The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received it from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra.

Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists, [204] but Campbell [205] holds to the belief that it was practised centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of Java. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming, carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines, cannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in Java and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture is an old possession.

Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice.—The importance of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous and, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely magical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens, acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All are interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the community, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism.

When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by sending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun, the place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a small pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a proper diam. [206] After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined (cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed, but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for disaster is certain to follow.

The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as salogegey, are stuck in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration "is pleasing to the spirits;" while a piece of charcoal, placed in the notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife of the owner, "so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop."

When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to receive the plants, a ceremony known as Dalau, [207] is held. The purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general, but more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by the family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field carrying a large bamboo pole, bolo [208] branches, stalks of lono [209] bakon, and saklak. [210] The end of the bamboo is split open, and a saloko [211] is constructed to which are attached the other leaves and stalks. The saloko is then placed on the dividing ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is considered wise to also construct a small house (baubauwi). If the field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with, but if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further explained that the spirit then stays in the small house or saloko instead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow.

A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper diam above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the saloko, while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt (kinomayan) is spread at the foot of the saloko, and on it are placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice.

After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain.

Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not progressing favorably, a ceremony known as Komon or Ubaiya [212] is held. Each person of the village is assessed a sopa of rice, a bundle of palay, or a small coin with which pigs, basi, and other things necessary, can be purchased.

Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and place a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper diam over a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice among the stones. Likewise they place a dish of basi among them for the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and eaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place, rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to this spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known as Dawak. [213] Before its conclusion a diam is recited over the pig, which is then killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the supreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some one man who must, on the following morning, celebrate Padiam.

After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small covered raft (taltalabong) is constructed, and in it are placed a live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy men carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony.

Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan to perform the Padiam makes ready, at his own expense, a large pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be dressed in striped garments known as ginalit, must carry a headaxe, and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are thrust two igam, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife, attired in a red jacket (sinasaya) and a skirt (pinapa), and by a medium who also wears the igam beneath a headband of sikag; [214] while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil, begins to recite a diam, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and having mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning home, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh, which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been held. [215] The following day, the owner and the medium return to the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp, carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those of the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it, this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of flesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear. [216]

In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the Ubaiya regularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day before the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gather lono stalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially removed. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony, and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary for it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the period of taboo.

The next day is known as Bignas, and at dawn all the men arm themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the houses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town, they force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting, and are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed to the center of the village, where they dance tadek and da-eng until dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among the people, and a lono stalk, after being dipped in the blood, is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is placed on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held.

If the sun is shining the following morning, the lakay will go outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the lakay can remove the taboo by his wood gathering.

In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described, and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts occur. [217]

The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where, on other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest begins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried to the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day, the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure, and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the following morning the women may begin cutting.

When the rice is ready to be stored, the Palpalaem [218] ceremony is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs [219] are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door, while a bit of sikag is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with its head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a diam. As usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked, and after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of friends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of the rice from the bundles at the corner posts.

Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of basi is placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of palay are piled over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung.

In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known as lablabon or adug is placed with the rice, and from time to time offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice (Plate XXIX).

Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family "whom the spirit knows;" and should another attempt to remove the grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this enforced that a bride never opens her husband's granary until he has presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to identify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However, this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this gift being made.

A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse, was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, "so that the ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy,"

Cultivated Plants and Trees.—Near every settlement will be found a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are grown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found, while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees, but in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff, as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of special value to this people. [220]

Next to rice the camote (Convolvulus batatas) is the most important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut into pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground, and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy, its large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes successfully with the cogon grass. If allowed, the plants multiply by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The tubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs.

Aba (Colocasia antiquorum Schott) is raised, [221] but as it requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice, it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots which are used like those of the camote, while the leaves and young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as obi (Dioscorea sp.), gakad (Dioscorea divaricata Blanco), annaeg (Dioscorea fasciculata), and kamas (Pachyrhizus angulatus D.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens.

Corn, mais, bukel, and red corn, gasilan (Zea mays L.) seems to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for despite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a place in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When ripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back, and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over horizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate LVIII), and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The common method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone, over which a smaller stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced (Plate LIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children.

Several varieties of squash, [222] and beans, as well as peanuts (mani) are among the common products of the garden. The former are trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables are used as food.

Among the minor products are ginger, laya (Zingiber officinale Rosc.) and a small melon, locally known as melod, which is used as a sweetening. Sugar cane, onas (Saccharum), is raised in considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink known as basi. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by passing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely superseded any older method.

