"Aguinaldo has written me by every opportunity, and I believe that he has been frank with me regarding both his actions and his motives. I do not doubt but that he would like to be President of the Philippine Republic, and there may be a small coterie of his native advisers who entertain a like ambition, but I am perfectly certain that the great majority of his followers, and all the wealthy educated Filipinos have but the one desire—to become citizens of the United States of America. As for the mass of uneducated natives, they would be content under any rule save that of the friars. My correspondence with Aguinaldo has been strictly of a personal nature, and I have missed no opportunity to remind him of his ante-bellum promises. His letters are childish, and he is far more interested in the kind of cane he will carry or the breastplate he will wear than in the figure he will make in history. The demands that he and his junta here have made upon my time is excessive and most tiresome. He is a man of petty moods, and I have repeatedly had letters from Consul Williams requesting me to write to Aguinaldo a friendly letter congratulating him on his success, and reminding him of his obligations. I do not care to quote Admiral Dewey, as his letters are all of a strictly personal nature, but I feel perfectly free to refer you to him as to my attitude and actions."

Mr. Pratt, the United States Consul General at Singapore, took in hand Aguinaldo—this was April 28—and got him off to Hong Kong, having had this correspondence by cable with Admiral Dewey:

Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange with Commodore for general co-operation insurgents Manila if desired. Telegraph. Pratt.

The Commodore's reply reading thus:

Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible. Dewey.

Mr. Pratt says of this:

I received it late that night, and at once communicated to General Aguinaldo, who, with his aid-de-camp and private secretary, all under assumed names, I succeeded in getting off by the British steamer Malacca, which left here on Tuesday, the 26th.

And Mr. Pratt made the following report to the Secretary of State of the United States:

Consulate-General of the United States, Singapore, April 30, 1898.

Sir: Referring to my dispatch No. 212, of the 28th instant, I have the honor to report that in the second and last interview I had with Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo on the eve of his departure for Hongkong, I enjoined upon him the necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of exerting absolute control over his forces in the Philippines, as no excesses on their part would be tolerated by the American Government, the President having declared that the present hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in strict accord with modern principles of civilized warfare.

To this General Aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should direct.

The general further stated that he hoped the United States would assume protection of the Philippines for at least long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, in the organization of which he would desire American advice and assistance.

These questions I told him I had no authority to discuss.

I have, etc.,

E. Spencer Pratt, United States Consul-General.

June 16th Secretary Day cabled Consul Pratt: "Avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents," and the Secretary wrote the consul on the same day:

"The Department observes that you informed General Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the United States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not he practicable to gratify. This Government has known the Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious subjects of Spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes. While their contest with that power has been a matter of public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from this Government any recognition. The United States, in entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience which will be lawfully due from them.

"If, in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the assumption that this Government would co-operate with him for the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting his co-operation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he may put forward, your action was unauthorized and can not be approved.

Respectfully yours,

William E. Day.

The following letter is a valuable link in the chain of the story of the Philippines:

Hongkong, August 4, 1898.

Sir: By request I have the honor to confirm the following telegram sent you on the 2d instant:

Cortes family, representing wealthy educated families Manila, implore you through Consul-General Wildman, in name humanity and Christianity, not to desert them, and aid to obtain annexation Philippines to America. Please see the President.

I may add in explanation of this telegram that there is a large colony of wealthy Filipinos who have been driven out of Manila, and the bulk of whose fortunes have been confiscated, resident here. They are people of education as well as wealth, and they are intensely loyal to the United States. The Cortes family are particularly so, and they have contributed money liberally to aid Aguinaldo on the understanding that he was fighting for annexation of the Philippines to the United States. Naturally I sympathize with them in their desire to become a part of the United States, and have advised them that you would give their cablegram your kindly consideration.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Rounsevelle Wildman, Consul-General.

Hon. Marcus Hanna, United States Senate, Washington.

Mr. Andre, the Belgian Consul at Manila, an important man, wrote the American Commission in Paris, that "everybody in the Philippines, even Spanish merchants," begged the Americans for protection, and added:

"The Indians do not desire independence. They know that they are not strong enough. They trust the United States, and they know that they will be treated risditly. The present rebellion only represents a half per cent, of the inhabitants, and it would not be right to oblige 6,000,000 inhabitants to submit to 30,000 rebels. Luzon is only partly held by them, and it is not to be expected that a civilized nation will make them present with the rest of the island, which is hostile to the Tagals of Luzon. The Spanish officers refuse to fight for the sake of the priests, and if the Spanish Government should retain the Philippines their soldiers will all fall prisoners in the hands of the Indians in the same way as they did already, and this is because the army is sick of war without result, and only to put the country at the mercy of the rapacious empleados and luxurious monks.

"The monks know that they are no more wanted in the Philippines, and they asked me to help them go away as soon as possible, and it is principally for them that I asked for the transports to the United States Government, and to send them to Hongkong. The Indians will be delighted to see them go, and will be grateful to the United States.

"If some chiefs of the rebellion will be a little disappointed in their personal pride, they will be convinced that it is better for them to submit in any case, for most of these chiefs prefer American authority."

Aguinaldo became swollen with the conceit of greatness, and flattered to believe he had a commanding destiny, he took on airs of extravagant consequence in his correspondence with General Anderson, who commanded the first expedition of the United States troops to the Philippines, and dared to assume to have authority as to the disembarkation of the soldiers of the United States. July 24th Aguinaldo wrote to Anderson:

"I came from Hongkong to prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the Spanish against the North Americans, pledging before my word to Admiral Dewey to not give place [to allow] to any internal discord, because, [being] a judge of their desires, I had the strong conviction I could succeed in both objects."

After this false and foolish presumption, he proceeded in a pompous way to observe that "without the destruction of the Spanish squadron the Philippine revolution would not have advanced so rapidly." He claimed, in a letter dated August 1st to Consul Williams, that if he did not assert himself as he was doing he would be held by his people to be a traitor. His point at Singapore was that he could wield his people at his pleasure. His observation was:

"I have done what they desire, establishing a government in order that nothing important may be done without consulting fully their sovereign will, not only because it was my duty, but also because acting in any other manner they would fail to recognize me as the interpreter of their aspirations and would punish me as a traitor, replacing me by another more careful of his own honor and dignity."

On the day after the storming of Manila, Aguinaldo wrote to Anderson:

"My troops, who have been for so long besieging Manila, have always been promised that they could appear in it, as you know and can not deny, and for this reason and on account of the many sacrifices made of money and lives, I do not consider it prudent to issue orders to the contrary, as they might be disobeyed against my authority. Besides, I hope that you will allow the troops to enter, because we have given proofs many times of our friendship."

On the day of occupancy of Manila Aguinaldo wrote Anderson:

"I received a telegram. My interpreter is in Cavite; in consequence of this I have not answered till now. My troops are forced by yours, by means of threats of violence, to retire from positions taken. It is necessary, to avoid conflicts, which I should lament, that you order your troops that they avoid difficulty with mine, as until now they have conducted themselves as brothers to take Manila."

General Merritt did not tolerate any folly about "joint occupation," and sharply demanded the insurgents should restore the city the water supply from the mountain stream that is diverted from the Pasig to the city, and Aguinaldo claimed credit on the water question in these terms of prevarication and presumption.

