 1319, duas proprietates que sunt hospicia et camere posite in ... confinio sancti Ihoanis grisostomi que fuerunt Nicolai Paulo. This Document is important, as it shows the exact position of Marcolino in the family.—H.C.]

7.—(1323).

Document concerning House Property in S. Giovanni Grisostomo, adjoining the Property of the Polo Family, and sold by the Lady Donata to her husband Marco Polo. Dated May, 1323.

See No. 16 below.

8.—(1324).

Will of MARCO POLO. (In St. Mark's Library.)[4]

In Nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Incarnatione Dni. Nri. Jhu. Xri. millesimo trecentesimo vige- simo tertio, mensis Januarii die nono,[5] intrante Indictione septima, Rivoalti. Divine inspiracionis donum est et provide mentis arbitrium ut antequam superve- niat mortis iudicium quilibet sua bona sit ordinare sollicitus ne ipsa sua bona inordinata remaneant. Quapropter ego quidem MARCUS PAULO de confinio Sancti Johannis Chrysostomi, dum cotidie debilitarer propter infirmitatem cor- poris, sanus tamen per Dei gratiam mente, integroque consilio et sensu, timens ne ab in- testato decederem, et mea bona inordinata remanerent, vocari ad me feci JOHANEM JUSTINIANUM presbiterum Sancti Proculi et Notarium, ipsumque rogavi quatenus hoc meum scriberet testamentum per integrum et compleret. In quo meas fidecommissarias etiam con- stituo DONATAM dilectam uxorem meam, et FANTINAM et BELLELAM atque MORETAM peramabiles filias meas, ut secundum quod hic ordinavero darique jussero, ita ipse post obitum meum adimpleant. Primiter enim omnium volo et ordi- no dari rectam decimam et volo et ordino distribui libras denariorum venetorum duo millia ultra decimam, de quibus dimitto soldos viginti denariorum Venet. grossorum Monasterio Sancti Laurentii ubi meam eligo sepulturam. Item di- mitto libras trecentas den. Venet. YSABETE QUIRINO cognate mee quas mihi dare tenetur. Item soldos quadraginta cuilibet monasteriorum et hospi- taliorum a Gradu usque ad Capud Aggeris. Item dimitto conventui sanctorum Johanis et Pauli Predicatorum illud quod mihi dare tenetur, et libras decem Fratri RENERIO et libras quinque Fratri BENVENUTO Veneto Ordinis Predicatorum, ultra illud quod mihi dare tenetur. Item dimitto libras quinque cuilibet Congregationi Rivoalti et libras quattuor cuilibet Scolarum sive fraternitatum in quibus sum. Item dimitto soldos viginti denariorum Venetorum grossorum Presbitero JOHANNI JUSTINIANO notario pro labore istius mei testamenti et ut Dominum pro me teneatur deprecare. Item absolvo PETRUM famulum meum de genere Tartarorum ab omni vinculo servitutis ut Deus absolvat animam meam ab omni culpa et peccato. Item sibi remitto omnia que adquisivit in domo sua labore, et insuper dimitto libras denariorum Venetorum centum. Residuum vero dictarum duarum millia librarum absque decima distribuatur pro anima mea secundum bonam discreptionem commissariarum mearum. De aliis meis bonis dimitto suprascripte DONATE uxori et commissarie mee libras octo denariorum Venetorum grossorum, omni anno dum ipsa vixerit, pro suo usu, ultra suam repromissam et stracium et omne capud massariciorum cum tribus lectis corredatis. Omnia uero alia bona mobilia et immobilia inordinata, et si de predictis ordinatis aliqua inordinata remanerent, quocumque modo jure et forma mihi spectantia, seu que expectare vel pertinere potuerunt vel possent, tam ju- re seccessorio et testamentario ac hereditario aut paterno fraterno materno et ex quacumque alia propinquitate sive ex linea ascendenti et descendenti vel ex colaterali vel alia quacumque de causa mihi pertinencia seu expectancia et de quibus secundum for- mam statuti Veneciarum mihi expectaret, plenam et specialem facere mentionem seu dis- posicionem et ordinacionem quamquam in hoc et in omni casu ex forma statuti specificater facio specialiter et expresse dimitto suprascriptis filiabus meis FANTINE, BELLELE, et MORETE, libere et absolute inter eas equaliter dividenda, ipsasque mihi heredes instituo in omnibus et singulis meis bonis mobilibus et immobilibus juribus et actionibus, tacitis et expressis qualitercumque ut predicitur michi pertinentibus et expec- tantibus. Salvo quod MORETA predicta filia mea habere debeat ante partem de mo- re tantum quantum habuit quelibet aliarum filiarum mearum pro dote et corredis suis. Tamen volo quod si que in hoc meo testamento essent contra statuta et consilia Communis Veneciarum corrigantur et reducantur ad ipsa statuta et consilia. Preterea do et confero suprascriptis commissariabus meis post obitum meum plenam virtutem et po- testatem dictam meam commissariam intromittendi administrandi et furniendi, inquirendi inter- pellandi placitandi respondendi ad vocationem interdicta et placita tollendi, legem petendi et consequendi si opus fuerit, in anima mea jurandi, sententiam audiendi et prosequendi, vendendi et alienandi, intromittendi et interdicendi petendi et exigendi sive excuciendi omnia mea bona, et habere a cunctis personis ubicumque et apud quemcumque ea vel ex eis poterint invenire, cum carta et sine carta, in curia et extra curia, et omnes securitatis cartas et omnes alias cartas necessarias faciendi, sicut egomet presens vivens facere possem et deberem. Et ita hoc meum Testamentum firmum et sta- bille esse iudico in perpetuum. Si quis ipsum frangere vel violare presumpserit male- dicionem Omnipotentis Dei incurrat, et sub anathemate trecentorum decem et octo Patrum constrictus permaneat, et insuper componat ad suprascriptas meas fidecommissarias aureas libras quinque, et hec mei Testamenti Carta in sua permaneat firmitate. Signum suprascripti Domini Marci Paulo qui hec rogavit fieri.

