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The Story of The American Legion
by George Seay Wheat
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This brought down the house. It was what everybody thought and wanted. It was what everybody had hoped for since the very first day during the war that the Department of Justice had made its first internments. There have been all sorts of stories telling about these interned aliens getting rooms with baths, tennis courts, swimming pools, and playgrounds, and everyone had consistently hoped that they would all be sent back to Germany or Austria at the earliest possible moment after the war. The same hope was expressed in regard to certain Scandinavians and Hollanders here who were active in behalf of Germany. One thing is certain and that is that none of the delegates present were opposed to this enemy alien deportation, or if they were they didn't or couldn't make themselves heard above the thunderous approbation.

Chaplain Inzer at this juncture jumped to his feet and heightened the applause by shouting, "There are four million men back of this organization. If I were a Bolshevik, I'd pack my grip and beat it."

The culmination of this particular phase of the caucus was most dramatic. A wounded soldier on crutches, and bearing two wound stripes on his arm, was helped to the stage beside the chairman. "I am Private Sossin of Kentucky," he shouted. "I was born and reared in Poland, and came to this country and began to enjoy all the freedom of the American Constitution when I was thirty-seven years old. I left my business and my family to fight for this country. And if any of my native countrymen are so despicable as not to want to fight for the grandest flag the world has ever seen, the flag which gives freedom to all who are oppressed, I say, damn him and kick him out of here so that we can show that we despise such slackers."

THE CHAIRMAN: "All those in favor of the motion as finally amended will vote 'Aye."' That "Aye" shook the theater.

The caucus then passed a resolution that every naturalized citizen convicted under the Espionage Act should have his citizenship revoked and should be deported.

Another telling blow for Americanism!

The caucus next went on record with a resolution calling for the protection of the uniform. Those firms and individuals who had used the uniform as a method of peddling their wares were scored in the resolution and it was the sense of the motion that everything possible should be done to prevent panhandlers and peddlers on the streets wearing the uniform of the United States.

The caucus also indorsed Secretary Lane's plan for the "Reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands." The resolution to that effect follows in full:

"WHEREAS, the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands is one of the great constructive problems of immediate interest to the nation; and

"WHEREAS, one of the questions for immediate consideration is that of presenting to discharged soldiers and sailors an opportunity to establish homes and create for themselves a place in the field of constructive effort; and

"WHEREAS, one of the purposes for which the formation of the American Legion is contemplated is to take an energetic interest in all constructive measures designed to promote the happiness and contentment of the people, and to actively encourage all proper movements of a general nature to assist the men of the army and navy in solving the problems of wholesome existence; and

"WHEREAS, the Department of the Interior and the Reclamation Service have been engaged in formulating and presenting to the country broad, constructive plans for the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands:

"NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED: By the caucus of delegates of the American Legion in convention assembled, in the City of Saint Louis, Missouri, that we endorse the efforts heretofore made for the reclamation of lands, and we respectfully urge upon the Congress of the United States the adoption at an early date of broad and comprehensive legislation for economic reclamation of all lands susceptible of reclamation and production."



CHAPTER X

THE REEMPLOYMENT PROBLEM

We are now coming to the consideration of a subject that was nearer to the heart of every delegate than any other. That is the reemployment of one-time service men. This matter is of the most intimate and direct concern to the Legion and its leaders and because of its importance I believe the details of the discussion are sufficiently interesting to permit me to quote them verbatim from the minutes.

THE CHAIRMAN: "The secretary will read the next resolution."

SECRETARY WOOD: "Reemployment of ex-service men."

"WHEREAS, one of the most important questions of readjustment and reconstruction is the question of employment of the returning and returned soldiers, and

"WHEREAS, no principle is more sound than that growing out of the general patriotic attitude toward the returning soldier, vouchsafing to him return to his former employment or to a better job, therefore, be it

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion in its first national caucus assembled, declares to the people of the United States that no act can be more unpatriotic in these most serious days of readjustment and reconstruction than the violation of this principle announced which pledges immediate reemployment to the returned soldiers, and be it further

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion in its national caucus assembled does hereby declare itself as supporting in every proper way the efforts of the ex-service men to secure reemployment, and recommends that simple patriotism requires that ex-soldiers or ex-sailors and ex-marines be given preference whenever additional men are to be employed in any private or public enterprise, and be it further

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion recommends to Congress the prompt enactment of a program for internal improvement, having in view the necessity therefor and as an incident the absorption of the surplus labor of the country, giving preference to discharged ex-service men."

MR. WALSH (Pittsburgh): "I move, Mr. Chairman, that we adopt the resolution."

The motion was seconded by Colonel Jones, of Washington, D.C.

MR. LEVEREE: "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention, I desire to present to you a substitute for this resolution. As one who has been endeavoring to give a post-war service to these men who are coming back here and need to be replaced in the industries of this country, as a volunteer dollar-a-year man in the United States Employment Service and one who has accomplished results in the work to the extent that the bulletin of the National Chamber of Commerce has commented on the work, I desire to call your attention to the fact that the resolution as presented is not concrete. It says nothing. It talks in generalities, and I want to present to you a concrete proposition based on the experience of the Bureau in New Orleans."

"WHEREAS, it is desirable both for the welfare of the soldiers, sailors, and marines, now rapidly being discharged from the service of the United States of America, and for the industrial readjustment of the country that the process of returning these men to productive occupations in civil life be speeded up as much as possible;

"AND WHEREAS, by reason of the failure of the Congress of the United States to appropriate funds for the purpose the said process has been retarded and left to private initiative; now, therefore, be it

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion in caucus assembled calls upon the Congress of the United States to promptly appropriate funds to be administered for the benefit of existing coordinated Bureaus for the Employment of Returning Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines, to the end that there may be no interruption in the service now being rendered and that it may be broadened and speeded up, be it further

"RESOLVED: That each local post or organization of the American Legion is urged during the period of demobilization to constitute itself a committee of the whole, which shall cooperate with the local Employment Bureau and shall establish and maintain a liaison between such Bureau and every employer in the community through members of the local post or organization who are already employed in such establishment to the end that it may be made easy for the employer to avail himself of the service of the Bureau by communicating with someone in his own establishment, and that every soldier, sailor, and marine already replaced in industry may have an opportunity to assist his comrades to become likewise."

"Gentlemen, this is the crux of that whole business—getting somebody close to the employer where you can bring about that liaison which is suggested in this substitute motion."

The motion to adopt the substitute resolution was made by Mr. Leveree and seconded by Mr. Luss.

MR. DESMOND (of Pennsylvania): "What has been said, in my estimation, is not comprehensive enough. In the city of Philadelphia which is known as the Cradle of Liberty, when the men who had given up positions in the educational system—I mean teachers—returned from the service of their country they were not, as promised, given the exact positions which they left. Neither were they given positions of parallel importance. They were actually demoted in grade so that these motions do not cover such circumstances. In many cases, in municipalities, men have returned from the service and have been forced to take positions not of a parallel grade but positions of a lower grade.

"Men, Americanism depends on America's school systems, and if the ones who are directing our school systems are so unpatriotic as to demote those who go forth to serve their country, what is going to become of America and Americanism? And I wish to make an amendment to the effect that municipalities and boards of education in those municipalities be forced to give men their parallel positions if not positions of better grade and that in no instance will they be allowed to demote a man because he has gone forth to serve his country. I put that forward as an amendment, that the municipal governments and boards of education in our municipalities be forced to give men positions of equal grade if they cannot give better grade."