"Since I have permitted the use of water before the formal declaration of the treaty, you can easily see that I am disposed to sacrifice to friendship everything not greatly prejudicial to the rights of the Philippine city.

"I comprehend, like yourself, the inconvenience of a double occupation of the city of Manila and its environs, considering the conditions of the capitulation with the Spaniards, but you must also understand that without the wide blockade maintained by my forces you would have obtained possession of the ruins of the city, but never the surrender of the Spanish forces, who would have been able to retire to the interior towns.

"Now, do not make light of the aid formerly given by us to secure the capitulation mentioned. Greatly though justice may suffer, and risking well-founded fears in regard to my city, I do not insist upon the retention of all the positions conquered by my forces within the environs at the cost of much bloodshed, unspeakable fatigue, and much money."

At the same time this Dictator was strutting with the powerful persuasion that the United States must be subordinate to his will, he was ambitious to live in the palace of the Governor General, putting an impertinance to that effect in his correspondence, but General Merritt told him he wanted it for himself and had already occupied and taken it into possession. It has been made clear that Aguinaldo was from the first appearance of Americans writhing with the pangs of wounded vanity, conspiring to initiate the ignorant and inflate the insignificant, exciting a considerable force to share his sentiments. Unquestionably the news communicated by Agoncillo to Aguinaldo of the sailing of the regular troops to reinforce the army in Manila caused the desperate assault upon our lines, and it may be accepted as the measurement of the Filipino ignorance of American character, that the insurgent calculation was that the combat designed and its influence estimated, was expected to cause the defeat of the ratification of the treaty in the Senate.

General Merritt assumed the Governor's duties on August 23, at Matacanan palace. Insurgents seemed more pacific, and business was resumed. On August 25, Aguinaldo sent the following cablegram to the American press:

Manila, August 24.—I am satisfied with America's occupation. The Filipinos are disbanding.

Aguinaldo.

Head of the Philippine Insurgent Army.

The same day Aguinaldo issued orders for his soldiers to return to their homes. The order was obeyed, and the insurgents expressed willingness to surrender if assured that the islands would remain under American or British control.

In a clash at Cavite between United States soldiers and insurgents on August 25, George Hudson, a member of the Utah regiment, was killed, and Corporal William Anderson, of the same battery, was mortally wounded. Four troopers of the Fourth Cavalry were slightly wounded. Aguinaldo expressed his regret and promised to punish the offenders.

Complaint of the conduct of Aguinaldo was reported by insurgents a few days later, and he said many of his compatriots accused him of endeavoring to sell out their cause. This story was his standing excuse for insolence to Americans, and the commission of savage injustice. He announced his intention to send peace commissioners to Paris.

On September 5, Aguinaldo effected an important alliance with the Santiaglesia party in the northern Provinces of Pangasinan Zamballes. This party commanded 5,000 troops which hitherto had resisted Aguinaldo's claims to dictatorship.

At a meeting of twenty leaders of the Filipinos on September 5, eighteen of them declared in favor of annexation to the United States.

Aguinaldo, on September 10, demanded the right to occupy part of Manila. His demand was refused by General Otis, who ordered him to remove his forces by a given day to avoid trouble. Aguinaldo removed his headquarters to Malolos on the railroad forty miles north of Manila.

It was on October 10 that the open arrogance of Aguinaldo asserted itself. He refused to permit a burial party from the British ship Powerful to pass into the city carrying arms. For this he was reproved by the American commanders, and he apologized.

October 16 Aguinaldo again took the offensive, refusing to permit the American schooner Mermanos to load. Following that report came the report of a battle between Americans and insurgents, which was exaggerated, but showed the seriousness of the situation. The same day the Czar of Russia suggested a joint note from the powers to the United States on the Philippine question.

Later Aguinaldo refused the request of General Otis for the release of Spanish priests held as captives by the Filipinos, and General Otis reported the entire island of Panay, with the exception of the City of Iloilo, in the hands of insurgents.

On November 14, the Filipino Junta at Hongkong issued a long statement and petition directed to President McKinley, demanding recognition of the insurgents.

On November 18, President McKinley issued orders to General Otis to occupy the Islands of Panay and Negros, and for this purpose troops were later sent from Manila on an unsuccessful mission. January 1 came the serious news from Manila that the American forces before Iloilo, under the command of General Miller, were confronted by 6,000 armed Filipinos, who refused them permission to land.

The Spanish had yielded Iloilo to the insurgents for the purpose of troubling the Americans.

Agoncillo, on January 6, filed a request with the authorities at Washington for an interview with the President to discuss affairs in the Philippines. The next day the government officials were surprised to learn that messages to General Otis to deal mildly with the rebels and not to force a conflict had become known to Agoncillo, and cabled by him to Aguinaldo. At the same time came Aguinaldo's protest against General Otis signing himself "Military Governor of the Philippines."

Agoncillo expressed still more violent sentiments during the second week in January. On the 8th of the month he gave out this statement:

"In my opinion the Filipino people, whom I represent, will never consent to become a colony dependency of the United States. The soldiers of the Filipino army have pledged their lives that they will not lay down their arms until General Aguinaldo tells them to do so, and they will keep that pledge, I feel confident."

On the day after Aguinaldo issued his second proclamation in Manila, in which he threatened to drive the Americans from the islands, called the Deity to witness that their blood would be on their own heads if it was shed, and detailed at greater length the promises he claimed were made by the Americans as to the part of the insurgents in the campaign.

The Filipino committees in London, Paris and Madrid about this time telegraphed to President McKinley as follows:

"We protest against the disembarkation of American troops at Iloilo. The treaty of peace still unratified, the American claim to sovereignty is premature. Pray reconsider the resolution regarding Iloilo. Filipinos wish for the friendship of America and abhor militarism and deceit."

The threats that Manila must be taken never ceased in the rebel camp, and they hung around with sweltering venom, cultivating grievances, like a horde of wolves and panthers, hungry and rabid.

At the beginning of February the situation at Manila was regarded as serious, but the officials saw no reason why they could not command it for a time at least. General Otis reported, in connection with some matters pertaining to the shipment home of sick Spanish soldiers, that he could hold out beyond a doubt until his reinforcements arrived, and added that as the news had reached Manila that there was every prospect that the peace treaty would soon be ratified, the effect on the natives had been satisfactory. Sunday morning, February 5, reports were received by the American press that the Filipino insurgents under Aguinaldo had attacked the American lines before Manila, and that a battle had been fought, in which many on both sides had been killed or wounded.

When news of the attack of the Filipinos was received at Washington, Agoncillo, the special representative of Aguinaldo, immediately left the capital, taking the first train for Canada. He reached Montreal February 6. In an interview at the latter place he professed not to know that an attack on the American forces at Manila had been planned by his people. Furthermore, he stated it as his belief that no attack had been made as described in the reports. His manner and somewhat evasive statements indicated that he knew more than he cared to tell. His action in fleeing from Washington indicated complicity.

One of the immediate results of the Filipinos' attack on Manila was the hastening of the ratification by the Senate of the peace treaty. At 2:45 o'clock, Monday afternoon, February 6, the Senate met in executive session, and three-fourths of an hour later the vote on the ratification of the treaty was announced. It stood 57 for, and 27 against, the absent and paired being six. The treaty was ratified by a majority of 1.

