[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding.

[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India, the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See Tawney, Katha Sarit Sagara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta, 1880). According to Skeat (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the "roasting of the mother." The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32).

[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant (see Skeat, op. cit., p. 338).

[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys: Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm; Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from bato, a stone; Tabau, this name is a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies "a man who is a little crazy, who is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;" Otang, the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from zapal, the crotch of a tree. For girls: Bangonan, from bangon, "to rise, to get up;" Igai, from nigai, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from gilai the identifying slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf.

[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names, such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil an infant for which the parents have so little consideration (Grandidier, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II).

[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (Skeat, op. cit., p. 341).

[63] Reyes, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila, 1887).

[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are added. It is here described as an act of purification (Skeat, op. cit., pp. 334-5).

[65] Also called salokang (cf. p. 310).

[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144.

[67] F. De Lerena, Ilustracion Filipina, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila, Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure at the time of birth will be found in the account of Polo De Lara, Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, et seq.

[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future.

[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day.

[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit, a small jar of basi, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf, two bundles of rice (palay) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear.

[71] This is a dakidak (cf. p. 311).

[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as kanyau. It is not always used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed following the cutting of the first rice.

[73] That is, a premature child.

[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay (Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 325).

[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire.

[76] From maysa, one; dua, two; talo, three.

[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent, but is similar to our slang "rubber."

[78] In Patok only the agate bead (napodau) is used.

[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known as polya.

[80] Worcester, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (Philippine Jour. of Science, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858).

[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known as dias (Fig. 5, No. 5).

[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born.

[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the Batak of Palawan; they are also described by Reed and Worcester for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while Loarca, writing late in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a coast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of note that Jenks found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by Crawley. See Cole, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); Reed, Negritos of Zambales (Pub. Ethnological Survey, Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58 (Manila, 1904)); Worcester, Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. I, p. 811 (Manila, 1906); Loarca, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, et seq.; Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot (Pub. Ethnological Survey, Vol. I, pp. 68, et seq., Manila, 1905); Evans, Journ. Royal Anth. Inst., Vol. XLVII, p. 159; Crawley, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, et seq.

[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See Cole, op. cit., pp. 102, 157.

[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of Palawan they smoke of the same cigar.

[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse.

[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12.

[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient custom described by Loarca. In his account, the bride was carried to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given a present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps, she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise given some prized object. Loarca, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, Chap. X; also Blair and Robertson, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 157.

[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The origin of death is also given in the tales, ibid., p. 177.

[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as kalading, but in Manabo it is called kal-kolayo and in Likuan alalya; in Ilokano, al-alia means "phantom" or "ghost."

[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution is taken.

[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door in place of the live bird.

[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181.

[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the wife kept wailing, "Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where you go."

[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed over her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan the blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife.

[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.

[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north of the Tinguian (Cole, Am. Anthropologist, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909, p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372).

[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease, and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people to infection.

[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given.

[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet, then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body. This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of grave is found in Sumatra (Marsden, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., p. 287, London, 1811).

[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (La Gironiere, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853).

[102] Op. cit., p. 121.

[103] As distinguished from those of the dead.

[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside the mat, "so that the spirit may have something to spend."

[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having the hereditary right.

[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 23-24, and note).

[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (Evans, Jour. Ant. Inst., Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159).

[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit, weapons, clothing, and the like.

[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as Kilyas is held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house, saying, "Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives." When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance and "forget the sorrow," and are then released from all taboos. The Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns.

[110] Also known as Waxi in San Juan, and Bagongon in Sallapadin. In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony occurs a few days after the funeral.

[111] This is known as Apapayag or Inapapayag (p. 309).

[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy, it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse, otherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day period has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings placed over it. When some one else is holding a Layog, the parents may join them "to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead."

[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2).

[114] Functions mentales dans les societes inferieures (Paris, 1910).

[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 180-182

[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see Cole, Relations between the Living and the Dead (Am. Jour. of Sociology, Vol. XXI, No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.).

[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185.

[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in the spirit houses known as tangpap, alalot, and pungkew.

[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures known as balaua, sogayab, batog,and balag (cf. pp. 308, et seq.)

[120] Among the Ifugao, Kabunian is the lowest of the three layers which make up the heavens (Beyer, Origin Myths among the Mountain Peoples of the Philippines, Phil. Jour. of Science, Vol. viii, No. 2, 1913, p. 99).

[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15.

[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32.

[123] The medium is also sometimes called manganito.

[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient Visayans. See Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, p. 133; Perez writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums, "He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many faces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee, and says he is the anito to whom the sacrifice is being made." See Blair and Robertson, op. cit.,Vol. XLVII, p. 301.