MR. SIMINGTON (of Washington): "I speak in opposition to that amended resolution. In my State I represent ten thousand organized men. In my State the present system has proven a failure. The organization that I represent handles an employment bureau that places 350 service men a week in permanent positions and 150 in temporary employment, and I say to you that that record is far and above the record of the U.S. Replacement Bureau. It is a proven failure. Gentlemen, I believe that it is 'For George to do'—and we are George.

"The service man wishes to take care of himself and his own. It is for the service man to handle his own problems and I suggest as an amendment—I am not sure of my being in order in offering an amendment to an amended amendment, but I suggest that it be the sense of this meeting that Congress assist the American Legion in taking care of its own in the matter of employment and that it do not use civilians to do the work." (Applause.)

The motion was seconded.

MR. HILL (of Pennsylvania): "The original resolution that is before the convention, I am frank to say, has been forwarded to me by a soldier from Allegheny County, who walked the streets of Pittsburgh for eight or nine weeks pleading this principle. A resolution adopted by the Mothers of Democracy was sufficient for him to get back his job, because he held a position as a county employee of Allegheny County and he invoked this principle and vitalized every military organization in Allegheny County, and by means of that he got back his job and his back salary and his mother's allowance which was cut off since January 1, 1918. This resolution was originally presented by me as a member of the National Resolutions Committee from the State of Pennsylvania. The National Resolutions Committee appointed a subcommittee of which I was a member, a committee of three, to consider this and refer it back to the National Resolutions Committee. That committee passed favorably upon it and the National Resolutions Committee passed it.

"Now, if that resolution, as it stands before the house, was sufficient to get a job back for him, playing almost a lone hand, surely it is sufficient for any man here or for, this American Legion, for all it provides for, and all that is necessary to be done is the simple patriotism with the American Legion in back of it which can place its hands on the shoulder of any substantial employer and say, 'Do you wish to rectify yourself on this thing called "patriotism?"' Do you wish to give the soldier back his job who presents to you a meritorious case? We give you a chance. If you do not take it we will publish this thing and you will go down to contumely and stultification."

MR. KNOX: "Gentlemen, I am speaking on behalf of the Resolutions Committee. We spent all day yesterday listening to such requests as this. Our final calculated judgment is represented in the resolutions as presented. We found in the discussion that there was opposition to an endorsement of the United States Federal replacement division. (Applause.) And so we determined that the language as adopted covered the cast. We proposed to create in this organization a reemployment bureau of our own, and the resolution as presented is all the support that bureau needs.

"I move you, sir, that all the substitutes for the original resolution be laid on the table."

The motion was seconded.

MR. BENNETT CLARK: "I simply want to call attention to the fact that under the rules of the House of Representatives that if you lay all amendments on the table it carries the entire proposition to the table and I don't believe this convention wants to do that."

MR. KNOX: "I ask a ruling on that, Mr. Chairman. If we lay all these substitutes for this resolution on the table will that kill the resolution?"

THE CHAIRMAN: "Unless you dispense with the rules."

MR. KNOX: "Mr. Chairman, I move you, sir, the suspension of the rules to a sufficient extent so that we may table the substitutes which have been offered to the original resolution offered by the committee."

Motion seconded by Mr. Bond of New York and carried.

THE CHAIRMAN: "The question now comes back to the original resolution."

The question was called for and it was adopted.

MR. ACKLEY: "Mr. Chairman, I have another amendment to offer."

THE CHAIRMAN: "It's too late. The secretary will read the next resolution."



CHAPTER XI

THE DISREGARD OF SELF

I feel almost as if the next matter under discussion should have not only a special chapter devoted to it but be printed in large type and in distinctive ink, for I do not believe that anything so thoroughly gave evidence of the utter disregard of self in the Legion as did the flat refusal of the delegates to tolerate what has been called in some quarters, the "Pay Grab."

The minutes read:

SECRETARY WOOD (Reading): "ADDITIONAL PAY FOR ENLISTED MEN."

"WHEREAS, the financial sacrifice of the enlisted persons in the military and naval service of the United States in the world war was altogether in excess of that of any other class of our citizenship, and

"WHEREAS, the great majority of these persons left lucrative employment upon joining the colors, and

"WHEREAS, this direct financial sacrifice was made at a time when men, many of them aliens who thrived in safety at home, were enjoying the advantages of an exceptionally high war wage, and

"WHEREAS, the service which involved this sacrifice was a Federal service in defense of our national honor and national security, therefore be it

"RESOLVED: That the delegates to this caucus of those who served with the colors in the world war urge upon the members of the 66th Congress the justice and propriety of appropriating a sufficient sum from the National Treasury to pay every person who served in the enlisted personnel in the military or naval service for a period of at least six months between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918, six months additional pay at the rate of $30.00 a month, and to those persons who served less than six months' in the military or naval service between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918, the sum of $15.00 per month for each month so served. This bonus to be in addition to any pay or bonus previously granted or authorized and to be paid upon and subject to the honorable discharge of any such person."

MR. KNOX: "Mr. Chairman, I move the adoption of the resolution as read."

The motion was seconded.

MR. MCGRATH (New Jersey): "I served in the navy, and I simply want to call attention to the fact that this resolution says that the money shall be paid upon the honorable discharge of the soldiers and sailors, but in the navy we are only released from active duty and I will not be discharged for three years, neither will any of the other three hundred thousand naval reserves. I therefore move that the resolution be amended to say that so far as the navy is concerned that the money shall be paid upon their release from active duty or their honorable discharge."

The committee accepted the amendment.

THE CHAIRMAN: "Before I put this motion I want to make this suggestion to you, that this is a pretty serious matter that you are considering. It is for this caucus, of course, in its wisdom to determine that which it wants to do, but up to this time, it has assumed continuously a most splendidly high and patriotic and unselfish attitude toward this whole question. It has dealt immediately and fairly and positively with regard to employment problems, but I suggest to you that we ought to consider very carefully whether we want to go on record as a caucus, as provided in this resolution, and I would prefer not to put the question until you have considered it further."

The action of the caucus was foreshadowed by the applause which it gave to Colonel Lindsley's caution. Fully a half dozen men jumped to their feet and waved their hands wildly demanding recognition.

Colonel Roosevelt arose from his seat with the New York delegation, and Chairman Lindsley recognized him.

"Gentlemen, I want to draw your attention to one feature of this question," he said. The Colonel spoke very deliberately and very distinctly, reminding a great many of his auditors of his father because of the way he snapped his words out. "I heartily agree with what the chair has said so far. I want you to get this particular reaction on the matter and I want to relate to you a little incident that happened coming out on the train from New York. One of the delegates on the same train with me said that the conductor stopped and talked to him and among other things said, 'Young Teddy Roosevelt is up ahead. He's going out to St. Louis to try to get some of the soldiers together to sandbag something out of the Government!' Sandbag something out of the Government!" The young Colonel's frame shook with emotion as he repeated that sentence. "Do you men get the idea of what he thought we were trying to do? We want everything that is right for us to have, but we are not going to try to sandbag the Government out of anything; primarily we are going to try to put something into the Government. In thinking over this resolution think of that."