"Ego PETRUS GRIFO testis presbiter.

"Ego NUFRIUS BARBERIUS testis.

"Ego JOHANES JUSTINIANUS presbiter Sancti Proculi et notarius complevi et roboravi."

9.—(1325).

Release, dated 7th June, 1325, by the Lady Donata and her three daughters, Fantina, Bellella, and Marota, as Executors of the deceased Marco Polo, to Marco Bragadino. (From the Archivio Notarile at Venice.)

"In nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Inc. Dni. Ntri. Jhu. Xri. Millesimo trecentesimo vigesimo quinto, mensis Junii die septimo, exeunte Indictione octava, Rivoalti.

"Plenam et irrevocabilem securitatem facimus nos DONATA relicta, FANTINA, BELLELLA et MAROTA quondam filie, et nunc omnes commissarie MARCI POLO de confinio Sancti Joannis Grisostomi cum nostris successoribus, tibi MARCO BRAGADINO quondam de confinio Sancti Geminiani nunc de confinio Sancti Joannis Grisostomi, quondam genero antedicti MARCI POLO et tuis heredibus, de omnibus bonis mobillibus quondam suprascripti MARCI POLO seu ipsius commissarie per te dictum MARCHUM BRAGADINO quoque modo et forma intromissis habitis et receptis, ante obitum, ad obitum, et post obitum ipsius MARCI POLO, et insuper de tota collegancia quam a dicti quondam MARCO POLO habuisti, et de ejus lucro usque ad presentem diem * * * * * * si igitur contra hanc securitatis cartam ire temptaverimus tunc emendare debeamus cum nostris successoribus tibi et tuis heredibus auri libras quinque, et hec securitatis carta in sua permaneat firmitate. Signum suprascriptarum DONATE relicte, FANTINE, BELLELLE et MAROTE, omnium filiarum et nunc commissarie, que hec rogaverunt fieri.

"Ego PETRUS MASSARIO clericus Ecclesie Scti. Geminiani testis subscripsi.

"Ego SIMEON GORGII de Jadra testis subscripsi.

"Ego DOMINICUS MOZZO presbiter plebanus Scti. Geminiani et notarius complevi et roboravi.

"MARCUS BARISANO presbiter Canonicus et notarius ut vidi in matre testis sum in fillia.

"Ego JOANNES TEUPULLO Judex Esaminatorum ut vidi in matre testis sum in fillia.

"(L.S.N.) Ego magister ALBERTINUS DE MAYIS Notarius Veneciarum hoc exemplum exemplari anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Jesu Christi Millesimo trecentesimo quinquagesimo quinto mensis Julii die septimo, intrante indictione octava, Rivoalti, nil addens nec minuens quod sentenciam mutet vel sensum tollat, complevi et roboravi."[6]

10.—(1326).

Resolution of Counsel of XL. condemning Zanino Grioni for insulting Donna Moreta Polo in Campo San Vitale.

(Avvogaria di Comun. Reg. I. Raspe, 1324-1341, Carta 23 del 1325.)*

"MCCCXXV. Die xxvi. Februarii.

"Cum ZANINUS GRIONI quondam Ser LIONARDI GRIONI contrate Sancte Heustachii diceretur intulisse iniuriam Domine MORETE qm. Dni. MARCI POLO, de presente mense in Campo Sancti Vitalis et de verbis iniuriosis et factis.... Capta fuit pars hodie in dicto consilio de XL. quod dictus ZANINUS condemnatus sit ad standum duobus mensibus in carceribus comunis, scilicet in quarantia.