The Senators who voted for the treaty were: Aldrich, Allen, Allison, Baker, Burrows, Butler, Carter, Chandler, Clark, Clay, Cullom, Davis, Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, Faulkner, Foraker, Frye, Gallinger, Gear, Gray, Hanna, Hansbrough, Harris, Hawley, Jones (Nev.), Kenney, Kyle, Lindsay, Lodge, McBride, McEnery, McLaurin, McMillan, Mantle, Mason, Morgan, Nelson, Penrose, Perkins, Pettus, Platt (Conn.), Platt (N.Y.), Pritchard, Quay, Ross, Sewell, Shoup, Simon, Spooner, Stewart, Sullivan, Teller, Thurston, Warren, Wellington, Wolcott.

The Senators who voted against the treaty were: Bacon, Bate, Berry, Caffery, Chilton, Cockrell, Daniel, Gorman, Hale, Heitfeld, Hoar, Jones (Ark.), Mallory, Martin, Mills, Mitchell, Money, Murphy, Pasco, Pettigrew, Rawlins, Roach, Smith, Tillman, Turley, Turner, Vest.

Those who were absent and paired were: Cannon and Wilson for, with White against; Proctor and Wetmore for, with Turpie against.

The ratification of the treaty was not a party question. Thirty-nine Republicans, ten Democrats, and eight Silver men voted for the treaty, and two Republicans, twenty-two Democrats and three Silver men voted against it.

On February 4, Aguinaldo issued the following proclamation:

"I order and command:

1. That peace and friendly relations with the Americans be broken and that the latter be treated as enemies, within the limits prescribed by the laws of war.

2. That the Americans captured be held as prisoners of war.

3. That this proclamation be communicated to the consuls and that congress order and accord a suspension of the constitutional guarantee, resulting from the declaration of war."

February 5th, Aguinaldo issued a second proclamation in which he said that the outbreak of hostilities was "unjustly and unexpectedly provoked by the Americans." He also spoke of "the constant outrages and taunts which have been causing misery to the Manilans," and referred to the "useless conferences" and contempt shown for the Filipino government as proving a "premeditated transgression of justice and liberty." He called on his people to "sacrifice all upon the altar of honor and national integrity," and insisted that he tried to avoid as far as possible an armed conflict. He claimed that all his efforts "were useless before the unmeasured pride of the Americans," whom he charged as having treated him as a rebel "because I defended the interests of my country and would not become the instrument of their dastardly intentions." He concluded by saying:

"Be not discouraged. Our independence was watered freely by the blood of martyrs, and more will be shed in the future to strengthen it. Remember that efforts are not to be wasted that ends may be gained. It is indispensable to adjust our actions to the rules of law and right and to learn to triumph over our enemies. We have fought our ancient oppressors without arms, and we now trust to God to defend us against the foreign foe."

The Official Battle Bulletins.

The messages following were received in the order given.

"Manila, February 5.—Adjutant-General, Washington: Have established our permanent lines well out and have driven off the insurgents. The troops have conducted themselves with great heroism. The country about Manila is peaceful, and the city is perfectly quiet. List of casualties to-morrow. Otis."

"Manila, February 5.—To the Adjutant-General: Insurgents in large force opened attack on our outer lines at 8:45 p. m. last evening; renewed attack several times during night; at 4 o'clock this morning entire line engaged; all attacks repulsed; at daybreak advanced against insurgents, and have driven them beyond the lines they formerly occupied, capturing several villages and their defense works; insurgent loss in dead and wounded large; our own casualties thus far estimated at 175, few fatal. Troops enthusiastic and acting fearlessly. Navy did splendid execution on flanks of enemy; city held in check, and absolute quiet prevails; insurgents have secured a good many Mauser rifles, a few field pieces and quick-firing guns, with ammunition, during last month. Otis."

"Manila, February 5.—To Adjutant-General: Situation most satisfactory. No apprehension need be felt. Perfect quiet prevails in city and vicinity. List of casualties being prepared, and will be forwarded as soon as possible. Troops in excellent health and spirits. Otis."

"Manila, February 7.—Adjutant-General, Washington: The insurgent army concentrated around Manila from Luzon provinces, numbered over 20,000, possessing several quick-firing and Krupp field guns. Good portion of enemy armed with Mausers, latest pattern. Two Krupp and great many rifles captured. Insurgents fired great quantity of ammunition. Quite a number of Spanish soldiers in insurgent service who served artillery.

Insurgents constructed strong intrenchments near our lines, mostly in bamboo thickets. These our men charged, killing or capturing many of the enemy. Our casualties probably aggregate 250. Full reports to-day. Casualties of insurgents very heavy. Have buried some 500 of their dead and hold 500 prisoners. Their loss, killed, wounded, and prisoners, probably 4,000.

"Took waterworks pumping station yesterday, six miles out. Considerable skirmish with enemy, which made no stand. Pumps damaged; will be working in a week. Have number of condensers set up in city, which furnish good water. Troops in excellent spirits. Quiet prevails. Otis."

"Manila, February 3.—Adjutant-General, Washington: Situation rapidly improving. Reconnaissance yesterday to south several miles; to east to Laguna Bay; to northeast eight miles, driving straggling insurgent troops in various directions, encountering no decided opposition.

"Army disintegrated, and natives returning to village, displaying white flag.

"Near Caloocan, six miles north, enemy made stand behind entrenchments. Charged by Kansas troops, led by Colonel Funston; close encounter, resulting in rout of enemy, with very heavy loss.

"Loss to Kansas troops, Lieutenant Alford killed, six men wounded.

"Night of 4th, Aguinaldo issued flying proclamation, charging Americans with initiative, and declared war.

"His influence throughout this section destroyed. Now applies for cessation of hostilities and conference. Have declined to answer.

"Insurgents' expectation of rising in city on night of 4th unrealized. Provost Marshal-General, with admirable disposition of troops, defeated every attempt.

"City quiet. Business resumed. Natives respectful and cheerful.

"The fighting qualities of American troops a revelation to all inhabitants. Signed, Otis."

Secretary Alger sent the following cablegram to General Otis, at Manila:

"Accept my best congratulations upon your magnificent victory of Sunday, all the more creditable because you were not the aggressor."

"Manila, February 10.—Adjutant-General: Insurgents collected considerable force between Manila and Caloocan, where Aguinaldo is reported to be, and threatened attack and uprising in city.

"This afternoon swung left of McArthur division, which is north of Pasig River, into Caloocan, driving enemy easy.

"Our left now at Caloocan. Our loss slight; that of insurgents considerable. Particulars in morning.

"Attack preceded by one-half hour's firing from two of Admiral Dewey's vessels.

"Otis."

"Manila, February 13.—Adjutant-General, Washington: Everything quiet this morning; business in city resuming former activity. Otis."

"Manila, February 13.—General Miller reports from Iloilo that that town was taken on the 11th inst., and is held by troops. Insurgents given until evening of 11th to surrender, but their hostile actions brought on an engagement during the morning. Insurgents fired the native portion of town, but little losses to property of foreign inhabitants. No casualties among United States troops reported.