The cheer which greeted this suggestion was so resounding and the opinion of the caucus so positive on this question that Mr. Gordon of Connecticut, a member of the committee that framed the resolution, moved that it should be laid on the table.

The thunderous "Aye" which tabled this resolution might well be recorded in letters of gold.

It showed the utter unselfishness of the American doughboy, gob, and leatherneck. He had followed Colonel Roosevelt's advice: he refused to sandbag the Government out of anything, and this action gives the best possible basis for the procedure to put something into the Government.

In view of the action of certain newspapers, organizations, and individuals in advocating that six months' pay should be given to the returned service man, I wonder if there are not still a great many of them who are still puzzled over why the Legion refused to endorse this movement. There must be scores of them, dozens of them who were not present at the St. Louis Caucus, to catch its spirit and who have not carefully considered just what impression such a demand on the part of former soldiers, sailors, and marines would create on the rest of the country.

Why shouldn't six months' pay be given to every man who did his bit in the war with Germany? In the first place, these men who have returned from the war have begotten for themselves the utmost respect and affection from those who could not go. The civilian forms the majority of our people. Because of the esteem before-mentioned, he is willing to grant almost anything within reason to the service man who risked so much in defense of the country. It is to the interest of the service man to make the civilian population feel that he does not want to get something for nothing but that, rather, he would still prefer to give his best to the country in peaceful times in the same spirit that he manifested in war times—an utter disregard of self.

Had the Legion endorsed this resolution, the general consensus would have been, "There are the soldiers getting together to make demands. Their organization is nothing more or less than an association formed to get something out of the Treasury." Therefore, when the service men, as a unit, came to demand something vitally necessary for the good of the country, it is possible that they might be answered: "We have paid you in money and have your receipt and that will be all for you."

This Legion can, must, and will be an inspiration and a guiding spirit because it is composed of men who have been willing to sacrifice self for the good of the country. For that they have obtained the affection of their world and just so long as they are willing to continue to manifest that spirit will they retain that affection.



CHAPTER XII

THE CLOSING HOURS

The next resolution to be passed was that concerning "Disability Pay." That resolution, as passed read.

"WHEREAS, under the provisions of the existing law an obvious injustice is done to the civilian who entered the military service, and as an incident, too, that service is disabled, therefore,

"BE IT RESOLVED: That this caucus urge upon Congress the enactment of legislation, which will place upon an equal basis as to retirement for disability incurred in active service during the war with the Central Powers of Europe, all officers and enlisted personnel who served in the military and naval forces of the United States during said war, irrespective of whether they happened to serve in the Regular Army, or in the National Guard or National Army."

Then followed the passage of the War Risk Insurance Resolution. This read:

"WHEREAS, one of the purposes of this organization is: 'To protect, assist, and promote the general welfare of all persons in the military and naval service of the United States and those dependent upon them,' and,

"WHEREAS, owing to the speedy demobilization of the men in the service, who had not had their rights, privileges, and benefits under the War Risk Insurance Act fully explained to them, and these men, therefore, are losing daily, such rights, privileges, and benefits, which may never again be restored, and,

"WHEREAS, it is desirable that every means be pursued to acquaint the men of their full rights, privileges, and benefits under the said act, and to prevent the loss of the said rights, benefits, and privileges, therefore,

"BE IT RESOLVED: That this caucus pledges its most energetic support to a campaign of sound education and widespread activity, to the end that the rights, privileges, and benefits under the War Risk Insurance Act be conserved and that the men discharged from the service be made to realize what are their rights under this act; and that the Executive Committee be empowered and directed to confer with the War Risk Insurance Bureau, that it may carry out the purposes herein expressed and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That it is the sense of this caucus that the War Risk Insurance Act be amended to provide that the insured, under the act, may be allowed to elect whether his insurance, upon maturity, shall be paid as an annuity, or in one payment; and that he may select his beneficiaries regardless of family relationship."

At the time of the caucus, Colonel Lindsley was director of the War Risk Insurance Bureau in Washington. In speaking to the motion to pass the foregoing resolution, he said that more than a year ago he and other officers in France felt that if there were no other reasons for an organization such as the Legion, it would be more than worth while to create one even though its sole function was to let those who served in the war know their rights about government insurance and if it saw to it that the general scheme was perpetuated.

"I am speaking particularly of the insurance phase of the situation," he said in part. "The United States Government to-day is the greatest insurance institution on earth. Thirty-nine billions of dollars of applications have poured in from over four millions of men; an average of practically $9000 per man is held throughout the United States and abroad, and over 90% of these men are insured. That insurance is the best in the world, because the greatest and the best and the richest Government on earth says, 'I promise to pay.' It is the cheapest insurance in the world and always will be because the Government says, 'As part of our contribution, we, the people of the United States, in this war, as a legitimate expense, will pay all cost of administering this Bureau.' So that the men who have this insurance now and those who have it hereafter will pay only the net cost. If there is any savings, they get it. So that for all time to come they have got the insurance cheaper than any other country except the United States can give them. I say that without any improper comparison with the splendid, properly organized institutions in the United States. It is simply this: That the people of the United States pay this cost of administration. By June 1st the policies of conversion will be ready to be delivered to those who want them. You will be able to cease term insurance, if you wish, and have ordinary life, limited payment life, or endowment insurance. You can have any kind you please, but the big thing, my comrades, is this: To retain every single dollar of this insurance that you can afford to carry. Don't be in any particular hurry about conversion. If your income isn't good—carry this message back to the boys throughout the United States—if their income at this time doesn't justify carrying higher priced insurance, retain that which they have got and throughout this country tell the men that those who have lapsed their insurance because they didn't understand its value, because it wasn't properly presented to them at the period of demobilization by the Government, for it was not, tell them they are going to have every right of reinstatement without physical examination.

"There is going to be no snap judgment on any man who served in this war who, because he was not able when he went out or didn't have the information or because he was careless or for any other reason didn't carry on his insurance. I ask you, my friends, and I think it is one of the important functions of this great American Legion that is born here in St. Louis at this time, to see that the fullest possible amount of this government insurance is maintained. Every man that holds a government policy is a part of the Government more than ever before. I ask you to bear this in mind and it is going to be within your power to say yes and no to many of the great problems of the United States.

"I ask you to see that this great bureau is kept out of politics and that it is administered, in the years to come in the interests of those for whom this law was enacted, those who served as soldiers, sailors, and marines in this war and their dependents. I thank you for this opportunity of presenting this matter to you."

"... It is going to be within your power to say yes or no to many of the great problems of the United States."

The service men know this but coming from a man like Colonel Lindsley it is especially important. How are they going to use this power? What sort of a legislative program will the Legion have? The answer isn't hard to find by a perusal of the resolutions which were passed and by remembering that most important one which did not pass, viz.: the pay grab.

The next resolution occupying the attention of the caucus was that one relating to disability of soldiers, sailors, and marines. It reads:

"BE IT RESOLVED: That the delegates from the several States shall instruct their respective organizations to see that every disabled soldier, sailor, and marine be brought into contact with the Rehabilitation Department of the Federal Board at Washington, D.C., and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the secretaries of the various states be instructed to write to the Federal Board for literature as to what it offers to disabled men, and that the members of the Legion be instructed to distribute this literature and to aid the wounded soldiers, sailors, and marines to take advantage of governmental assistance, and that every effort be made by the American Legion in the several States to stop any attempt to pauperize disabled men."