The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already described. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright, while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing earth in with fingers or toes.

In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or kapas (Gossypium sp.) and tobacco or taba-o (Nicotiana tabacum) are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides, where it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack of care and suitable fertilization. [223]

Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice, and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of five or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings, or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three to a foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty do not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are cut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (Plate LX), which are then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles, and are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming.

A small amount of indigo, tayum (Indigofera tinctoria) is raised, generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little or no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then boiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used as a dye for cotton thread.

No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the climbing vine known as lawed (Piper sp.). [224] It was formerly in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day betel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According to tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of an absent friend by noting the condition of a lawed vine planted by him prior to his departure. [225] The vine is now trained on poles and trellises, near to many houses.

Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (Musa paradisiaca), coconut (Cocos nucifera), and bamboo (Bambusa sp.) are the most important.

At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow fruit locally known as saba. In Manabo and several other villages, plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual plot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner.

Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as needed, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter are cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds.

The coconut (niog) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey, Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally disposing of the fable that "the coconut tree will not grow out of sight of the sea." Young trees have to be protected by fences during the first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are not tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines, but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe, else they may fall and cause death or injury to people below.

No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing; the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles, while the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers, thread brushes, and the like.

The betel-nut, bwa (Areca catechu L.), is also found in some villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm which yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing.

Mango-treees, mangga (Mangifera indica L.) appear here and there in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been carried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten as it becomes mellow.

Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: Atis (Anona squamosa L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit and bark—the latter being used in rope-making.

Atatawa (Jathropha multifida L.). Also found in a wild state. The fruit is used as a purgative. The Jathropha curcas L. is also used.

Daligan (Averrhoa carambola L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The fruit is eaten without cooking.

Lanka (Artocarpus integrifola L.). Jackfruit.

Maling-kapas or kapas to insit (Ceiba pantadra Gaertn.), also known by the Ilocano as kapas sanglay. This so-called "Chinese cotton" is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches, which radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white cotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder and as stuffing for pillows.

Orange (lokban) and lime (lolokisen) trees are greatly prized, but appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently yield only inferior fruit.

The pias (Averrhoa bilimbi L.) is a garden tree which produces an acid fruit used in cooking.

Santol (Sandoricum indicum Cav.) trees are raised both for the fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are not attacked by white ants.

Wild Plants and Trees.—Few of the wild growths have escaped the attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine, as well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for food, the following are the most important:—

Apang or sapang (Bixa orellana L.).

Alloseup (Antidesma ghesaembilla Gaertn.).

Bayabas, or lemon guava (Psidium guayava L.), an American shrub which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains.

Balatong (Phaseolus mungo L.). Only the seeds are used.

Damokes (Pithecolobium dulce Benth.), an American tree which now grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the bark is sometimes used for tanning.

Ipako (Psophocarpus tetragonolobus D.C.), a herbaceous vine infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a condiment.

Kochai (Alliuni tricoccum) or wild leek.

Katodai (Sesbania grandiflora P.). Only the flowers are eaten.

Kama-al (Allaeanthus luzonicus Blanco. Vill.).

Kalot (Dioscorea daemona Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is placed in running water for several days, after which it is cooked.

Kamatis (Lycopersicum esculentum Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are eaten raw or cooked.

Labok (Colocasia antiquorum Schott).

Longboy (Eugenia jambolana Lam.).

Olo (Cissus sp.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of which are used in place of vinegar.

Palda (Phaseolus lunatus L.), civet bean.

Sili (Capsicum frutescens L.), small red peppers. The American chile. Used as a condiment.

Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained, but their identification was impossible.

The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string, rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings.

Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease.—Most sickness is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to punish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held, but in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact that certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the alem tree are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by burning the leaves of sobosob (Blumea balsamifera), bangbangsit (Hyptis suavolens Poir.) and dala (?) beneath the house; likewise, the bark of the bani (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a distance. Bangbangsit is also considered as a cure for stomachache, diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used for these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it, while the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the sobosob are placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp is likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea.

Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the dangla (Vitex negundo L.) in vinegar made from basi, and to add to this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the liquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these blankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen, are also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the leaves of the lemon, atis (Anona squamosa L.), and toltolang (?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits.

Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the alonen (Streblus asper Lour.), or kasabong (Argemone mexicana L.), or the root of the talabatab (Capparis micracantha D.C.), all of which cause vomiting.

The fruit of the soloyot (Corchorus olitorius L.), when baked and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for any kind of poisoning.