"Otis."

The legal situation, while the treaty was not ratified, and seemed gravely in doubt, was an embarrassment to the executive of the United States. The Philippine question was by the act of the President a special reservation, and it was submitted to the people as too great in scope and various in detail, to be determined by one man, especially as the Philippine Archipelago was so far away from our Pacific shore as to be, according to the average citizen's information, a new departure; and the novelties in a Republic need much consideration. Really the departure is not new—it is in the direct line of the logic of our history. The President exceedingly desired to preserve the peace with the Filipinos, and gave orders not to attack them. He trusted this anxious care would prevent bloodshed. Hence the annoying attitude of waiting acquiesence at Iloilo, and at Manila under almost intolerable provocation. A personal letter from Manila, dated December 8th, and written by a general officer contains this.

"Aguinaldo has sent for a new hatter with inflated blocks, and has his people dragging up field guns in face of our outposts. You can draw your own inferences."

There is a flavor of bitter humor in this, but the fact is prominent that the desperadoes were quite wild, and had no understanding of themselves or of us, and could acquire it only by getting themselves whipped by us.

We quote again from the letter of which we have taken the passage above:

"The able and thinking men in this country tell me in unmistakable language that they are in no way prepared to take up the government of these islands. They insist upon the fact that tribunals will have, through lack of native material, to be mixed bodies. They say that with all the harshness that must accompany occupancy, the people here never had as much liberty as they have now, and that they show a strong inclination to abuse what is given them."

This is the true story of the Philippine people wherever there has been a free and intelligent expression.

Our army did not go to Manila to harm the Filipinos who have the misfortune to become infatuated with the malicious vanity of those who have surrounded themselves with a cloud of superstition and all the inventions of falsehood. It was necessary that Americans should protect themselves, or yield the country to the destructiveness of barbarism, and they have defended Americanism and civilization.

The dragging of field pieces to bear upon our pickets was with the purpose of bringing American soldiers into contempt, at once, and to force fighting ultimately. The poor men who became victims were deluded and carried their defiance to an intolerable pitch. In the same style employed when he demanded that General Anderson should consult him about getting on Philippine soil, Aguinaldo attempted to intimidate General Otis by inviting a conference, and avowing that he would make war if any more troops were sent to Manila. He would have bloodshed, and is responsible for it, so far as he is an accountable being. It is of the horrors of war that the blood of brave men is shed on both sides of a controversy that has been appealed to the arbitrament of arms, though the origin of the affray may be obscure and the issue uncertain. In the bloodshed around Manila the case is clear and the conclusion certain, and there is the compensation that the heroism, enterprise, activity and dash and continuance of the American soldiers under the most trying circumstances, flame forth, and the glory of our soldiers is equal to that of our sailors in the judgment of the men of all nations.

There is something more in this second clash of arms at Manila. It is difficult to find ground harder to carry in offensive movements than the sultry thickets in which the Filipinos were hidden, but our soldiers obeyed all orders to advance with alacrity, energy and enthusiasm, and were eager for their work. The men who can do what ours did at Manila can do anything that may rationally be dared. And in this story of Manila is the testimony that after the volunteers have been seasoned, they do keep step with the dread music of war with the regulars of any race or people, and there can be no national retreat from the duty destiny defines in the Philippines, any more than from the States of the valley that is the heart of the country—the valley watered by the Ohio, the noblest river in the world, that flows westward in the course of empire.

The dispatches of General Otis are clear and striking in tone, and may at once be classified as model bulletins of history. He is a most energetic, careful, studious and laborious soldier, bearing himself with the dignity of a man modest as brave, and full of kindliness, but determined in discipline, knowing it to be for the common good. He is resolute in demanding that the requisitions shall be according to the forms, and those associated with him must respect the regulations. The objection to him of those who seek one is that he attends too much to details, but that is well when the commander is absolute in duty and has an appetite for hard work before which the small matters disappear as by magic and the greater ones are conquered by force of habit.

The scenery of the battle fields around Manila should be carefully regarded and remembered. The bay is a vast sheet nearly thirty miles in length, with a width exceeding twenty miles. The shores of the bay are low—not more than six feet at most, above high tide. They are also sandy and soft, resembling in some respects the banks of Louisiana rivers, but no levees are attempted. The famous Pasig river is only twenty miles long, and drains a large lake, in which there is an immense multiplication of vegetable growth that floats perpetually to the Bay, and is called "lilies," though having the look of small cabbages. The stream is almost as broad as the Ohio, and, in its snaky turns, crooked as the Mississippi. The banks seem to be prevented from washing away by the dense matting of grasses, and the overhanging thickets, imposing in luxuriance. The houses are close to the water, for the tidal river does not rise and fall enough to disturb the inhabitants. There are mountains a few miles away east and south—big lumps of blue. The stream that furnishes pure water to Manila is from the mountains, and tapped near the mouth, where it empties into the Pasig, seven miles from the city. Manila is widespread, and of structures whose height has been moderated by experience of earthquakes. There is a great deal of marshy land, and rice fields, and the jungles, so thick and thorny, and the grasses so tall, fibrous, and rasping, that the marching of columns of soldiers is excessively fatiguing. It was a terrible task that was cut out for our men, by the delay in the Senate, mischievously elongated, the insurgents having fortified themselves in a way that they knew would have been utterly impervious by Spaniards. The military leaders of the Filipinos have the explanation to offer, if they have the enlightenment to comprehend their own predicament, as a discomfited mass of fugitives, that they never, before the American regulars and volunteers charged them, met soldiers who would not have retreated in dismay from the fiery ambuscades. The achievement of the Americans in confronting, rushing and routing the array, formidable in numbers, of natives, gathered with great expectations of a victory that would convert them into the barbaric conquerors of a civilized community—the consecutive and conclusive victories over them that covered our arms, will have honorable distinction, of putting soldiers to the proof and finding them pure steel, for a long time to come. Our boys, weary of the aggressive attitude of the still insurgent crowds, though the power of Spain had been broken, welcomed with cheers the order to charge; and it has been many days since there has been a trial of manliness more severe, or testimony of devotion more true, and of the staunch fighting quality of the troops whose only way out of difficulty was to find the enemy and drive them headlong.

It is not to be forgotten, while the flag of the nation flies, that the brave regiments that will bear upon their banners the name Manila, with the dates of February, 1899, are from all sections of the country, from the Alleghenies to the Pacific. They come from western Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Wisconsin, the Dakotas, Oregon, Washington, Wyoming, Utah, Montana, Idaho, and California, and as Admiral Dewey said so well of the crews of his ships on his immortal May day, "There was not a man in the fleet who did not do his duty, and no man did more." It is, as Admiral Schley said of the famous naval victory on the Southern Cuban coast, "There is glory enough to go around." Take the list of regiments and batteries and troops in the Eighth Army Corps, under the command of Major-General E.S. Otis, and there is but one record—each officer and enlisted man was in his place, and all are worthy to be glorified, for their dashing rushes through the swamps and the hideous tropic tangles, they penetrated to find the foe, equally with those heroes who mounted with unquailing ardor that only death could quench and that victory crowned the bloody hills of Santiago.