The whole work of the Legion as outlined at the caucus is constructive and therefore inspiring. The reader will note from the last resolution that members of the Legion are to be instructed to distribute the literature of the Rehabilitation Department among wounded soldiers, sailors, and marines and to show them how to take advantage of governmental assistance; and also that every effort will be made by the American Legion to stop any attempt to pauperize disabled men.

A higher-minded, more gentle resolve than that, can hardly be imagined. All of us remember the host of begging cripples who were going the rounds of the country even so long as thirty-five or forty years after the Civil War. This last resolution means that such will not be the case after this war. I think that it would be safe to say that in nine cases out of ten, after the Legion gets thoroughly started, crippled beggars who pretend to have been wounded in the service of their country will be fakers. Mr. Mott of Illinois, in the discussion on this question, brought out the fact that there were approximately sixty thousand soldiers, sailors, and marines permanently disabled as a result of wounds, accidents, and disease incurred in the war, while approximately one hundred and forty thousand discharged men were only more or less disabled.

The final resolution was that copies of all resolutions passed by the caucus were to be forwarded to every member of the United States Senate and each representative in Congress.

Louis A. Frothingham, chairman of the Resolutions Committee, made an address in which he thanked the people of St. Louis for their hospitality and the War Camp Community Service for its aid. The War Camp Community Service sent special men to St. Louis under the direction of Mr. Frank L. Jones to cooperate with its St. Louis leaders in helping to make the delegates comfortable. Arrangements were made whereby delegates of small means could get lodging for twenty-five cents a night and meals at the same price.

Mr. Foss of Ohio introduced the following resolution of thanks which was passed standing:

"RESOLVED: That a standing vote of thanks be tendered to the War Camp Community Service for its active hospitality to the delegates to this St. Louis Caucus of the American Legion, which is in keeping with its splendid work through the war in extending community service to our American soldiers, sailors, and marines, and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That an engrossed copy of this resolution be forwarded to the national secretary of the War Camp Community Service."

In this connection it might be well to digress a bit and to say that War Camp Community Service functioned splendidly for the young men of our Army, Navy, and Marine Corps during the war, and as "Community Service, Inc." intends to continue caring for not only the doughboys and gobs it served so well but for an enlarged patronage. During the conflict, War Camp Community Service organized the social and recreational resources of six hundred communities which were adjacent to training camps, army bases, and naval stations, and also developed the same resources in thirty large communities dominated by great war industries, of which the industrial centers at Bethlehem, Chester, and Erie, Pennsylvania, are types.

I believe it is well worth while for every member of the American Legion to know something about War Camp accomplishment, and Community Service possibilities for each has a similar aim and goal which may be realized by harmonious effort on the part of community service branches and legion posts throughout the entire country.

The idea of War Camp Community Service, like all successful experiments, was based on sound truth and simple theory and proved to be far reaching in results. Communities were not told what to do; there was no cut and dried program, but rather each community received special treatment suited to its particular needs, temperament, and physical characteristics. The basic idea underlying this activity is to allow each one to express himself. No person or community has the same thoughts, manner of living or thinking, and entire communities, like individuals, are affected by their environment and the life which circumstances compel them to lead. An iron monger's stalwart frame may conceal a poetic-soul, while the frail body of an obscure clerk may enclose the spirit of a Cromwell. War Camp has helped a great many such men to find themselves. Community Service promises to do the same thing, for the war has given ample proof of the need of just this kind of service.

With the war gone, with thousands of young men thrown upon their own initiative and resources for both work and play, there is going to be a great need of proper guidance, companionship, and comradeship, unless a great many are to be overtaken by some madness like Bolshevism or in a lesser degree—constant and brooding dissatisfaction. The American Legion post, with its leaders, is going to fill a great need here. It will be some place to go where a man can meet his fellows of the better type, and, not only indulge in the pleasure of discussing former days but, better still, take an interest in present-day movements affecting his country.

Also, I feel that Community Service will have a great place in this same scheme: that it can take the former service man, lonely and seeking expression, just where the Legion leaves off and, with Legion ideals on Americanism and the duties of citizenship as a basis, can round him off in the softer, more intimate molds of life, so that between the two he may not be only an honor to his country, but to his family and to his God as well. Therefore, I believe Community Service will fall heir to the goodwill created by War Camp throughout the nation, that it will retain the best of the latter's tenets and will take its place as one of the great powers for good in the community life of this country.

At the final session, Major Caspar G. Bacon was elected treasurer of the Legion to serve until November 11th. Delegations appointed State chairmen and secretaries to carry on the work of further organization for the November convention.

During luncheon time of the last day there had been some fear expressed among certain of the delegates that the loyal foreign-born element in the United States might not thoroughly understand the Alien Slackers Resolution. In order to make that perfectly clear Chaplain Inzer, during the last hours of the caucus, called for a cheer for every foreign-born citizen who gave loyal service to the United States. A rousing one was given.

Then came the unanimous report of the Committee on Constitution and By-Laws and declaration of principles. It was passed upon, section by section. You will find it printed elsewhere in this volume, and you must read it if you would get a true view of the principles underlying the Legion. It is as plain as a lesson in a school reader. Any comment on it from me would be editorial tautology, so I don't want to say anything more than that its framing was one of the cleverest and most comprehensive bits of work done since the very beginning of the Legion.

On the question of eligibility of Americans who had served in other armies, Mr. Palmen of California, announced as a bit of information that an Act approved by Congress on October 15, 1918, provided that such men must repatriate themselves. "We must go before a judge qualified to give citizenship back, taking with us our honorable discharge and credentials to show that we were American citizens at the time we enlisted," Mr. Palmen declared. Mr. Palmen was with the Canadian Army for three and a half years. "This question has been debated and the public at large is much confused about it," he continued. "I am told all that I must do is to go before a judge and that I will immediately be made a citizen again with all the rights and privileges which that implies."

There was no "hero stuff" at all at this caucus, no names of heroes, as such, were mentioned. The name of the President of the United States was not called nor any member of his Cabinet nor was any reference made to them either direct or indirect. This was done to avoid the appearance of politics. General Pershing's name was mentioned once and that was during the discussion of the sixth section of the constitution which provides that "no Post may be named for any living person."

Major Leonard of the District of Columbia delegation obtained the floor and said that his delegation was in an embarrassing position because they had already organized a post and named it "Pershing Post No. 1." Major Wickersham of New York, stated that a number of posts were already in the process of organization in his State and that the names of living men had been adopted by them.

After all why not call these posts after living men?

Delegate Harder, of Oklahoma, offered the answer:

"With all due respect to the gentlemen who have already named their posts they are subjected, as are we to the action of this caucus," he said. "We know positively that in due course of time those names will be used, at least to a certain extent, politically. Let us find some other way to honor these men and make it impossible for the people of this country to get the idea that this is a political organization."

There you have it, the real reason. Delegate Harder was only one of the hundreds who not only wanted to keep the Legion out of politics now but for all time to come.

Mr. McGrath of New Jersey also took an amusing fling at article six. As originally drawn it stipulated that the local unit should be termed a billet. "I object to the word billet," he said. "It has too many unpleasant associations as those men who slept in them in France will testify. A billet meant some place where you lay down and slept as long as certain little animals would let you, and the American Legion isn't going to do that."