To relieve the itch, the juice of the kabatiti (Luffa acutangula Roxb.), Bayabas (Psidium guajava L.) or lew-lew (Ficus haulili Blanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The milky exudation of the kalinbwaya (Euphorbia neruefolia L.) is also placed on the affected parts.

During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small blisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving open sores. To "harden" the feet, they hold them over burning straw.

Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird (nido) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs; while the flesh of the shell fish (kool) is applied to boils. A further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into a fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece of iron is laid over the top. The "sweat" which collects on the iron is said to give instant relief.

An infected ("bad") finger or limb is tightly bound "to keep the sickness from going up."

Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants.—A study of the tales and ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (bwa) was at one time extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place in the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal throughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (Areca catechu L.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf (Piper betel L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and quite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok, yet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted to its use. Tobacco (tabao), on the other hand, is in universal use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the Spaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which are placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke frequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs, the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat, until again needed.

The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as basi. The juice when extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It is placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for a month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months, it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes stored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops on the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup is then dipped out, and is carried to the lakay or some other old man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and, beginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand, the palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks, often he stops to sing the daleng, an improvised song in which he compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises the other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are served, but always according to age and importance, the women and young people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating, two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk, but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no unpleasant after-effects. [226]

Domestic Animals.—Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and cattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are of sufficient number to be considered important.

The dogs (aso)are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs are considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel, which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from fleas and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash until the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up the chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour it. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt.

Pigs (babuy) run at large throughout the villages or in the neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings, and thus become at least half tame (Plate LXI). Many spend the hot hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally driven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from the wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but they lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old.

Considerable numbers of chickens (manok) are raised. Nets or coops are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during the day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with the ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon this people.

The carabao or water buffalo (nuang) is the most prized and valuable animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted by the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region about Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild, only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They closely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be derived from animals which have escaped.



CHAPTER IX

PRODUCTS OF INDUSTRY

Iron-Working.—Little iron work is now done in the valley of the Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan, in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native industry.

Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range.

We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication is easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished, or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan people have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles.

It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little modification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar. [227]

Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; if indeed they ever did so. [228] This trade metal was widely distributed, and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of Balbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan, to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges.

There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the Tinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process is not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging, they were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to the south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until recently, mine and smelt the ore. Beccari [229] tells us that the Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. Hose and McDougall say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the river beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far interior. [230] Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra, but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces. [231] It seems probable that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried as a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron might have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and hematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay, and other parts of the Islands. [232] On several occasions, when on the trail, the natives have called our attention to boulders, apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron.

The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or floors (Plate LXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders, usually logs hollowed out, known as po-opan. In each of these is a piston or plunger (doeydoyog) at the lower end of which is a wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this is pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up, the packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the other is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which bamboo tubes (tolongon) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay (ibong), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone anvil (dalisdisan), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer, and iron pinchers complete the outfit.

The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it to remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it is swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike a much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated, and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring about a perfect weld.

After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when he plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, spear-heads, adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the principal products of the forge.

The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide distribution over northwestern Luzon.

In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese methods of work; as well as of other details here described, the writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into the Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably somewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese and European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu archipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field, are practically identical with those just reviewed.

Spinning and Weaving.—That cotton (kapas) was being raised and the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation of the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk, and the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro. [233]

The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo, Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India. [234] The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by side with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods of work than are found on the coast. [235]

Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women, who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks, and are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand.

Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16, No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on the roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss. [236] The more common instrument (lilidsan) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer (Plate LXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned, it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton is pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground.

The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy (Plate LXIV).

After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (tibtibean). A bit of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder, and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on a piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle stops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on the shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension uniform and rubbing out any inequalities (Plate LXV).

In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is beginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to a horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the thread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also wound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is transferred by the revolution of the wheel.

As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame (lalabayan), Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame, a bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these are fastened tightly inside the combing device (agtatagodan) by means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (Plate LXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more primitive device, called ololau (Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass through openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired. [237] The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor, and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (gaganayan), as shown in Fig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing around 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom, is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4, but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the threads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised in opening the shed. [238]

The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate LXVI).

The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches to the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator, who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace. [239] The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already described; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being ready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the opening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the heddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick.

On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs, some of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art.

Manufacture of Rope and String.—At least eighteen trees, shrubs, and vines are used in the making of cordage. [240] When small trees or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the wood, sections about an arm's length are cut, and two or four splices are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is enough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels off the bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is easily peeled off.

When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside layer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers.