The easy capture of Iloilo proves the inadequacy of the followers of Aguinaldo to do any mischief beyond bushwhacking, and it will not be found worth while to pursue the natives who made an occupation of war far into the jungles. The complete possession of the railroad by our troops will be necessary, and the navy will have business for light vessels in preventing the smuggling of Japanese arms, which are, no doubt, furnished at low rates for special purposes.

Two proclamations have appeared in the Philippines—one by General Otis, the American General commanding the Eighth Army Corps, and the other by Aguinaldo, that make clear in a few words the policy of those engaged in the war that has followed the downfall of the sovereignty of Spain over the bits of the archipelago they occupied. General Otis said, January 4th, that the "United States forces came to give the blessings of peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people. We are here as friends of the Filipinos to protect them in their homes, their employments, their individual and religious liberty. All persons who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, co-operate with the government of the United States to give effect to these beneficient purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection."

The General quoted the instructions of the President, and remarked:

"I am fully of the opinion that it is the intention of the United States government, while directing affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil positions of trust and responsibility, and it will be my aim to appoint to these such Filipinos as may be acceptable to the supreme authorities at Washington.

"It is also my belief that it is the intention of the United States Government to draw from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the islands as possible and consistent with a free and well-constituted government of the country, and it is my desire to inaugurate a policy of that character.

"I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United States government to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the islands, in which the people themselves shall have as full representation as the maintenance of order and law will permit, and which shall be susceptible of development on lines of increased representation and the bestowal of increased powers into a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the world.

"It will be my constant endeavor to co-operate with the Filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and I invite their full confidence and aid."

Aguinaldo, on this conciliatory definition of American purposes, objects to General Otis calling himself "Military Governor," and cries out, with "all the energy of his soul against such authority," and alludes to the policy of the President referring to the Philippine annexation, adding:

"I solemnly protest, in the name of God, the root and fountain of all justice and of all right, and who has given to me power to direct my dear brothers in the difficult work of our regeneration, against this intrusion of the government of the United States in the sovereignty of these islands.

"And so, you must understand, my dear brothers, that, united by bonds which it will be impossible to break, such is the idea of our liberty and our absolute independence, which have been our noble aspirations, all must work together to arrive at this happy end, with the force which gives conviction, already so generally felt, among all the people, to never turn back in the road of glory, on which we have already so far advanced."

President McKinley, on the evening of February l5th, addressed at the Boston Home Market Club banquet, all civilized nations, setting forth the policy of the United States in the Philippines, saying:

"The Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, were intrusted to our hands by the war, and to that great trust, under the providence of God and in the name of human progress and civilization, we are committed. It is a trust from which we will not flinch.

"There is universal agreement that the Philippines shall not be turned back to Spain. No true American would consent to that.

"The suggestions that they should be tossed into the arena for the strife of nations or be left to the anarchy or chaos of no protectorate at all were too shameful to be considered. The treaty gave them to the United States. Could we have required less and done our duty?

"Our concern is not for territory, or trade, or empire, but for the people whose interests and destiny were put in our hands.

"It is not a good time for the liberator to submit important questions to the liberated while they are engaged in shooting down their rescuers.

"The future of the Philippine Islands is now in the hands of the American people.

"I know of no better or safer human tribunal than the people.

"Until Congress shall direct otherwise, it will be the duty of the executive to possess and hold the Philippines.

"That the inhabitants of the Philippines will be benefited is my unshaken belief.

"No imperial designs lurk in the American mind. They are alien to American sentiment."

There is a directness of purpose and precision of statement about this that bears the stamp of sincerity, is impressive with the power of authority, and shines with the spirit of patriotism.



CHAPTER XXIX

The Aguinaldo War of Skirmishes.

The Filipino Swarms, After Being Repulsed with Slaughter, Continue Their Scattering Efforts to Be Assassins—They Plan a General Massacre and the Burning of Manila—Defeated in Barbarous Schemes, They Tell False Tales and Have Two Objects, One to Deceive the People of the Philippines, the Other to Influence Intervention—The Peril of Fire—Six Thousand Regulars Sent to General Otis—Americans Capture Iloilo and Many Natives Want Peace—The People of the Isla of Negros Ask That They May Go with Us—Dewey Wants Battleships and Gunboats, Gets Them, and Is Made an Admiral—Arrival of Peace Commissioners, with Their School Books, Just Ahead of the Regulars with Magazine Rifles—The Germans at Manila Salute Admiral Dewey at Last.

The activity of the Aguinaldo insurgents was persisted in, while their commissioners were on the way to us, and ours to them. While Congress was in a reactionary state owing to political games, and many members tearful on the side of the barbarians, there was a desperate conspiracy to massacre the white people of Manila and destroy the city by fire; and fighting was going on along our extended lines, the Filipinos shooting at Americans from the jungles. On February 15th the California Volunteers abandoned Guadalupe church and retired to San Pedro Macati, and the Filipinos held ambuscades near the Pasig River. It was reported that on the night of the 14th the retirement of General King's advance posts upon San Pedro Macati had evidently been construed by the rebels as a sign of weakness, as they pressed forward along both sides of the river, persistently harassing the occupants of the town.

The rebels poured volley after volley into San Pedro Macati from the brush on the adjacent ridge, but without effect. General King's headquarters, in the center of the town, was the target for scores of bullets. The rebels were using smokeless powder and it was extremely difficult to locate individual marksmen.

The heat was intense and increasing perceptibly. It was impossible to provide shade for the troops in parts of the line.

On the 21st the following remarkable dispatch was received from General Otis:

"Manila, Feb. 21.—Adjutant-General, Washington: Following issued by an important officer of insurgent government at Malolos February 15, 1899, for execution during that evening and night in this city:

"'You will so dispose that at 8 o'clock at night the individuals of the territorial militia at your order will be found united in all of the streets of San Pedro, armed with their bolos and revolvers or guns and ammunition, if convenient.

"'Philippine families only will be respected. They should not be molested, but all other individuals, of whatever race they may be, will be exterminated without any compassion after the extermination of the army of occupation.

"'The defenders of the Philippines in your command will attack the guard at Bilibid and liberate the prisoners and "presidiarios," and, having accomplished this, they will be armed, saying to them:

"'"Brothers, we must avenge ourselves on the Americans and exterminate them, that we may take our revenge for the infamy and treachery which they have committed upon us; have no compassion upon them; attack with vigor. All Filipinos en masse will second you. Long live Filipino independence."

"'The order which will be followed in the attack will be as follows: The sharpshooters of Tondo and Santa Ana will begin the attack from without and these shots will be the signal for the militia of Troso Binondo, Quiata and Sampaloe to go out into the street and do their duty; those of Pake, Ermita and Malate, Santa Cruz and San Miguel will not start out until 12 o'clock unless they see that their companions need assistance.

"'The militia of Tondo will start out at 3 o'clock in the morning; if all do their duty our revenge will be complete. Brothers, Europe contemplates us; we know how to die as men, shedding our blood in defense of the liberty of our country. Death to the tyrants.

"'War without quarter to the false Americans who have deceived us.

"'Either independence or death.'"