"Die eodem ante prandium dictus ZANINUS GRIONI fuit consignatus capitaneo et custodibus quarantie," etc.

11.—(1328).

(Maj. Cons. Delib. Brutus, c. 77.)*

"MCCXXVII. Die 27 Januarii.

"Capta. Quod quoddam instrumentum vigoris et roboris processi et facti a quondam Ser MARCO PAULO contra Ser HENRICUM QUIRINO et Pauli dictum dictum Sclavo [sic] JOHANNI et PHYLIPPO et ANFOSIO QUIRINO, scriptum per presbyterum Johannem Taiapetra, quod est adheo corosum quod legi non potest, relevetur et fiat," etc.

12.—(1328).

Judgment on a Plaint lodged by Marco Polo, called Marcolino, regarding a legacy from Maffeo Polo the Elder. (See I. p. 77.)

(Avvogaria di Comun. Raspe Reg. i. 1324-1341, c. 14 tergo, del 1329.)*

"1328. Die xv. Mensis Marcii.

"Cum coram dominis Advocatoribus Comunis per D. MARCUM, dictum MARCOLINUM PAULO sancti Johannis Grisostomi fuisset querela depositata de translatione et alienatione imprestitorum olim Domini MAPHEI PAULO majoris Scti. Joh. Gris., facta domino MARCO PAULO de dicto confinio in MCCCXVIII mense Maii, die xi, et postea facta heredibus ejusdem dni. MARCI PAULO post ejus mortem,.. cum videretur eisdem dominis Advocatoribus quod dicte translationes et alienationes imprestitorum fuerint injuste ac indebite facte, videlicet in tantum quantum sunt libre mille dimisse MARCO dicto MARCOLINO PAULO predicto in testamento dicti olim dni. MATHEI PAULO maioris, facti in anno domini MCCCVIII mense Februarii die vi intrante indictione viii'a.... Capta fuit pars in ipso consilio de XL'ta quod dicta translactio et alienatio imprestitorum.... revocentur, cassentur, et annulentur, in tantum videlicet quantum sunt dicte mille libre," etc.

13.—(1328).

Grant of citizenship to Marco Polo's old slave Peter the Tartar. (See vol. i. p. 72.)

(Maj. Conc. Delib. Brutus, Cart. 78 t.)*

"MCCCXXVIII, die vii Aprilis.

"(Capta) Quod fiat gratia PETRO S. Marie Formose, olim sclavorum Ser MARCI PAULI Sancti Joh. Gris., qui longo tempore fuit Venetiis, pro suo bono portamento, de cetero sit Venetus, et pro Venetus [sic] haberi et tractari debeat."

14.—(1328).

Process against the Lady Donata Polo for a breach of trust See vol. i. p. 77 (as No. 12, c. 8, del 1328).*

"MCCCXXVIII. Die ultimo Maii.

"Cum olim de mandato ... curie Petitionum, ad petitionem Ser BERTUTII QUIRINO factum fuerit apud Dominam DONATAM PAULO Sancti Job. Gris., quoddam sequestrum de certis rebus, inter quas erant duo sachi cum Venetis grossis intus, legati et bullati, et postea in una capsella sigillata repositi, prout in scripturis dicti sequestri plenius continetur. Et cum diceretur fuisse subtractam aliquam pecunie quantitatem, non bono modo, de dictis sachis, post dictum sequestrum, et dicta de causa per dictos dominos Advocatores ... fuerit hodie in conscilio de XL. placitata dicta Dna. DONATA PAULO, penes quam dicta capsella cum sachis remansit hucusque.

"... cum per certas testimonias ... habeatur quod tempore sequestri facti extimata fuit pecunia de dictis sacchis esse libras lxxx grossorum vel circha,[7] et quando postea numerata fuit inventam esse solummodo libras xlv grossorum et grossos xxii, quod dicta Dna. Donata teneatur et debeat restituere et consignare in saculo seu saculis, loco pecunie que ut predicitur deficit et extrata, et ablata est libras xxv [sic] grossorum. Et ultra hoc pro pena ut ceteris transeat in exemplum condempnetur in libris ducentis et solvat eas."

15.—(1330).

Remission of fine incurred by an old servant of Marco Polo's. (Reg. Grazie 3 deg., c. 40.)*

"MCCCXXX, iiii Septembris.