In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a board, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have been turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked stick (sikwan), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17, No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met with, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed.

The rope machine (agtatalian) consists of three wooden whirls, which constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler, while a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17, No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17, No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. All are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls, rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot against the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler toward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each other into rope. The bast is known as ginisgis, the rope as tali.

Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to form crude, but strong cordage.

The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before, the hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end of a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting.

When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction, thus making a cord.

Bark Cloth.—Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope material, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden or bone mallets (gikai), which are generally grooved transversely (Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In no instance was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain greater breadth or to repair breaks.

Basket Making.—In most districts the men are the basket weavers, but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled in this industry (Plate LXVII). The materials used are rattan, which may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the dry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is known that the dry period stalks are the strongest.

The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A certain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration, are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of rice-straw until a permanent black is obtained. [241]

Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really variations of two—checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled.

The first and most simple is known as laga, the technic of which is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one of the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size, as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other, but in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19, Nos. 1 and 2).

A variation of the laga known as minminata—"many eyes"—(Fig. 19, No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings.

Another variant is known as kalawat [242] (Fig. 19, No. 4). In this the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down, pass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave.

The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain effects or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are

1 under 2 over 2 etc. 2 under 2 over 2 etc. 2 under 4 over 4 etc.

The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under 4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft; for the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as binakol; but when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied to the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the horizontal is known as dinapalig (Fig. 19, No. 6).

Types of Baskets:—Plates LXVIII and LXIX show the most common types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the local basket-makers.

Baskets 1 and 2 of Plate LXVIII are known as kaba, and are used principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller baskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are usually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets, pidasen or alodan (Plate LXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice.

Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, opigan (Plate LXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical baskets kolang (Plate LXVIII, No. 3).

The pasikeng or lagpi(Plate LXIX, No. 3), commonly called the "head basket," is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan, and is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for the trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the back of a horse or carabao,—an evident imitation of the saddle bags used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket, such as is shown in Plate LXIX, No. 5.

Rice winnowers and sieves (Plate LVII) and the fish-traps shown in Fig. 13 conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made.

Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes woven in, but the common method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft.

The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after an interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim, generally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward the center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star.

Mats (ikamin).—Mats are used as beds, never as floor coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long and three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips of pandanus in the laga weave (cf. p. 423).

Dyes.—In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue, pink—"black red"—, red, and yellow.

Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the indigo plant, tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)in water for a few days; then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped in the liquid.

Pink is secured by crushing lynga (Sesamum indicum L.) seeds and boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights, while during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of the apatot (Morinda citrifolia or umbellata) is next crushed, and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid, and for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that the apatot alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the seeds of the apang (Bixa Orellana L.) and of a variety of rattan, when boiled, give a permanent red. [243]

A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the Tamarindus indica L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained.

Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid secured through boiling kelyan (Diospyros cunalon D.C.?) bark. For ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice of the konig (Curcuma longa), but as this has a disagreeable odor, and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day garments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue.

Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by crushing the katakot vine in water, or by staining with the juice of the taotawa (Jatropha curcas L,).

The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs, such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like, are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw.

Net Making.—Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope.

All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle (No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable amount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The operator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with a net suspended above him (Plate LXX). He forms the mesh by running the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop above, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly, the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick, and thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has been completed, when another series is started.

Manufacture of Pottery.—In nearly every village there are two or three women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang and Lakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution.

The clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove lumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. A handful is taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to form the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden plate which, in turn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate XXXVI). The plate takes the place of a potter's wheel, for it is turned with the right hand while with the left the woman shapes the clay, and smoothes it off with a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay between the palms of her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel, and works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with a wooden paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to dry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to render the sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are tapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned and shaped.

After allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar inside and out with smooth stones or lipi seeds, so as to give it an even surface.

When several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in carabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. This generally takes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning, when they are ready for service. Occasionally resin is rubbed over a jar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however, is not common, as the resin quickly melts off the cooking utensils, while porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage lowers the temperature of the contents.

Vessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns (Fig. 22, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese jars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the native potters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood or influence ever been strong in the region, we might expect to find the potter's wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking.

Pipe Making.—Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short reed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show considerable skill in the decoration of their product.

The common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped with the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are incised, and the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of small pieces of brass wire (Fig. 21, Nos. 4-5). The bowls are baked in a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added.

A second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (Fig. 21, Nos. 1-3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the pipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until the lines become permanently blackened (Fig. 22, Nos. 1-3).

In recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made from coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, and does a lively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching pendants representing fish (Fig. 21, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot origin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region.