There is not sufficient reason to assume that this paper setting forth an order to carry out a conspiracy of house burning and assassination is beyond belief. It is characteristic of the Filipino literature that relates to Americans. General Otis is a man whose communications may be relied upon absolutely. He is a believer in the exact truth and has shown exemplary care in stating it. The Filipino faction of warriors are habitually false, and wherever they have an agent, are circulating falsehoods manufactured to order. The Junta of the Aguinaldo pretenders, issued at Hongkong a statement as follows:

"Information which has leaked through the Pinkertons, sent by President McKinley to investigate the shipment of arms to the Filipinos, shows that the first shipments to Aguinaldo were made by order of the American government, through Consul Wildman, hence the shipment per the Wing Foi. The American government subsequently telegraphed to cease this, coincident with the change of policy to annexation.

"Mr. Wildman and Rear Admiral Dewey promised to pay, but have not yet paid, for a subsequent expedition by the Abbey, authorized by Admiral Dewey, who afterward seized the steamer, and it is still held. Papers respecting this are now in the possession of the Secretary of the Navy.

"The protestations of Admiral Dewey and other Americans that they made no promises are ridiculous. In view of these facts let the American people judge how the nation's word of honor was pledged to the Filipinos and confided in by them, and violated by the recent treachery of General Otis."

There may be an occasional member of Congress who cannot help believing this, but he does not allow his ignorance to be moderated by any ingredient of information.

On the same day the above publication appeared there was given at Hongkong to the American Consul, Wildman, news of the "discovery of 20,000 rifles and 2,000,000 cartridges stored on lighters at Nankin by Filipinos and ready for shipment to the islands. The American Minister promptly induced the Chinese authorities to impound the munitions, thus inflicting a hard blow to Aguinaldo.

"The extraordinary thing is that the Japanese government sold the arms to the regular agent of the Filipinos at Yokohama, although, for the sake of appearances, a form of auction was used. The Japanese officials, it develops, offered 100,000 rifles, with machinery for loading and ammunition, to the Filipinos in September.

"Traitorous Americans here are aiding the insurgents to smuggle arms. Agoncillo's dispatches are leading the Filipinos to believe President McKinley intends to treat with them."

The official correspondence of the American Consuls at Singapore, Manila and Hongkong with the State Department, proves that there was no treaty with Aguinaldo, no deception so far as our Government was concerned, and that he was a professor of Americanism, talking of annexation and a protectorate and his gratitude; and then a sulking and swollen little creature; as Wildman wrote, a spoiled child, requiring flatteries to keep him in a good humor. Admiral Dewey was very careful never to promise Aguinaldo anything—giving him some old guns and encouraging him to keep the Spaniards busy, but never presuming or allowing it to be assumed that he was speaking for our Government. By way of Seattle we have an extract of a letter written by an insurgent officer at Hongkong in these terms:

"More than 25,000 families have left Manila since we began our war on the Americans. American soldiers are deserting and presenting themselves to our officers. In order to get the American troops who were ordered to Iloilo on board the transport many of the men had first been made drunk, others were embarked forcibly. They all protested against going, saying that they had come to fight Spaniards, not Filipinos. After the boat got under way the men mutinied. Many jumped overboard and swam ashore. Those who remained began to wreck all parts of the vessel."

The intensity of the folly of the Filipinos making war upon the United States is on exhibition in this letter, and it is serviceable as a measure of their intelligence. It is with this equipment of elementary knowledge that Agoncillo is in Europe to solicit the intervention of the great powers for his country and asserts that he lost Dewey's letters in a shipwreck. He should exploit his mission in Madrid.

It was on the nights of the 22nd and 23d of February that an effort was made by the Filipinos to burn Manila. The attempt to destroy property closely resembled in the stealthy preliminaries, and desperate strife to burn the city, the cunningly prepared first attack upon the American army, repulsed with a slaughter that has moved deeply the sympathies of our statesmen opposed to the administration of our Government the growth of the country and the public honor. The fact is they are sentimentalists in decay or degenerates running for a decline and fall.

There was some fighting in the streets during the night, but the Americans quickly quelled the uprising. A number of the insurgents were killed and several American soldiers severely wounded. A large market place was the first to burn. Between six and seven hundred residences and business houses were destroyed. Fires started at several points simultaneously, and, spreading with great rapidity, resisted efforts to control them. Hundreds of homeless natives were huddled in the streets, making the patrol duty of the Americans difficult. The fire was started in three places. Native sharpshooters were concealed behind corner buildings. They shot at every American in sight. Flames burst forth simultaneously from Santa Cruz, San Nicolas and Tondo. From these points the fire spread. In a short time a great part of the city was burning. Notwithstanding the continual activity of the hidden sharpshooters the American garrison turned out and fought the fire. In many cases they had first to drive away the lurking assassins.

No one of our troops was killed, but seven members of the Minnesota regiment ere wounded making a rush into the burning Tondo quarter. Captain C. Robinson of Company C was one of the wounded. The troops were rallied from some of the outlying encampments, quickly spread through all parts of the city and subdued what was evidently planned for a general uprising and massacre.

The fire lasted all night. The native rebels in the city have been completely checked by the prompt work of General Otis and the other commanders. It is evident that the incendiaries and assassins believed that the entire town would be destroyed and with it the foreign residents and the American soldiers.

General Otis telegraphed Adjutant-General Corbin February 23d:

"Determined endeavors to burn city last night. Buildings fired in three different sections of city. Fires controlled by troops, after severe labor.

"A considerable number of incendiaries shot and a few soldiers wounded.

"Early this morning a large body of insurgents made a demonstration off MacArthur's front, near Caloocan, and were repulsed. Loss of property by fire last night probably $500,000."

February 21st, 9:35 P. M.—"The natives of the village of Paco made a bold attempt last night to burn the quarters of the First Washington Volunteers by setting fire to the huts adjoining their quarters in the rear.

"Fortunately the wind changed at the moment the fire was discovered, and, fanned by a stiff breeze, the flames spread in the opposite direction, destroying fully twenty shacks and houses opposite the ruins of the church. The incendiaries escaped.

"Mysterious signals were frequently made along the enemy's lines during the night."

From the high points in the city fires were seen in a dozen places, and a cloud of smoke hovered over the city, conveying the impression to people about the bay and in the outside districts that the whole city was burning.

On the 21st of February the Nebraska troops drove a force of 300 insurgents three miles to Pasig. Twenty-one of them were found dead on the field and many more were believed to have been killed. The Americans had three wounded.

A most serious problem confronts General Otis in the protection of Manila and the suburban towns from fire, not only because of the treacherous character of the rebel Filipinos, but also because outside of the business establishments the houses are built of the flimsiest bamboo, hung with matting screens. Even the floors are made of strips of bamboo, separated so as to allow the free circulation of air. It is within the power of almost any person to set fire to these houses from without or within in a few seconds, and, as they are closely built, the ravages of a single fire in a quarter so closely constructed might easily reach the $500,000 point mentioned by General Otis.

The foreign quarter is of better construction, but still includes many of these light bamboo houses, which the older residents seem to find cooler than those of more solid construction. The walled town, which the insurgents threaten to burn, is said to be of substantial structures, and probably is more easily defended against such an attempt than any other section of the town.