Just about this time the afternoon was drawing to a close. Everybody realized that a monumental task had been performed. Sleepless nights and nerve-wracking days had been endured. Many pocketbooks were running low. Everybody felt it was time to go home.

General Hoffman of Oklahoma obtained recognition from the chair as some of the delegates already were rising to leave the theater. "I move, Mr. Chairman," shouted the General, "that we extend a vote of thanks to Colonel Roosevelt and Colonel Clark and other gentlemen who have been associated with them and to the chairman of this association and his able assistants who have brought this convention to such a happy and successful close."

At the mention of Colonel Roosevelt's name departing delegates tarried and when Mr. Weinman of Louisiana moved adjournment, the house stood and with one accord began to cry, "We want Teddy," "We want Teddy."

Colonel Roosevelt walked to the center of the stage and raised both hands seeking silence.

"I want to say just one thing," he said. "I have never been so much impressed in my life as I have been by the actions of this caucus, actions of the various committees and in the way this caucus thought for itself and acted for itself. For instance it would receive resolutions from the Resolutions Committee, would think them over, would re-decide on them and would re-decide them right. I want to say in closing that the only thing I regret is that my father could not have been alive at this moment to see the actions of this body of Americans."

Mr. Healey of the New York delegation obtained the attention of the chair. "I make a motion," stated Mr. Healey, "that before this great caucus adjourns we should remain standing in one minute's silence as a tribute to the greatest statesman that this nation has ever produced—THEODORE ROOSEVELT."



CHAPTER XIII

WHY THE AMERICAN LEGION?

As I glance back over these pages I am impressed with the fact that only the preface of "The Story of the American Legion" has been written here. When the reaches of the years shall gather to themselves the last of the men of the army, navy, and marine corps of the United States during its war against Germany that story may then be faithfully told. So the truth of the matter now is that history is in the writing so far as the American Legion in its relation to the United States of America is concerned. That statement isn't in reality as platitudinous as it seems at first thought.

We have arrived at world importance in history. We have come to that as the result of our part in the world war. Our isolation is over. We are the cynosure of all eyes. Uncle Sam is the dominant world figure; his hands control the reins that are driving the world. He has the enemies which all the successful have. There are those who had, and haven't, and there are those who never had, and want; all desiring, all envying the power of the United States of America. This great power and position was gained primarily by one motive—unselfishness. Just so long as it is our dominant trait will we retain what we have gained. Just so long as we remain true to our innate principles, to the tenets of our constitution, will we retain world importance and world influence.

There is a wolf at the gates of civilized Europe. If he gets inside nothing can stop him from ravishing us. This war has bound us so closely to Europe that we are, in a sense, one and the same. He who strikes our brother strikes us, even though he be so far away that the distance is measured by an ocean. We must get over the idea that distance makes a difference. The Atlantic ocean has just been crossed in sixteen hours. Remember, thought travels even faster.

The wolf that I mentioned is a Mad Thought. He is Bolshevism. He has the madness because of hunger, a hunger not only of body but of mind; the century-long hunger of the Russian peoples for Freedom. Russia has run in a circle. From the autocracy of the classes it has arrived at the autocracy of the masses.

Then, too, all our European brothers are war worn; tired, tired nearly to death with struggle and sacrifice, and this is not a frame of mind calculated to help reseat reason in the world.

Why the American Legion?

One of our great bankers recently returned from an intimate study of affairs abroad. His name is Frank A. Vanderlip. In an address before the Economic Club in New York City he said that Europe is paralyzed and that our task is to save.

I give the introduction to his address as it appeared in the New York Times:

"Frank A. Vanderlip, who spoke last night at the Hotel Astor, at a dinner of the Economic Club, which was held for the purpose of hearing his story of conditions in Europe, whence he has recently returned, said that England was on the verge of a revolution, which was narrowly averted in February, when he was there, and the conditions on the Continent of Europe are appalling beyond anything dreamed of in this country.

"He said that the food conditions in Europe would be worse instead of better for a year ahead, because of the dislocation of labor and the destruction of farm animals, and that the industrial and economic outlook, generally, points to a period after the war, which will equal, if not exceed the war period in suffering and misery.

"He said that Italy was afraid to disband her army, because she could not employ the men and was afraid of idleness. He said that the differential, which had kept England preeminent in international trade, was the underpayment of labor, and that this differential was now being wiped out, forcing England to face tremendously serious problems for the future. He quoted a British minister as saying that means would have to be found to send six or seven millions of Englishmen out of the British Isles and closer to the sources of food production, if continental conditions continued long as at present.

"He said that the best printing presses in the world to-day, except those in Washington, were at Petrograd, and that they were turning out masses of counterfeited pounds, francs, marks, lira, and pesetas, so skillfully made that detection was almost impossible. He said that these counterfeits were being spent largely by Germans to foment Bolshevist propaganda.

"Spain would, he said, be the most promising country in Europe except for the labor situation there, which had brought it to the verge of Bolshevism. He said that the most perfect laboratory of Bolshevism in Europe outside of Russia was in Barcelona, Spain, which he said was ruled absolutely by a mysterious secret council, which had censored and fined the newspapers until they quit publication and had enforced its will in all matters by assassinations, which no one dared to punish.

"He said that America alone could save Europe and that its aid must be extended to all countries equally. He said that this was necessary, not only to save Europe, but to prevent an invasion of America by the forces threatening the social overthrow of Europe."

Why the American Legion?

There, at least, is one great reason.

Our men of the army, navy, and marine corps got a schooling in the practical Americanism which our military establishment naturally teaches. Those who were aliens by birth and those native sons with inadequate educational advantages learned a great deal by association with men of better types and by travel. These men can and will stem the insidious guile of the wolf, and, to aid them in so doing, the Legion has an active speakers' bureau under Captain Osborn teaching Americanism in every section of the country. These speakers, in helping to organize the Legion along the right lines, teach the Constitution of the United States and preach that remedial changes in this government can be brought about in only one way, and that is, constitutionally.

Why the American Legion?

America is safe from any real danger if she can keep everybody busy. Less than two weeks after the caucus, the national executive committee had in process of formation a practicable scheme to aid in solving the reemployment problem. As time goes on this department of Legion activity will become more and more efficient.

Here is another answer to the question.

All through these pages the reader has found references to this question of reemployment; to anti-Bolshevism; the protection of the uniform; the non-partisan and non-political nature of the Legion; unselfishness; disability pay for the reserve forces; war risk insurance; allotments and back pay; the care of disabled service men; one hundred per cent. Americanism, and the deportation of those aliens who "bit the hand that fed them." The story has dealt almost entirely with these questions because primarily and fundamentally they are The American Legion. This program is the most important in the United States to-day. It means the betterment of the most stable forces in our community life, not only of to-day but for the next forty or fifty years. It means the proper extension of the influence of the most powerful factor for patriotism in our country—the onetime service man. It does not mean patriotism bounded on one side by a brass band and on the other by a dressy uniform and a reunion banner. It means real patriotism in its broadest sense—a clean body politic; a clean national soul and a clean international conscience.

This is the final answer to the question which serves as the title for this concluding chapter.



THE AMERICAN LEGION

LIST OF STATE OFFICERS

ALABAMA: Chairman: Bibb Graves, Montgomery. Secretary: Leroy Jacobs, Care Jacobs Furniture Co., Birmingham.