"Quod fiat gratia MANULLI familiari Ser MARCI POLO sancti Joh. Gris. quod absolvatur a pena librarum L pro centenariis, quam dicunt officiales Levantis incurrisse pro eo quod ignorans ordines et pure non putans facere contra aliqua nostra ordinamenta cum galeis que de Ermenia venerunt portavit Venecias tantum piperis et lanae quod constitit supra soldos xxv grossorum tanquam forenses (?). Et officiates Levantis dicunt quod non possunt aliud dicere nisi quod solvat. Sed consideratis bonitate et legalitate dicti Manulli, qui mercatores cum quibus stetit fideliter servivit, sibi videtur pecatum quod debeat amittere aliud parum quod tam longo tempore cum magnis laboribus aquisivit, sunt contenti quod dicta gratia sibi fiat."

16.—(1333).

Attestation by the Gastald and Officer of the Palace Court of his having put the Lady Donata and her daughters in possession of two tenements in S. Giovanni Grisostomo. Dated 12th July, 1333.

(From the Archivio of the Istituto degli Esposti, No. 6.)[8]

The document begins with a statement, dated 22nd August, 1390, by MORANDUS DE CAROVELLIS, parson of St. Apollinaris and Chancellor of the Doge's Aula, that the original document having been lost, he, under authority of the Doge and Councils, had formally renewed it from the copy recorded in his office.

In nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Incarn. D.N.J.C. millesimo trecentesimo tregesimo tertio mensis Julii die duodecimo, intrantis indicione prima Rivoalti. Testificor Ego DONATUS Gastaldio Dni. nostri Dni. Francisci Dandulo Dei gratia inclyti Venetiarum Ducis, et Ministerialis Curie Palacii, quod die tercio intrante suprascripti mensis Julii, propter preceptum ejusdem Dni. Ducis, secundum formam statuti Veneciarum, posui in tenutam et corporalem possessionem DONATAM quondam uxorem, FANTINAM et MORETAM quondam filias, omnes commissarias Nobilis Viri MARCI PAULO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, nomine ipsius Commissarie, cum BELELLA olim filia et similiter nominata commissaria dicti MARCI PAULO * * * de duabus proprietatibus terrarum et casis copertis et discopertis positis in dicto confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, que firmant prout inferius in infrascripte notitie carta continetur * * * * ut in ea legitur:

"Hec est carta fata anno ab Inc. D.N.J.C. millesimo trecentesimo vigesimo tercio, mensis Maij die nono, exeunte Indictione sexta, Rivoalti, quam fieri facit Dnus. Johannes Superantio D.G. Veneciarum Dalmacie atque Croacie olim Dux, cum suis judicibus examinatorum, suprascripto Marco Paulo postquam venit ante suam suorumque judicum examinatorum presenciam ipse MARCUS PAULO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, et ostendit eis duas cartas completas et roboratas, prima quarum est venditionis et securitatis carta, facta anno ab Inc. D.N.J. C. (1321) mensis Junii die decimo, intrante indictione quinta, Rivoalti; qua manifestum fecit ipsa DONATA uxor MARCI PAULO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi cum suis successoribus quia in Dei et Christi nomine dedit, vendidit, atque transactavit sibi MARCO PAULO viro suo de eodem confinio et suis heredibus duas suas proprietates terre, et casas copertas et discopertas, que sunt hospicia, videlicet camere et camini, simul conjuncta versus Rivum ... secundum quod dicta proprietas sive hospicium firmat ab uno suo capite, tam superius quam inferius, in muro comuni huic proprietati et proprietati MARCI PAULO et STEPHANI PAULO. Et ab alio suo capite firmat in uno alio muro comuni huic proprietati et predictorum MARCI et STEPHANI PAULO. Ab imo suo latere firmat in supradicto Rivo. Et alio suo latere firmat tam superius quam inferius in salis sive porticis que sunt comunes huic proprietati et proprietati suprascriptorum MARCI et STEPHANI PAULO fratrum. Unde hec proprietas sive hospicia habent introitum et exitum per omnes scalas positas a capite dictarum salarum sive porticuum usque ad curiam et ad viam comunem discurrentem ad Ecclesiam Scti. Johannis Grisostomi et alio. Et est sciendum quod curia, puthei, gradate, et latrine sunt comunes huic proprietati et proprietati suprascriptorum MARCI et STEPHANI PAULO fratrum. * * * *

[The definition of the second tenement—una cusina—follows, and then a long detail as to a doubt regarding common rights to certain sale sive porticus magne que respiciunt et sunt versus Ecclesiam Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, and the discussion by a commission appointed to report; and, again, similar detail as to stairs, wells, etc.]—"declaraverunt et determinaverunt omnes suprascripti cancellarii in concordia quod tam putheus qui est in dicta curia, quam etiam putheus qui est extra curiam ad quem itur per quamdam januam que est super calle extra januam principalem tocius proprietatis de CHA POLO, sunt communes supradictis duabus proprietatibus MARCI PAULO et toti reliquo dicte proprietatis quod est indivisum." * * * * Et ego suprascriptus DONATUS Gastaldio supradicti Dni. Ducis secundum predictas declarationes et determinationes posui suprascriptas commissarias dicti MARCI PAULO die suprascripto tercio intrante mensis Julii in tenutam et possessionem de suprascriptis duabus proprietatibus confiniatis in carta noticie supradicte. Et hoc per verum dico testimonium. Signum supradicti DONATI Gastaldionis Dni. Ducis, et Ministerialis Curie Palacii, qui hec rogavit fieri.[9]

17.—(1336).