[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see Roy, Jour. Royal Anth, Inst.,Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; Skeat and Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; Benedict, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and Myth, p. 220 (Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences, Vol. XXV, 1916); Hildburgh, Man, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc, Vol. VIII, pp. 132, et seq.

[126] The salaksak was also the omen bird of the Zambales (Blair and Robertson, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307).

[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain writers, namely, Hose and McDougall, Kroeber, and Laufer are inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See Hose and McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London, 1912); Kroeber, Peoples of the Philippines (American Museum of Natural History, Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919); Laufer, Toung Pao, 1914, pp. 1-51.

[128] For the diam recited at this time, see Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.

[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the shells of her piling for this purpose. In many villages the medium, while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the family has made this ceremony.

[130] Had they not possessed a balaua, they would have made this offering in the dwelling.

[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179.

[132] The sagang is the sharpened pole, which was passed through the foramen magnum of a captured skull.

[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place.

[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178.

[135] This diam is sometimes repeated for the saloko (see p. 319).

[136] Known as Palasod in Bakaok.

[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175.

[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174.

[139] Op. cit., p. 175.

[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a saloko, which is planted close to the stream.

[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Daya, in Patok and vicinity as Komon or Ubaiya.

[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns.

[143] Canarium villosum Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has been properly conducted. According to some informants, the pala-an is intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation.

[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as pisek, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called sangba.

[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice, a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin.

[146] Many spirits which appear here and in Sayang are not mentioned in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or minor role in the life of the people.

[147] The spirit who lives in the sagang, the sharpened bamboo sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed.

[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the mediums had ever seen a native of that region.

[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people.

[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian.

[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups north and east of Abra.

[152] When the tangpap is built during the Sayang ceremony, it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with basi (Plate XX).

[153] The talagan (see p. 308).

[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan, Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo.

[155] The site of the old village of Bukay.

[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi, Mrs. Cole's—Ginobayan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's—Andonan Dogyawi, and Mrs. Rowell's—Gayankayan Gidonan.

[157] This raft is the Taltalabong, and is intended for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.

[158] It is customary to place a jar of basi under or near the house, so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This offering had been neglected, hence his complaint.

[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite, it will occur in about three years, and Sayang will follow some four years later.

[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.

[161] See ibid., p. 24.

[162] In Patok, diwas is sung as a part of da-eng on the night of Libon.

[163] This is the same form as the "shield," which hangs above the newborn infant (p. 312).

[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead of the frame.

[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different times during the ceremony, as in Tangpap.

[167] See under Idasan, p. 309.

[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried girls. See Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905).

[169] Combes, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667), translated by Blair and Robertson, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII, p. 300. Ling Roth, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol. II, p. 270, et seq.(London, 1896).

[170] For description of these villages, see Cole, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (Am. Anthropologist, Vol. XI, p. 329).

[171] See Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906).

[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853).

[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8.

[174] See Cole and Laufer, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).

[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot, the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error.

[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa, and, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See Hodson (Folklore, June, 1909, p. 109); Rivers, History of Melanesian Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); Hose and McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); Shinji Ishii (Transactions Japan Soc. of London, Vol. XIV, pp. 7, et seq.).

[177] See Worcester, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906).

[178] See Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V, p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313; XLVIII, p. 57. Cole, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (Am. Anth., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340); Cole, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, et seq.).

[179] These are called soga. Their use is widespread in the Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper Burma. See Shakespear, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, et seq.(London, 1914). Marsden, Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811).

[180] See Cole, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).

[181] This description is partially taken from the account of Paul P. de La Gironiere, probably the one white man, who has witnessed this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.

[182] See Cole, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (Am. Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, 1909, p. 340).

[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.

[184] Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); Kroeber, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).

[185] Egerton, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, 1880), p. 84; Shakespear, History of Upper Assam, Burma and Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.

[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, and it is also widespread in Malaysia.

[187] The mountain rice is known as langpadan, the lowland rice as pagey (Ilocano palay).

[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See Marsden, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811).

[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See Freeman and Chandler, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).

[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.

[191] Raffles, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate VIII (London, 1820); Marsden, op. cit., p. 74; Freeman and Chandler, op. cit., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name alado is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish arado, but this of course would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.

[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195, et seq.

[193] Munia jagori (martens). Locally known as tikgi.

[194] Probably the ophiocephalus. See Dean, American Museum Journal, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.

[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.

[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao, in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See Marsden, History of Sumatra, p. 73; Raffles, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8; Mayer, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, (Leiden, 1897); Van der Lith, Nederlandsch Oost Indie, Vol. II, p. 353, (Leiden, 1894).

[197] Rice in the bundle is known as palay or pagey.