February 26th, 6:30 A. M., a dispatch was received from Colombo, Island of Colon, as follows:

"The United States transport Grant, which sailed from New York for Manila January 19 with troops under command of Major-General Henry W. Lawton on board, arrived here to-day. General Lawton received a cablegram from Major-General Otis saying:

"'Situation critical. Your early arrival necessary.'

"He also received from General Corbin, United States Adjutant-General, a cable dispatch urging him to hurry.

"General Lawton ordered his officers to buy supplies regardless of expense, and the transport is taking on coal and water hurriedly. She will try to reach Manila without further stop."

March 4th a dispatch from General Lawton on the Grant at Singapore was received as follows:

"Arrived here to-night. Will stop six hours for coal. Have no serious illness to report. Favorable conditions still continue.

"We shall probably reach Manila early on morning of March 10. Have so informed Otis."

This shows the strong impression the Manila news made in the War Department, of the attempt to burn the city, which was part of the announced plan of the insurgents. Filipino spies and sympathizers had been watched by the American troops day and night seeking to locate places of weakness. Many were captured. Some of them were disguised in women's clothing. Plots of all kinds were rife. There had been constant fear for weeks in the city that a massacre and conflagration would be attempted. General Otis warned his officers to be ever vigilant. Since the first battle our troops have guarded all quarters within the lines. The conclusion of the very serious phase of the incendiary period was announced by General Otis in this dispatch:

"Manila, Feb. 24.—To Secretary of War, Washington: Scandia arrived last night. On nights 21st and 22d and yesterday morning insurgent troops gained access to outskirts of city behind our lines. Many in hiding and about 1,000 intrenched themselves. Completely routed yesterday, with loss of killed and wounded about 500 and 200 prisoners. Our loss was slight. City quiet, confidence restored, business progressing.

Otis."

On the afternoon of February 25th it was stated in a Manila cablegram that the military police had raided several suspected houses in various districts, capturing small bodies of twenty or thirty prisoners in each place. This and the 7 o'clock order effectually dispelled the fears of a threatened outbreak of the natives, who do not dare singly, or collectively, to appear on the streets after dark. The feeling in the city decidedly improved, although the Chinese were timorous. Hundreds of applicants for cedulus besiege the register's office, the natives apparently being under the impression that their possession insures them from interference and the ignominy of being searched for arms on the streets.

There was a mystery lasting a day or two about this unusual cable communication:

"Manila, Feb. 24.—To Secretary of Navy, Washington: For political reasons the Oregon should be sent here at once.

Dewey."

It was not a secret, however, in Manila Bay in August that Admiral Dewey wanted two battleships, just as he wanted and had needed two monitors, and that he then preferred the Oregon and the Iowa. He has deemed it of the utmost importance that he should have a force at Manila Bay superior to that of any other power. The German fleet had for a considerable part of the time since the destruction of the Spanish squadron been in a menacing attitude. The Germans were ostentatious in discourtesy during Admiral Diedrich's personal presence.

The Congress of the United States that was so divided and distracted about the Philippine question was unanimous as to the pre-eminent merits as a naval commander of George Dewey, though he was the embodiment of all the anti-Americans railed at. This is the official paper that proclaims Dewey's promotion:

"President of the United States of America.

"To All Who Shall See These Presents: Greeting:

"Know ye, that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, valor and fidelity and abilities of

"George Dewey.

I have nominated, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, do appoint him Admiral of the Navy from the second day of March, 1899, in the service of the United States.

"He is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of Admiral by doing and performing all manner of duties thereto belonging.

"And I do strictly charge and require all officers, seamen and marines under his command to be obedient to his orders as Admiral.

"And he is to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as he shall receive from me or the future President of the United States of America.

"Given under my hand at Washington the second day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and in the one hundred and twenty-third year of the independence of the United States.

"By the President:

William M'Kinley.

"John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy."

The Admiral personally responded, cabling to the Secretary of the Navy:

"Manila, March 4.—Please accept for yourself, the President and Congress and my countrymen my heartfelt thanks for the great honor which has been conferred upon me.

Dewey."

He will draw from the Government $14,700 a year, including allowances, and is entitled to a larger staff. His direct pay is $13,000 per annum, a rise of $7,000. He outranks any officer in the United States army, the fact being that Rear Admirals rank with the Major-Generals, who are the highest officers at present in the army, and Dewey is a full Admiral. This is the result of not being afraid of torpedoes or to risk ships in front of shore batteries. On the 3rd of March the President nominated Brigadier-General Elwell S. Otis, U.S.A., to be Major-General by brevet, to rank from February 4, 1899, for military skill and most distinguished service in the Philippine Islands. The nomination was confirmed by the Senate. Secretary Alger sent the following congratulatory message to General Otis:

"You have been nominated and confirmed a Major-General by brevet in the Regular Army. The President wishes this message of congratulations sent you, in which I cordially join."

The Spanish way of dealing with unfortunate officers appears in this:

"Madrid, Friday.—Admiral Montojo, who was in command of the Spanish squadron destroyed by Admiral Dewey in the battle of Manila Bay, and the commander of the Cavite arsenal were this evening incarcerated in the military prison pending trial for their conduct at Manila. Admiral Cervera has also been imprisoned, along with General Linares, the two men in the Spanish service who gave the Americans trouble.

The Colon Gazette on the 23d of February publishes extracts from a private letter dated Iloilo, January 12, that prior to the conclusion of peace Lieutenant Brandeis, formerly of the Twenty-first Baden Dragoons, with 800 Spanish troops, held the town against 20,000 to 30,000 Filipinos, who were monkeying about and assuming to be conducting a siege, just as the Aguinaldo crowd was doing at Manila when General Merritt arrived. When peace was declared the Iloilo Spaniards presently surrendered and the Filipinos rushed in as conquering heroes. The pacific policy of the President prevented the United States troops from taking the place from the swarm of islanders until the outbreak in front of Manila, when our strict defensive was unavailable and General Miller quietly occupied and possessed Iloilo, the important sugar-exporting town of the Philippines.

The natives of the Island of Negros sent a delegation to General Miller, after he had captured Iloilo, to offer their allegiance to the United States, and the General holds Jaro and Molo, where there has been skirmishing recently. The insurgents have 2,000 men at Santa Barbara.

The governor of Camarines, in the interior of Luzon, has issued a proclamation declaring that the Americans intend to make the Filipinos slaves.

March 4th the United States cruiser Baltimore arrived at Manila having on board the civil members of the United States Philippine Commission. On the same day the rebels of the village of San Jose fired on the United States gunboat Bennington and the warship shelled that place and other suburbs of Manila in the afternoon.

At daylight General Wheaton's outposts discovered a large body of rebels attempting to cross the river for the purpose of re-enforcing the enemy at Guadalupe.

A gunboat advanced under a heavy fire and poured shot into the jungle on both sides of the river and shelled the enemy's position at Guadalupe, effectually but temporarily scattering the rebels. The enemy's loss was heavy. American loss, one killed and two wounded. General Otis cabled:

"The transport Senator just arrived; troops in good health. One casualty, accidental drowning.

Otis."

The Senator carried Companies A, B, C, D, H and K of the Twenty-second Infantry and sailed from San Francisco on February 1. The remainder of this regiment arrived at Manila on the transport Ohio, which followed the Senator.