Release granted by Agnes Lauredano, sister, and by Fantina Bragadino and Moreta Dolphyno, daughters, and all three Trustees of the late Domina Donata, relict of Dominus Marcus Polo of S. Giov. Grisostomo, to Dominus Raynuzo Dolphyno of the same, on account of 24 lire of grossi[10] which the Lady Donata Polo had advanced to him on pledge of many articles. Dated 4th March, 1336. The witnesses and notary are the same as in the next.

(In the Archivio Generale; Pacta, Serie T, No. 144.)

18.—(1336).

Release by the Ladies Fantina and Moreta to their aunt Agnes Lauredano and themselves, as Trustees of the late Lady Donata, on account of a legacy left them by the latter.[11] Dated 4th March, 1336.

(In the Archivio Generale; Pacta, Serie T, No. 143.)

"Plenam et irrevocabilem securitatem facimus nos FANTINA uxor MARCI BRAGADINO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi et Moreta uxor RENUZI DELFINO de dicto confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, ambe sorores, et filie comdam DONATE relicte Domini MARCI POLLO de dicto confinio Scti. J.G. cum nostris successoribus, vobis AGNETI LAUREDANO, comdam sorori, ac nobis preditis FANTINE et MORETE olim filiabus (predicte DONATE) omnibus commissariabus predicte DONATE relicte dicti Domini MARCI POLO de predicto confinio S.J.G. et vestris ac nostris successoribus de libris denariorum Veneciarum Grossorum quadraginta quinque, que libre den. Ven. gros. quadraginta quinque sunt pro parte librarum den. Ven. gros. quadraginta octo quas suprascripta Domina Donata olim mater nostra secundum formam sui testamenti cartam nobis dimisit, in quibus libris ... sententiam obtinuimus ... anno ab Inc. D.N.J.C. Millesimo trecentesimo trigesimo quinto mensis febbruarij die ultimo (29th February, 1336) indictione, quarta Rivoalti.

* * * * *

"Signum suprascriptarum Fantine et Morete que hec rogaverunt fieri.

"Ego MARCUS LOVARI Canonicus Sancti Marci testis subscripsi.

"Ego NICOLETUS DE BONOMO Canonicus Sancti Marci testis subscripsi.

"(L.S.N.) Ego Presbiter GUIDO TREVISANO Canonicus Sancti Marcij et Notarius complevi et roboravi."

19.—(1388).

[Document dated 15th May, 1388, found at the Archives degli Esposti, now at the Archivio di Stato, by the Ab. Cav. V. Zanetti, containing a sentence of the Giudici della Curia del Procuratore in favour of Pietro Bragadin against Agnesina, sister, and Catarinuzza, widow of Matteo Polo di S. Giovanni Grisostomo, for work done. This document is interesting, as it shows that this Matteo was a son of Marcolino. Published partly in the Archivio Veneto, XVI., 1878, pp. 102-103.—H.C.]

20.—(1388).

[Document dated 15th May, 1388, found in the Archives degli Esposti, now at the Archivio di Stato, by the Ab. Cav. V. Zanetti, and mentioned by him in the Archivio Veneto, XVI., 1878, pp. 104-105, containing a sentence of the Giudici della Curia del Procuratore in favour of Pietro Bragadin against the Commissaries of the late Matteo Polo.—H.C.]

[1] For this and for all the other documents marked with an '*' I am under obligation to Comm. Berchet. There is some doubt if this refers to our Marco Polo. (See vol. i. p. 66.)

[2] For the indication of this I was indebted to Professor Minotto.

[3] This perhaps indicates that Marco's half-brother Giovannino was in partnership with him.

[4] This is printed line for line with the original; it was printed in the first edition, ii. pp. 440-441, but was omitted in the second. The translation is given in the Introductory Essay, vol. i. pp. 70-73, seqq.; with a facsimile.

[5] I.e., 9th January, 1324.

[6] This was printed in the First Edition (ii. p 442), but was omitted in the Second.

[7] About 300l. sterling.

[8] For this I was indebted to Comm. Barozzi.

[9] See i. p. 31.—Reprinted from the First Edition.

[10] About 90l.

[11] Of 48 lire of grossi, or about 180l.



APPENDIX D.—Comparative Specimens of Different Recensions of Polo's Text.