[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.

[199] Ilocano sanga-reppet or the Spanish monojo.

[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, et seq.

[202] Hose and McDougall (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.

[203] Lavezaris, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no specified district, "have great quantities of provisions which they gathered from irrigated fields" (Blair and Robertson, Philippine Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, "one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself."

[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, see Freeman and Chandler, The World's Commercial Products (Boston, 1911); Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, et seq. (London, 1896); Ferrars, Burma, pp. 48, et seq. (London, 1901); Bezemer, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, p. 232 (Groningen, 1906); Hose and McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246; Perry, Manchester Memoirs, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); Cabaton, Java and the Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); Meyier, Irrigation in Java, Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers, Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); Bernard, Amenagement des eaux a Java, irrigation des rizieres (Paris 1903); Crawfurd, History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, et seq. (Edinburgh, 1820).

[205] Campbell, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, 1915).

[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

[207] Also known as Singa and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated both before the planting and after the harvesting.

[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.

[209] runo, a reed.

[210] Justicia gendarussa L.

[211] Also called salokang. See p. 310.

[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if it is too abundant.

[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and through them talk with the people.

[214] Lygodium near scandens.

[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached to split sticks, (sinobung), and are fastened to a side wall of the house.

[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.

[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. Should the bird known as koling fly over the town during this period, uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, all is well.

[218] Literally, "to give a taste."

[219] Those used are sikag (Lygodium near scandens), talabibatab (Capparis micracantha D.C.) and pedped (?).

[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from specimens collected by the writer.

[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as gabi.

[222] The three common varieties of squash are kalabasa (Benincasa certifera), tabongau and tankoy (Curcubita sp.).

[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of maguey (Agave cantula Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.

[224] A less esteemed species is known as lalawed ta aso ("dog lawed").

[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.

[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See Aduarte, Historia; Blair and Robertson, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It is still found in many portions of the archipelago.

[227] Cole, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195 (MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); Raffles, History of Java, Vol. I, pp. 192-193; Marsden, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811), p. 181; Ferrais, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901); Peal (Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XXII, p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2).

[228] Rockhill, T'oung Pao, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; Blair and Robertson, op. cit., Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV, p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I, p. 482 (Washington, 1905). De Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas (1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, et seq. (London, 1868).

[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London, 1904), pp. 282-283. See also Low, Sarawak—Its Inhabitants and Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848).

[230] Op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 193-194.

[231] Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; Marsden, op. cit., pp. 173, 181, 347 note.

[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904).

[233] Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II, pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145; Vol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. Zuniga, Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94.

[234] Foreman, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892); Bezemer, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906); Skeat, Man, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; Raffles, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); Brendon (Journal of Indian Art and Industry, Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, et seq.).

[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark, or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the hand. Cf. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905).

[236] A similar device is used in Burma.

[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See Mayer, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897).

[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (Brendon, Journal of Indian Art and Industry, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17, et seq.).

[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see Ling Roth, Studies in Primitive Looms (Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299).

[240] These are: alinau (Grewia multiflora Juss.); babaket (Helicteres hirsuta Lour.); laynai—a large tree, unidentified; lapnek (Abroma sp.) ka'a-ka'ag, an unidentified shrub; losoban (grewia); pakak, unidentified; anabo (Hibiscus pungens Roxb.); bangal (Sterculia foctida L.); saloyot (Corchoeus olitorius L.) labtang (Anamirta cocculus); atis (Anona squamosa L.); alagak (anona); maling-kapas (Ceiba pentandra Gaertn.); betning and daldalopang, unidentified; maguey (Agave cantula Roxb.); bayog—a variety of bamboo.

[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes whole sections are colored before being split.

[242] From kawat, the twisting of vines about a tree.

[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. Watt, Dictionary, Vol. I, p. 454.

[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done before the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in.

[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in Sumatra and Japan. Blair and Robertson, Vol. XVI, p. 78; Marsden, History of Sumatra, P. 53.

[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music.

[247] Shallow copper gongs.

[248] Reyes says that this song, daleng, is similar to the dallot of the Ilocano (Articulos varios, p. 32).

[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them free and beat them as they dance.

[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For the music see p. 445.

[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.

[252] I use the word "modern" in this connection, as it pertains to the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.

[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, Da-eng (Boys and girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been tabulated with the women's songs.

[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).

[255] Record J, Da-eng (Girls' part), shows this mark in the "Scale" given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 471).

[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our American Indians. Burton ("Primitive American Music") shows its frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss Fletcher also shows groups in five in her "Omaha Music," and Miss Densmore gives similar grouping in her transcriptions of American Indian songs.

[257] Grove, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.

[258] Rowbotham, History of Music.

THE END