ARIZONA: Chairman: E. Power Conway, Noll Bldg., Phoenix. Secretary: Fred B. Townsend, Natl. Bk., Arizona Bldg., Phoenix.

ARKANSAS: Chairman: J.J. Harrison, Little Rock. Secretary: Granville Burrow, Little Rock.

CALIFORNIA: Chairman: Henry G. Mathewson, Flood Bldg., San Francisco. Secretary: E.E. Bohlen, 926 Flood Bldg., San Francisco.

COLORADO: Chairman: H.A. Saidy, Colorado Springs. Secretary: Morton M. David, 401 Empire Bldg., Denver.

CONNECTICUT: Chairman: Jas. B. Moody, Jr., 202 Phoenix Bk. Bldg., Hartford. Secretary: Alfred A. Phillips, Jr., 110 Glenbrook Rd., Stamford.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA: Chairman: E. Lester Jones, 833 Southern Bldg., Washington. Secretary: Howard Fisk, 833 Southern Bldg., Washington.

DELAWARE: Chairman: Geo. N. Davis, 909 Market St., Wilmington. Secretary: L.K. Carpenter, Du Pont Bldg., Wilmington.

FLORIDA: Chairman: S.L. Lowry, Jr., Citizens Bk. Bldg., Tampa. Secretary: J.T. Wiggington, 818—15th St., Miami.

GEORGIA: Chairman: Trammell Scott, 97 E. Merrits Ave., Atlanta. Secretary: Louis H. Bell, c/o Service Record, 208 Flatiron Bldg., Atlanta.

HAWAII: Chairman: Lawrence Judd, c/o T.H. Davies & Co., Ltd., Honolulu. Secretary: J.P. Morgan, Box 188, Honolulu.

IDAHO: Chairman: C.M. Booth, Pocatello. Secretary: Laverne Collier, Pocatello.

ILLINOIS: Chairman: George G. Seaman, Taylorville. Secretary: Myron E. Adams, 205 Marquette Bldg., 140 S. Dearborn St., Chicago.

INDIANA: Chairman: Raymond S. Springer, Connersville. Secretary: L. Russell Newgent, 518 Hume Monsur Bldg., Indianapolis.

IOWA: Chairman: Matthew A. Tinley, Council Bluffs. Secretary: John MacVicar, 336 Hubbell Bldg., Des Moines.

KANSAS: Chairman: A. Phares, 519 Sweiter Bldg., Wichita. Secretary: Ike Lambert, Emporia.

KENTUCKY: Chairman: Henry DeHaven Moorman, Hardinsburgh. Secretary: D.A. Sachs, Louisville.

LOUISIANA: Chairman: Allison Owen, 1237 State St., New Orleans. Secretary: T.H.H. Pratt, 721 Hibernia Bank, New Orleans.

MAINE: Chairman: A.L. Robinson, 85 Exchange St., Portland. Secretary: James L. Boyle, 184 Water St., Augusta.

MARYLAND: Chairman: Jas. A. Gary, Jr., Equitable Bldg., Baltimore. Secretary: Alex. Randall, 12 West Chase St., Baltimore.

MASSACHUSETTS: Chairman: John F.J. Herbert, 749 Pleasant St., Worcester. Secretary: George P. Gilbody, 3 Van Winkle St., Boston.

MICHIGAN: Chairman: Geo. C. Waldo, Detroit. Secretary: Ryle D. Tabor, 312 Moffatt Bldg., Detroit.

MINNESOTA: Chairman: Harrison Fuller, c/o St. Paul Dispatch, St. Paul. Secretary: George G. Chapin, 603 Guardian Life Bldg., St. Paul.

MISSISSIPPI. Chairman: Alex Fitzhugh, Vicksburgh. Secretary: John M. Alexander, Jackson.

MISSOURI: Chairman: Secretary:

MONTANA: Chairman: Chas. L. Sheridan, Bozeman. Secretary: Ben. W. Barnett, Helena.

NEBRASKA: Chairman: John G. Maher, Lincoln. Secretary: Allan A. Tukey, 1st Natl. Bank Bldg., Omaha.

NEVADA: Chairman: E.L. Malsbary, Reno. Secretary: J.D. Salter, Winnimucca.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: Chairman: Frank Knox, Manchester. Secretary: Frank J. Abbott, Manchester.

NEW JERSEY: Chairman: Hobart Brown, c/o Fireman's Insurance Co., Broad and Market Sts., Newark. Secretary: George W.C. McCarter, 765 Broad St., Newark.

NEW MEXICO: Chairman: Charles M. DeBremon, Roswell. Secretary: Harry Howard Dorman, Santa Fe.

NEW YORK: Chairman: C.W. Wickersham, 140 Nassau St., New York City. Secretary: Wade H. Hayes, 140 Nassau St., New York City.

NORTH CAROLINA: Chairman: C.K. Burgess, 107 Commercial Bank Bldg., Raleigh. Secretary: Charles N. Hulvey, A.&E. College, Raleigh.

NORTH DAKOTA: Chairman: R.H. Treacy, Bismarck. Secretary: Ed. E. Gearey, Fargo.

OHIO: Chairman: P.C. Galbraith, Cincinnati. Secretary: Chalmers R. Wilson, Adj. Gen. Office, State House, Columbus.

OKLAHOMA: Chairman: Ross N. Lillard, Oklahoma City. Secretary: F.W. Fisher, Oklahoma City.

OREGON: Chairman: E.J. Eivers, 444-1/2 Larrabee St., Portland. Secretary: Dow V. Walker, Care Multnomah Club, Portland.

PENNSYLVANIA: Chairman and Secretary: George F. Tyler, 121 S. 5th St., Philadelphia.

RHODE ISLAND: Chairman: Alexander H. Johnson, City Hall, Providence. Secretary: James E. Cummiskey, Crompton.

SOUTH CAROLINA: Chairman: John D. Smyser, M.D., 423 South Gargan St., Florence. Secretary: Ben. D. Fulton, 32 West Evans St., Florence.

SOUTH DAKOTA: Chairman: T.R. Johnson, Sioux Falls. Secretary: J.C. Denison, Vermillion.

TENNESSEE: Chairman: Roan Waring, Bank of Commerce and Trust Co. Bldg., Memphis. Secretary: W.R. Craig, Nat. Life and Accident Co., Nashville, Tenn.

TEXAS: Chairman: Claude B. Birkhead, San Antonio. Secretary: J.A. Belzer, Austin.

UTAH: Chairman: Harold R. Smoot, Salt Lake City. Secretary: Baldwin Robertson, 409 Ten Boston Bldg., Salt Lake City.

VIRGINIA: Chairman: Andrew D. Christian, c/o Ruy & Power Bldg., Richmond. Secretary: R.G.M. Ross, 508 1st Nat'l. Bank Bldg. Newport News.

VERMONT: Chairman: H. Nelson Jackson, Burlington. Secretary: Joseph H. Fountain, 138 Colchester Ave., Burlington.

WASHINGTON. Chairman: Harvey A. Moss, Seattle. Secretary: George R. Drever, c/o Adj. Gen. Office, Armory, Seattle.

WEST VIRGINIA: Chairman: Jackson Arnold, 111 Court Ave., Weston. Secretary: Chas. McCamic, 904 Nat'l. Bank of West Virginia Bldg., Wheeling.