FRENCH.

1. MS. PARIS LIBRARY, 7367 (now Fr. 1116).

(Geographic Text)

Quant l'en se part de le isle de PENTAM e l'en ala por ysceloc entor cent miles, adonc treuve le ysle de JAVA LA MENOR; mes si sachies q'ele ne est pas si peitite q'ele ne gire environ plus de deus mille miles, et de ceste ysle voz conteron toute la virite. Or sachies qe sor ceste ysle ha huit roiames et huit rois corones en ceste ysle, e sunt tuit ydres et ont langajes por elles. Car sachies che chascun des roiames ont langajes por eles. En ceste ysle a mout grandisme habundance de trezor et de toutes chieres especes e leingn aloe et espi, et de maintes autres especes que unques n'en vienent en nostre pais. Or vos voil conter la maineres de toutes cestes jens, cascune por soi, e vos dirai primermant une cousse qe bien senblera a cascun mervoilliose cousse. Or sachies tout voirmant qe ceste ysle est tant a midi qe la stoille de tramontaine ne apert ne pou ne grant. Or noz retorneron a la mainere des homes, e voz conteron toute avant dou rouiame de FERLEC.

2. MS. OF PARIS LIBRARY, 10260 (Fr. 5631)

(Pauthier's MS. A.)

Quant on se part de l'isle de MALIUR, et on nage quatre vingt dix milles, adonc treuve en l'isle de Javva le Meneur; mais elle n'est mie si petite qu'elle n'ait de tour ii. milles. Et si vous conteray de cette isle l'affaire.

Sachiez que sus ceste isle a viij. royaumes et viij. rois courronnes. Ilz sont tuit ydolastres; et si a, chascun royaume, son langaige par soy. Il y a en ceste isle grant quantite d'espiceries. Et si vous conteray la maniere de la plus grant partie de ces huit royaumes. Mais je vous diray avant une chose. Et sachiez que ceste isle est si vers midi que l'estoille tremontainne n'y apert.

Or nous retournerons a notre maticre, et vous conterons tout avant du royaume de FALEC.

3. BERN MS.

(T. de Cepoy's Type.)

Quant l'en se part de l'isle de MALAIUR, et l'en a nagie par seloc environ iiii'xx et x milles, il dont treuve l'en la petite Isle de JAVA, mais elle n'est pas si petite qu'elle ne dure bien environ ij'c milles. Et si vous conterons de ceste isle tout l'affaire et verite.

Ore sachiez que sous ceste isle y a viij. royaumes et viii. roys couronnez, car chascun roy si a couronne par soy. Il sont tout ydres et chascun royaume par soy a son langage. Il y a en ceste isle moult grant tresor, et si y a moult despeceries de moult de manieres. [Et si vous conteray la maniere][1] de la plus grant part de ces viii. royaumes chascun par soy, mais avant vous diray une chose qui moult samblera estrange a chascun. Sachiez que l'estoille de Tramontane apert ne pou ne assez.

Ore retournons nous a nostre maniere.

ITALIAN.

4. CRUSCA.

Quando l'uomo si parte dell' isola di PETAM, e l'uomo va per isciroc da c miglia, trova l isola di IAVA LA MINORE, ma ella non e si piccola ch' ella non giri ii. M miglia: e di questa isola vi contero tutto il vero. Sappiate che in su questa isola hae viii. re coronati, e sono tutti idoli, e ciascuno di questi reami ha lingua per se. Qui ha grande abbondanza di tesoro e di tutte care ispezierie. Or vi contero la maniera di tutti questi reami di ciascuno per se; e dirovvi una cosa che parra maraviglia ad ogni uomo, che questa isola e tanto verso mezzodi, che la tramontana non si vede ne poco ne assai. Or torneremo alla maniera degli uomeni, e dirovvi del reame di FERBET.

5. BERN ITALIAN.

Se lo homo se parte da PENTAN e navicha per sirocho c. mia, trova l' isola de IANA MINORE che volze ben piu de ii'm. mia. In la q'le isola e viii. regnami, e ciascun regname ha uno re. La zente de questa isola ha linguazo per si e sono idolatri e ge grande habundantia de specie che non sono mai in nostre contrade.

Questa isola e tanto verso mezodi chel non se po veder la stella tramontana ne pocho ne assai. Jo non fui in tutti li regnami de questa provincia ma fui in solo lo regname de FORLETTI e in quel de BASARON e in quello de SAMARA e in quello de GROIAN e in quel de LAMBRIN e in quello de FANFIRO. In li altri dui non fui. E pero io ne diro pur de questi dove sum stado.