The transport Valentia sailed from San Francisco March 4th, carrying in addition to 150 soldiers, stores and supplies, $1,500,000 to pay the soldiers now in the Philippines.

March 3d general order No. 30 was issued from the Adjutant-General's office, War Department of the United States:

"The following regiments will be put in readiness for service in the Philippine Islands without delay, the movement to take place from time to time under instructions to be communicated hereafter: Sixth Artillery, Sixth Infantry, Ninth Infantry, Thirteenth Infantry, Sixteenth Infantry and Twenty-first Infantry.

"The following troops will he put in readiness for early departure for station in Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands:

"Twenty-fourth Infantry, one field officer and four companies; one company from Fort Douglas, Utah, and three companies from Fort D. A. Russell, Wyoming.

"The department commanders are charged with the preparation of their commands for these movements. The Quartermaster-General will make timely arrangements for the transportation of the various commands. The Commissary-General of Subsistence and the Surgeon-General will make necessary provision for proper subsistence and medical supplies and attendance."

This means that our army at Manila will he re-enforced by 6,000 regulars. Recent advices show that Aniceto Lanson, President of Negros Island, called on General Otis with his fellow-delegates, Pose De Luzuriago, President of Negros Congress; Gosebio Luzuriago, Secretary of Finance, and Deputy Andries Azcoule. They assured General Otis of the hearty support of the Visayas except those few who have been stirred into revolt by the agents of Aguinaldo on the Island of Panay.

The government of Negros, they declared, was in favor of American rule, and there was no adverse sentiment whatever among the natives. The stars and stripes are now floating over all the official buildings on the island. The commission offered to raise an army of 100,000 Visayans to fight the Tagalos on the Island of Luzon. The commissioners represent large sugar-interests in Negros.

The Negros Island deputation was greatly pleased with its reception.

Admiral Dewey's flag as a full American Admiral was saluted becomingly by all the warships of foreign nations at Manila, even including the Germans, who had not until then showed the Americans any significant courtesy. The English led the function with an Admiral's salute. There was no novelty in this, for they long ago in every friendly way recognized Manila as an American port. The Germans have given signal manifestation of their desire to promote the most cordial relations between Germany and the United States by ordering the withdrawal of all vessels of their navy from Philippine waters and placing the lives and property of their subjects there under the protection of the United States Government.

A Hongkong dispatch of February 28 contained this information:

"Professors Schurman and Worcester to-day, after a long consultation with Wildman, who is looked upon as one of the best-posted men in the Orient in regard to Philippine affairs, expressed themselves as satisfied with the outlook.

"They are especially pleased with the action of President McKinley in restoring to the wealthy Cortes family the great estates illegally confiscated by the Spaniards.

"'It is good politics,' said a leading member of the Hongkong colonial cabinet to-day. 'It will seal to America every Filipino who possesses property. It is the hardest blow Aguinaldo has suffered.'"

Admiral Dewey is strengthened by gunboats enough to keep out the Filipino supplies of arms picked up in Asia, and Congress may not be making a noise agreeable to our enemies for the rest of this year. There is compensation in the omission. There will be no European or American interference in the process of pacificating the military faction of Filipinos, who are ungrateful and murderous, during the rest of the last year of the century.

Hugh Brown, an Englishman, who arrived at Hongkong from Manila February 11, gives in detail evidence of the conspiracy of the insurgent swarms in attacking the American army. He was at a circus where there were no natives when our soldiers were called out. They behaved nobly, disarming natives, but not killing them. There was mysterious shooting going on in the city "when an American shell struck a tree 200 yards away, and four natives dropped to the ground. The trees were found to be full of hiding natives, using smokeless powder." Aguinaldo was fifty miles away and telegraphed Admiral Dewey that he was not to blame, and for God's sake to stop the firing of the fleet.

Captain Frazer of London, late of the Imperial British forces, arrived at Vancouver direct from Hongkong March 8th, and gave this account of the declining health of Admiral Dewey:

"The war at Manila will have to end soon or the life of the great American Admiral will be worth nothing.

"I dined with him at Manila within a month, and am convinced that if he is not relieved of the terrible strain imposed upon him he cannot last a month longer. As he sat at the banquet table, surrounded by his staff, he looked to me like a dying man. His hair is snowy white, his face ashen, and he ate hardly anything.

"I had the pleasure of a few minutes' conversation with him when we retired to the smoking-room. Having in mind his enfeebled appearance., I asked him if he thought of returning to America soon.

"'I would like to, but my work is by no means finished here. When it is, and only then, will I return.'

"I am thoroughly convinced that only the Admiral's indomitable will has kept him up so long. The strain on him is terrible, and the climatic conditions have reduced him to a shadow.

"One of his officers said to me just before I left Manila:

"'The war will be ended by the Admiral soon or it will end him. No man can stand such a strain as he does in this climate and live long.'"

If this is to be literally accepted, and we may hope that it is overstated, there has been a distressingly unfavorable change within five months in the Admiral. His trouble is said to be with his liver. There is no question the strain upon him has been more wearing than the public have realized. Last summer his anxieties afflicted him with insomnia at night, and he has not for a day since he left Hongkong in April been free from burdens of harrassing care. His last words on the deck of the China to the Author of this Book were that the President had invited him to go home and counsel with him, but he had written the substance of what he held to be the way to deal with the Philippines, and would not leave Manila Bay "without peremptory orders to go, until all things here are settled—settled—settled," a characteristic repetition of the important word. He had already stated he wanted "two battleships" and the Oregon and Iowa were accordingly ordered to join him. Instead of anticipating pleasure from the ovations that thousands of letters and all callers assure him he could not avoid in this country he sincerely dreads them, and when told what the inevitable was whenever he put his foot on his native shore he said: "That would be very distasteful to me." He is human, and, of course, not insensible of the boundless compliment of the endless enthusiasm of the public regarding him, but he habitually insists that every man in his fleet did his duty on the day of battle and victory, and it would be "injustice to brave men if one man got all the glory." The Admiral knows the President's invitation to him to come home is a standing one, and no limit on it, but the sense of duty of the Admiral, in whose judgment there is perfect confidence, forbids. The information of his declining health will certainly result in his recall overruling his personal feeling and official purpose, if it is believed that there is danger he is sacrificing himself.



NOTES

[1] In another chapter of this story of the Philippines will be found Senor Filipe Agoncillo's personal account of this affair.

[2] Principally to Singapore.

[3] Principally to Japan.

[4] Principally to Singapore.

[5] Tagalo.—Name of one of the tribes of Indians inhabiting the Philippine Islands.—Trans. Note.

[6] Tinapa.—Small white-bait fish, which, mixed with rice, constitutes the daily diet of the lower class of natives in the Philippine Islands.—Trans. Note.

[7] Gallego.—Native of Galicia, northwestern Province in Spain. On account of their healthy and robust constitution, the lower class of Gallego are found employed in the hardest work throughout the country, where physical strength is necessary, although they are considered slow and lazy. Their predominant characteristic seems to be an insatiable greed of hoarding money.—Trans. Note.

[8] Cataluna.—Province of Spain, which capital is Barcelona.—Trans. Note.

[9] This account of Magellan is from Antonio de Marga's rare volume published in Mexico.

THE END