WISCONSIN: Chairman: E.F. Ackley, 226 First Nat'l. Bk. Bldg., Milwaukee. Secretary: R.N. Gibson, Grand Rapids.

WYOMING: Chairman: A.H. Beach, Lusk. Secretary: R.H. Nichols, Casper.



CONSTITUTION OF THE AMERICAN LEGION AS ADOPTED BY THE ST. LOUIS CAUCUS

May 10, 1919

PREAMBLE

For God and Country we associate ourselves together for the following purposes:

To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States of America; to maintain law and order; to foster and perpetuate a one hundred per cent. Americanism; to preserve the memories and incidents of our association in the Great War; to inculcate a sense of individual obligation to the community, state, and nation; to combat the autocracy of both the classes and the masses; to make right the master of might; to promote peace and good will on earth; to safeguard and transmit to posterity the principles of justice, freedom, and democracy; to consecrate and sanctify our comradeship by our devotion to mutual helpfulness.

ARTICLE I

Name

The name of this organization shall be THE AMERICAN LEGION.

ARTICLE II

Membership

All persons shall be eligible to membership in this organization who were in the military or naval service of the United States during the period between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918, both dates inclusive, and all persons who served in the military or naval services of any of the governments associated with the United States during the World War, provided that they were citizens of the United States at the time of their enlistment, and are again citizens at the time of application, except those persons who separated from the service under terms amounting to dishonorable discharge and except also those persons who refused to perform their military duties on the ground of conscientious or political obligation.

ARTICLE III

Nature

While requiring that every member of the organization perform his full duty as a citizen according to his own conscience and understanding, the organization shall be absolutely non-partisan, and shall not be used for the dissemination of partisan principles, or for the promotion of the candidacy of any person seeking public office or preferment.

ARTICLE IV

Administration

I. The Legislative Body of the organization shall be a national convention, to be held annually at a place and time to be fixed by vote of the preceding convention, or in the event that the preceding convention does not fix a time and place, then such time and place shall be fixed by the Executive Committee, hereinafter provided for.

2. The annual convention shall be composed of delegates and alternates from each state, the District of Columbia, and each territory and territorial possession of the United States, each of which shall be entitled to four delegates and four alternates, and to one additional delegate and alternate for each one thousand memberships paid up thirty days prior to the date of the national convention. The vote of each state, of the District of Columbia, and of each territory or territorial possession of the United States shall be equal to the total number of delegates to which that state, district, territory, or territorial possession is entitled.

3. The delegates to the national convention shall be chosen by each state in the manner hereinafter prescribed.

4. The executive power shall be vested in a National Executive Committee to be composed of two representatives from each state, the District of Columbia, territory and territorial possessions of the United States and such other ex-officio members as may be elected by the Caucus. The National Executive Committee shall have authority to fill any vacancies in its membership.

ARTICLE V

State Organization

The state organization shall consist of that organization in each state, territory, or the District of Columbia whose delegates have been seated in the St. Louis Caucus. In those states which are at present unorganized the state organization shall consist of an Executive Committee to be chosen by a state convention and such other officers and committees as said convention may prescribe. The state convention in the latter case shall be called by the two members of the National Executive Committee in that state, territory, and the District of Columbia, and shall choose the delegates to the national convention, providing a fair representation for all sections of the state or territory. Each state organization shall receive a charter from the National Executive Committee.

The officers of the state organization shall be as follows:

One State Commander. One State Vice Commander. One State Adjutant. One State Finance Officer. One State Historian. One State Master-at-Arms. One State Chaplain.

ARTICLE VI

The Local Unit

The local unit shall be termed the Post, which shall have a minimum membership of fifteen. No Post shall be received into this organization until it shall have received a charter. A Post desiring a charter shall apply to the State Organization and the charter shall be issued by the National Executive Committee whenever recommended by the State Organization. The National Executive Committee shall not issue a charter in the name of any living person.

The officers of the local organization shall be as follows:

One Post Commander. One Post Vice Commander. One Post Adjutant. One Post Finance Officer. One Post Historian. One Post Chaplain.

and such appointive officers as may be provided by the State Organization.

ARTICLE VII

Dues

Each state organization shall pay to the National Executive Committee or such officer as said committee may designate therefor, the sum of twenty-five cents annually, for each individual member in that particular state, District of Columbia, territory, or territorial possession.

ARTICLE VIII

Quorum

A quorum shall exist at a national convention when there are present twenty-five or more states and territories partially or wholly represented as herein-before provided.

ARTICLE IX

Rules

The rules of procedure at the national convention shall be those set forth in Roberts' Rules of Order.

ARTICLE X

Amendment

This Constitution is to be in force until the November Convention, when it will be ratified or amended by that Convention.

RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE ST. LOUIS CAUCUS, AMERICAN LEGION

May 10, 1919.

1. Endorsement of the Victory Liberty Loan.

WHEREAS, the Government of the United States has appealed to the country for financial support in order to provide the funds for expenditures made necessary in the prosecution of the war and to reestablish the country upon a Peace basis; therefore, be it

RESOLVED: That this caucus emphatically endorses the Victory Liberty Loan and urges all Americans to promote the success of the Loan in every manner possible.

2. Conscientious Objectors.

RESOLVED: That this caucus go on record as condemning the action of those responsible for protecting the men who refused full military service to the United States, in accordance with the Act of Congress of May 18, 1917, and who were tried by General Court Martial, sentenced to prison, and later fully pardoned, restored to duty, and honorably discharged, with all back pay and allowances given them; and as condemning further the I.W.W.'s, International Socialists, and Anarchists in their efforts to secure the release of these men already pardoned, and those still in prison, serving sentence, and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That this caucus demand full and complete investigation by Congress, of the trial and conviction of these parties, and their subsequent pardon.

3. Protection of the Uniform.

WHEREAS, it is recognized that the uniform of the United States is as much a symbol as the flag itself, and thereby entitled to fitting respect, and, Whereas, certain unscrupulous firms and individuals have taken nefarious advantage of popular sentiment by utilizing men in uniforms as peddlers and sales-agents, and,

WHEREAS, certain discharged men have so far forgotten the respect due the uniform they wear, as to use it as an aid in peddling goods; therefore,

BE IT RESOLVED: That this national caucus go on record as being unalterably opposed to such practices, and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That each state and local organization here represented be urged to do all in its power to put an end to this misuse of the uniform, which has always been worn with honor and for noble purposes.

4. Reclamation of Arid, Swamp, and Cut-Over Timber Lands.

WHEREAS, the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands is one of the great constructive problems of immediate interest to the nation; and,

WHEREAS, one of the questions for immediate consideration is that of presenting to discharged soldiers and sailors an opportunity to establish homes and create for themselves a place in the field of constructive effort; and,

WHEREAS, one of the purposes for which the formation of the American Legion is contemplated is to take an energetic interest in all constructive measures designed to promote the happiness and contentment of the people, and to actively encourage all proper movements of a general nature to assist the men of the Army and Navy in solving the problems of wholesome existence; and,

WHEREAS, the Department of the Interior and the Reclamation Service have been engaged in formulating and presenting to the country broad, constructive plans for the reclamation of arid, swamp and cut-over timber lands;

Now, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED: By the caucus of delegates of the American Legion in Convention assembled, in the City of Saint Louis, Missouri, that we endorse the efforts heretofore made for the reclamation of lands, and we respectfully urge upon the Congress of the United States the adoption at an early date of broad and comprehensive legislation for economic reclamation of all lands susceptible of reclamation and production.