Method of Drying Hides.—Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other animals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried (Plate LV). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly cured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the back straps used by the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly it is placed on the ground, and on it rice and cotton are beaten out.



CHAPTER X

DECORATIVE ART

In decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and Ifugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to a considerable extent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored lashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other objects show a nice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian is deficient or lacking; he does no wood carving, tattooing is scanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is plain. At times he does make some simple designs on canes, on bamboo rice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but these are exceptions rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub, he decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small dies which he presses into the newly fashioned clay (Fig. 22, No. 8), while in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls of the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay small pieces of brass to form scroll patterns (Fig. 22, Nos. 4-7). These last mentioned designs are so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those found elsewhere in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical.

The figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as the fish, birds, and flowers in Fig. 23, No. 1; the snake and lizard in No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant in nearly every case. Probably the most typical of this class of work is shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and Fig. 22, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be noted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more entirely plain will be found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon and of minor importance.

The one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and this is done entirely by the women. Figures 24 and 25 show typical designs which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in Fig. 24, they do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic interpretations. Fig. 24 shows eight designs drawn by native weavers, which are identified as follows:

1. A fish. 2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat. 3. Pineapple. 4. A heart. 5. Fishhooks. 6. A crab. 7. Cross section of a pineapple. 8. A horse.

In Fig. 25 are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while No. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth, the latter is identified as "fingers and finger nails." No. 1 is the turtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the bobbin winder shown in Fig. 16, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple.

Plate LXXI is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the dead. The figures are identified as a a deer, b horse, c carabao calf, d man. The textile in Plate LXXII, No. 1 is likewise used chiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing a man, b horse, c star.

A very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate LXXII, No. 2 in which the designs are identified as a rice cake, and b as a star, while the whole pattern is known as kalayan—the river. The textile in Plate LXXIII, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as kosikos—the circle.

A part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects, others appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers do not hesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One quite frequently sees a blanket which shows a "lion," or some other animal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted through pictures or descriptions from outside sources.

In addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain common types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery, for which no explanations are given. They are said to be only "to make pretty." Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, as shown in Plate LXXIV, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the same Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of the skirts.

It has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of the Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the same is true of a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized natives have less of the realistic, a greater variety of geometrical designs, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by the use of analine dyes, than the mountaineers.

It seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the weaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano branch has borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative motives from the people with whom they have been in contact through trade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the main, they still retain the more primitive methods of weaving, and it is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more closely those in use in earlier times.



CHAPTER XI

PERSONAL ADORNMENT, DANCES, AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

The dress of the man is the clout (ba-al), either of beaten bark or of cloth, and a woven belt (balikes) in which he keeps small articles (Plates LXXV-LXXVI). On special occasions he wears a long-sleeved jacket (bado), open in front, and in a few instances, trousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter, in particular, are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very strong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold, neither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and Igorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or thigh, but these are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or other possessions. Tattooing as an evidence of a successful head-hunt is not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments to identify the warriors.

The hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the two strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried to the forehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened by intertwining on each side of the head. A bark band (ayabong) holds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or a narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo hats, with low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate XLV), but these are sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those made of a gourd or of wood.

The woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down to the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings of beads; these are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of hair is then twisted and a loop formed which is carried to the left side, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above the ear. Most of the Tinguian have luxuriant heads of hair, but, nevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is often washed with the ashes of rice-straw, or with the bark of the gogo tree (Entada purseta), and is moistened with coconut oil.

Strings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament consists of strands above strands of beads reaching from the wrist to the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering the upper arm as well (Plate LXXIX). The strands are fastened tightly above the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of bamboo are usually placed under the beads, and may be removed if the pain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm beads are removed with little difficulty; but those on the forearm are taken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted, or when the owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate fretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may not be white and unsightly when she is without her beads. [244]

Most of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns only a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain sections heavy ornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the lobe of the ear far down on the neck.

When at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion of her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved jacket which reaches to her waist (Plate LXXVII). The waist is cut so low in the neck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A straight piece set over the shoulder extends down in square, both front and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is sewed to the garment proper. A narrow skirt (dingwa), with colored border, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by drawing it tightly and then tucking one corner under the upper edge, or by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate LXXVIII).

When a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (palingtan) of braided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a clout is attached (Plate LXXX). As a rule, the girdle and clout are not removed when bathing, as are the other garments.

The woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the fields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire body are used (Plate LIV). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the head as a protection against the sun.

On chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to ankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw a particularly wide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is protected from her breasts to the knees.

The teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark, [245] but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many Philippine peoples.

While both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look with equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked out either by grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a bamboo device known as iming. This consists of a section of bamboo split into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of the slits, and the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to take a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards.

Prized necklaces (paliget) made of small strands of twisted silver wire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are worn by the living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched chicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's tusks are placed on the arms.

Dances.—Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all occasions, are very popular.

The ceremonial dance known as da-eng takes place at night, and is carried on to the accompaniment of a song. [246] An equal number of men and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row of men, about twenty feet distant. Locking arms about one another's waists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies backwards and forwards. Suddenly they burst into song, at the same time stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the music, they take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their original positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar manner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after which the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked behind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to move contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward and to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing a rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, becomes faster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their vocal and physical powers.

The da-eng is sacred in character, is danced only at night and then under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great favor, and often so many of the younger people wish to take part that double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the same time. It sometimes happens, when the basi has been flowing freely, that the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast that spectators are run down or the dancers are piled in a heap, from which they emerge laughing and shouting.

The common dance, the tadek, is a part of nearly all gatherings of a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is made with three gansas [247] and a drum. The gansas are pressed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the coppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the third is played by the hands alone (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 2). The stick or left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid strokes with the right palm. A man and a woman enter the circle, each holding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth toward the woman, and bringing it suddenly down, causes it to snap, which is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of the feet and toes and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman, who in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until at a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and pass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward the woman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet, or he will dance backward a few steps. At times the cloth is held at arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about the waist, the woman always following the actions of the man. At last they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise, but instead of taking his, she moves her own in a circle about his, avoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat the performance. Finally she accepts the proffered hand, the headman brings basi for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The man sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth, or by putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman, who places her cloth upon his (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 1).

Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances.—The Tinguian is naturally musical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against his shield as he tramps the mountain trails, he chants the stories of long ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry season, he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals, [248] joins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many others will sing together as they dance the da-eng. But his music does not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the pan pipe (dew-dew-as) occupies a most important place, and to-day the maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple device made of reeds of various lengths lashed together (Fig. 26, No. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips, and blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and fro, producing a series of low notes without tune.

Another instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose flute (kalaleng). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side, to be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes one nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the other into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The instrument is popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note of the nose flute far into the night (Plate LXXXII).

The mouth flute (tulali) is similar to that found in civilized lands, but is constructed from a reed.

A peculiar device used solely by the women is the bunkaka (Fig. 26, No. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so as to leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against the palm of the left hand, give out a note which can be changed by placing a finger over the opening at x.

A Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of bamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or when a cord attached to the end is jerked sharply (Fig. 26, No. 3). If made of bamboo, the instrument is known as kolibau; if brass, agiweng. It is often mentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men.

Bamboo guitars (kuliteng) are made by cutting narrow strips throughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them at the ends. They are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of wood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted over two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be fingered like a guitar (Plate LXXXIII).

Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men, three with copper gongs (gangsas), and one with a drum. The gongs are tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They are placed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground, and are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands alone. [249] They doubtless came into this region through trade, but at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the spirits. The drum (tambor) is made of a short section of a tree hollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin.



CHAPTER XII

MUSIC

Introduction.—That the songs might be delivered as nearly as possible at the same pitch which the singers used when making the records, investigation was made as to the usual speed used by manufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per minute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed during transcription.

In determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the pitch-pipe used was that of the "International," which was adopted at the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c2 = 522 double vibrations per second. All the records proved to be a shade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in accord with an instrument of fixed pitch, which in turn was found to be approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c2.

Assuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines were the same, this would place the original singing almost exactly in accord with the old "philosophical standard of pitch" which places c2 at 512 double vibrations per second. Though the singing was not always in perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the exception of those very marked departures especially indicated in the music, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation goes, the performances were fully up to the standard of those of the average natural singer.

Special ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort made to a special device wherewith any order of whole, or even part measures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to closely compare parts which were similar in either words or music.

In some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing in unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription by single notes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But when such single notes are shown accompanied by the word "solo," it is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out but one, probably the leader. When the voices split up into parts, it is so notated in the music.

Primitive people display more or less timidity in giving their songs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially apt to be manifested in their attacks. In the Da-eng, Girls' Part (Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse is very marked. The delay varies considerably from verse to verse, as indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the lines. Similar pauses are found in the Boys' Part of the same ceremony (see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as part of the legitimate rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the singers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the performers unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur.

In transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record, the notation has been so arranged on the page that the measures line up vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures of the different verses.