6. RAMUSIO'S PRINTED TEXT.

Quando si parte dall' Isola PENTAN, e che s' e navigato circa a cento miglia per Scirocco, si truova l'Isola di GIAUA MINORE. Ma non e pero cosi picciola, che non giri circa due mila miglia a torno a torno. Et in quest' isola son' otto reami, et otto Re. Le genti della quale adorano gl' idoli, & in ciascun regno v' e linguaggio da sua posta, diverso dalla favella de gli altri regni. V' e abondanza di thesoro, & di tutte le specie, & de legno d'aloe, verzino, ebano, & di molte altri sorti di specie, che alla patria nostra per la langhezza del viaggio, & pericoli del navigare non si portano, ma si portan' alla provincia di Mangi, & del Cataio.

Hor vogliamo dire della maniera di questi genti di ciascuna partitamente per se, ma primamente e da sapere, che quest' isola e posta tanto verso le parti di mezo giorno, che quivi la stella Tramontana non si puo vedere, & M. Marco fu in sei reami di quest' isola, de' quali, qui se ne parlera, lasciando gli altri due che non vidde.

LATIN

7. MS. OF PARIS LIBRARY, 3195. (Geographic Latin)

Quando homo recedit de insula de PENTAY et vadit per silochum sentum miliaria, invenit insulam minorem de JAVA, et est ista insula parva et durat duo millia miliaria; et de ista insula computabo vobis omnia. Super ista insula sunt octo regna, in sex quorum ego Marcus fui, scilicet in regnis Ferlech, Basman, Samara, Dragoiam, Lambri et Fanfur. In aliis autem duobus non fui; et secundum quod sunt octo regna, ita sunt octo reges coronati, et sunt omnes idolatrae. Et quodlibet istorum regnorum habet linguam per se. Ibi est magna abundantia thesauri et de omnibus caris speciebus; et dicam vobis de ista insula quaedam quae videbuntur mirabilia. Ista insula est tantum versus meridiem quod tramontana non videtur ibi nec parvum nec multum. Postquam diximus vobis de insula et de regnis ipsius, nunc computemus de moribus hominum ipsius insulae, et primo de regno Ferlech.

8. PIPINO'S VERSION (British Museum, King's Libr. 14 c. xiii.).

Ultra insulam Pentham per Syrocum post miliaria centum invenit insulam quae dicitur JAUA MINOR quae in suo ambitu continet miliaria duo milia. Ibi sunt octo regna cum singulis regibus et est ibi propria lingua. Et omnis habitatores insulae ydolatrie sectatores sunt. Ibi est omnium aromatum copia, quarum similtudinem nunquam vidimus citra mare. Hec insula in tantum est ad meridiem posita, quod de ipsa insula Polus Arcticus videri non poterit stella seu illa quae vulgariter dicitur Tramontana. Ego autem Marcus fui in sex regnis hujus insulae, sc. in regnis FERLECH, BASMAN, SAMARA, DRAGOIAN, LAMBRI et FAMSUR. In aliis autem duobus non fui. Et primo dicam de regno Ferlech.

9. VERSION OF CICOGNA MS. in Museo Civico, Venice

Ab ynsula Pentain cerca 100 mil. versus Syroch est ynsula JAUA que licet Minor dicatur per respectum alterius supradicte est in circuitus [sic] 2000 mil. et plus. In ipsa enim sunt 8 regna singuli[2] et reges, et habet quodlibet regnum per se proprium ydeoma, et est in ipsa tesaurus multus valde et species magni valoris multe, et lignum aloes et spica, et multe diverse species que nunquam in nostris partibus apportantur. Et est hec ynsula in tantum versus meridiem possita quod Polus Articus breviter non apparet.

10. VERSION PRINTED IN THE NOVUS ORBIS OF GRYNAEUS.

Ultra insulam PETAN, per Sirochum navigando, est JAUA MINOR, centum distans milliaribus a PETAN: et haec in circuitu continere dicitur circiter duo millia milliarium. Dividitur insula in octo regna, habetque linguam propriam. Producit etiam varia aromata, qualia in his nostris partibus nunquam visa sunt.... Protenditur haec insula in tantum ad Austrum, ut Polus Arcticus, et stelle ejus minime videri possent. Ego Marcus fui in hac insula, lustravique sex ejus regna, nempe regnum Ferlech, Basman, Samara, Dragoiam, Lambri, et Fansur. In aliis vero duobus non fui.

[1] Omitted in MS. or at least in my transcript.

[2] Word doubtful.



APPENDIX E.—The Preface of Friar Pipino to his Latin Version of Marco Polo. (Circa 1315-1320.)

"The Book of that prudent, honourable, and most truthful gentleman, MESSER MARCO POLO of Venice, concerning the circumstances and manners of the Regions of the East, which he conscientiously wrote and put forth in the Vulgar Tongue, I, FRIAR FRANCESCO PIPINO of Bologna, of the Order of the Preaching Friars, am called upon by a number of my Fathers and Masters to render faithfully and truthfully out of the vulgar tongue into the Latin. And this, not merely because they are themselves persons who take more pleasure in Latin than in vernacular compositions, but also that those who, owing to the diversity of languages and dialects, might find the perusal of the original difficult or impossible, may be able to read the Book with understanding and enjoyment.

"The task, indeed, which they have constrained me to undertake, is one which they themselves could have executed more competently, but they were averse to distract their attention from the higher contemplations and sublime pursuits to which they are devoted, in order to turn their thoughts and pens to things of the earth earthy. I, therefore, in obedience to their orders, have rendered the whole substance of the Book into such plain Latin as was suited to its subject.

"And let none deem this task to be vain and unprofitable; for I am of opinion that the perusal of the Book by the Faithful may merit an abounding Grace from the Lord; whether that in contemplating the variety, beauty, and vastness of God's Creation, as herein displayed in His marvellous works, they may be led to bow in adoring wonder before His Power and Wisdom; or, that, in considering the depths of blindness and impurity in which the Gentile Nations are involved, they may be constrained at once to render thanks to God Who hath deigned to call His faithful people out of such perilous darkness into His marvellous Light, and to pray for the illumination of the hearts of the Heathen. Hereby, also, the sloth of undevout Christians may be put to shame, when they see how much more ready the nations of the unbelievers are to worship their Idols, than are many of those who have been marked with Christ's Token to adore the True God. Moreover, the hearts of some members of the religious orders may be moved to strive for the diffusion of the Christian Faith, and by Divine Aid to carry the Name of Our Lord Jesus Christ, forgotten among so vast multitudes, to those blinded nations, among whom the harvest is indeed so great, and the labourers so few.

"But lest the inexperienced Reader should regard as beyond belief the many strange and unheard of things that are related in sundry passages of this Book, let all know MESSER MARCO POLO, the narrator of these marvels, to be a most respectable, veracious, and devout person, of most honourable character, and receiving such good testimony from all his acquaintance, that his many virtues claim entire belief for that which he relates. His Father, Messer Nicolo, a man of the highest respectability, used to relate all these things in the same manner. And his uncle, Messer Maffeo, who is spoken of in the Book, a man of ripe wisdom and piety, in familiar conversation with his Confessor when on his death-bed, maintained unflinchingly that the whole of the contents of this Book were true.

"Wherefore I have, with a safer conscience, undertaken the labour of this Translation, for the entertainment of my Readers, and to the praise of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Creator of all things visible and invisible."



APPENDIX F.—Note of MSS. of Marco Polo so far as they are known.

GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OF MSS.

Latin French Italian German Irish Total GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Cambridge 3 ... ... ... ... Dublin 1 ... ... ... ... Lismore Castle ... ... ... ... 1 Glasgow 2 ... ... ... ... London 4 2 1 ... ... Oxford 1 1 ... ... ...

FRANCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Paris 4 7 1 ... ...

LUXEMBOURG . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

BELGIUM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Brussels ... 1 ... ... ...

ITALY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Venice 4 ... 2 ... ... Ferrara ... ... 1 ... ... Milan 1 ... ... ... ... Modena 1 ... ... ... ... Florence 1 ... 8 ... ... Lucca .... ... 1 ... ... Siena ... ... 1 ... ... Rome 4 1 4 ... ...

SPAIN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Escurial 1 ... ... ... ... Toledo 1 ... 1 ... ...

SWITZERLAND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Bern ... 1 1 ... ... Vevey ... 1 ... ... ...

GERMANY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Munich 4 ... ... 4 ... Wolfenbuettel 2 ... ... ... ... Berlin 1 ... ... 1 ... Wuerzburg 1 ... ... ... ... Giessen 1 ... ... ... ... Jena 1 ... ... ... ... Mentz 1 ... ... ... ...

AUSTRIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Prague 1 ... ... ... ... Vienna ... ... ... 1 ...

SWEDEN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Stockholm ... 2 ... ... ...

41 16 21 6 1 85



I add Lists of the Miniatures in two of the finer MSS. as noted from examination.

LIST OF MINIATURES IN THE GREAT VOLUME OF THE FRENCH NATIONAL LIBRARY, COMMONLY KNOWN AS 'LE LIVRE DES MERVEILLES' (Fr. 2810) WHICH BELONG TO THE BOOK OF MARCO POLO.

1. Frontispiece. "Comment les deux freres se partirent de Constantinople pour cherchier du monde."

2. Conversation with the Ambassadors at Bokhara (fol. 2).

3. The Brothers before the G. Kaan (f. 2 v.).

4. The Kaan giving them Letters (f. 3).

5. " " " " a Golden Tablet (f. 3 v.).