5. Reemployment of Ex-Service Men.

WHEREAS, one of the most important questions of Readjustment and Reconstruction, is the question of employment of the returning and returned soldiers and sailors, and,

WHEREAS, no principle is more sound than that growing out of the general patriotic attitude toward the returning soldier vouchsafing to him return to his former employment, or a better job;

BE IT RESOLVED, That the American Legion in national caucus assembled, declares to the people of the United States that no act can be more unpatriotic in these most serious days of Readjustment and Reconstruction than the violation of the principle announced, which pledges immediate reemployment to the returned soldier; and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the American Legion in its National Caucus assembled does hereby declare itself as supporting in every proper way, the efforts of the ex-service men to secure reemployment, and recommends that simple patriotism requires that ex-soldiers, sailors, or marines be given preference whenever additional men are to be employed in any private or public enterprise; and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the American Legion recommends to Congress the prompt enactment of a program for internal improvement, having in view the necessity therefor, and as an incident the absorption of the surplus labor of the country, giving preference to discharged ex-service men.

6. Disability Pay.

Whereas, under the provisions of the existing law an obvious injustice is done to the civilian who entered the military service, and as an incident to that service is disabled; therefore,

BE IT RESOLVED: That this Caucus urge upon Congress the enactment of legislation, which will place upon an equal basis as to retirement for disability incurred in active service during the War with the Central Powers of Europe, all officers and enlisted men who served in the Military and Naval forces of the United States during the War, irrespective of whether they happened to serve in the Regular Army, or in the National Guard or National Army.

7. War Risk Insurance.

WHEREAS, one of the purposes of this organization is: "To protect, assist, and promote the general welfare of all persons in the Military and Naval service of the United States, and those dependent upon them," and,

WHEREAS, owing to the speedy demobilization of the men in the service, who have not had their rights, privileges and benefits under the War Risk Insurance Act fully explained to them, and these men, therefore, are losing daily, such rights, privileges and benefits, which may never again be restored; and,

WHEREAS, it is desirable that every means be pursued to acquaint the men of their full rights, privileges, and benefits under the said Act, and to prevent the loss of the said rights, benefits and privileges; therefore,

BE IT RESOLVED: That the American Legion pledges its most energetic support to a campaign of sound education and widespread activity, to the end that the rights, privileges and benefits under the War Risk Insurance Act be conserved, and that the men discharged from the service, be made to realize what are their rights under this act; and that the Executive Committee be empowered and directed to confer with the War Risk Insurance Bureau, that it may carry out the purposes herein expressed; and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That it is the sense of this Caucus that the War Risk Insurance Act be amended to provide that the insured, under the Act, may be allowed to elect whether his insurance, upon maturity, shall be paid as an annuity, or in one payment; and that he may select his beneficiaries regardless of family relationship.

8. Alien Slackers.

WHEREAS, there was a law passed by the Congress of these United States in July, 1918, known as an Amendment to Selective Service Act, giving persons within the draft age, who had taken out first papers for American citizenship, the privilege of turning in said first papers to their local exemption board and thereby become exempt from service, and,

WHEREAS, thousands of men within draft age who had been in this country for many years and had signified their intention to become citizens, took advantage of this law and thereby became exempted from military service, or were discharged from military service by reason thereof, and have taken lucrative positions in the mills, shipyards and factories; and,

WHEREAS, in the great world war for democracy the rank and file of the best of our American manhood have suffered and sacrificed itself in order to uphold the principles upon which this country was founded, and for which they were willing to give up their life's blood; and,

WHEREAS, these counterfeit Americans who revoked their citizenship in our opinion would contaminate the 100 per cent. true American soldier, sailor, or marine who will shortly return to again engage in the gainful pursuits of life; therefore, be it

RESOLVED: That we, the American Legion, do demand the Congress of these United States to immediately enact a law to send these aliens, who withdrew their first papers, back to the country from which they came. The country in which we live, and for which we are willing to fight is good enough for us; but this country in which they have lived and prospered, yet for which they were unwilling to fight, is too good for them, and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That we demand the immediate deportation of every alien enemy who was interned during the war, whether the said alien enemy be now interned or has been paroled.

9. Disabled Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines.

BE IT RESOLVED: That the delegates from the several states shall instruct their respective organizations to see that every disabled soldier, sailor and marine be brought into contact with the Rehabilitation Department of the Federal Board at Washington, D.C., and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the secretaries of the various states be instructed to write to the Federal Board for literature as to what it offers to disabled men, and that the members of the Legion be instructed to distribute this literature and to aid the wounded soldiers, sailors and marines, to take advantage of governmental assistance and that every effort be made by the American Legion in the several states to stop any attempt to pauperize disabled men.

10. Espionage Act.

RESOLVED: That every naturalized citizen convicted under the Espionage Act shall have his citizenship papers vacated, and when they shall have served their sentence they shall be deported to the country from which they came.

11. Resolutions.

BE IT RESOLVED: That copies of these resolutions be forwarded to every member of the United States Senate and to each Representative in Congress.



LEGION FACTS

What has gone before is the story of the American Legion in the making. Now it is a going, growing institution.

Because it will be of vital interest and importance to every one of the four million Americans who wore the uniform, the following information concerning the American Legion, in the form of questions and answers, is here given, as follows:

(1) What is the American Legion?

(a) It is the organization of American veterans of the World War.

(2) Who is eligible?

(a) Any soldier, sailor or marine who served honorably between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918.

(3) Are women eligible?

(a) Yes, those who were regularly enlisted or commissioned in the army, navy or marine corps.

(4) When was the Legion started?

(a) It was first organized in Paris, March 15 to 17, 1919, by a thousand officers and men, delegates from all the units of the American Expeditionary Force to an organization caucus meeting, which adopted a tentative constitution and selected the name "American Legion."

(5) What has been done in America regarding it?

(a) The action of the Paris meeting was confirmed and endorsed by a similar meeting held in St. Louis, May 8 to 10, 1919, when the Legion was formally recognized by the troops who served in the United States.

(6) Are the organizations in France and America separate?

(a) No. The Paris caucus appointed an Executive Committee of seventeen officers and men to represent the troops in France in the conduct of the Legion. The St. Louis caucus appointed a similar Committee of Seventeen. These two Executive Committees have amalgamated and are now the governing body of the Legion.

(7) Who are the officers of this national governing body?

(a) Henry D. Lindsley, Texas, Chairman; Bennett C. Clark, Missouri, Vice-Chairman; Eric Fisher Wood, Pennsylvania, Secretary; Gaspar G. Bacon, Massachusetts, Treasurer.

(8) Where are the temporary National Headquarters of the Legion?

(a) At 19 West 44th Street, New York City.

(9) When will the final step in the organization of the Legion take place?

(a) November 10, 11 and 12, at Minneapolis, Minn., when a great National Convention will be held.

(10) Why were those dates selected?

(a) Because by that time practically all of the men of the A.E.F. will be at home and will have been able to participate in the election of their delegates to the Convention.

(11) Who were some of the men who initiated the formation of the Legion?

(a) Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, of the First Division; Col. Henry D. Lindsley, formerly Mayor of Dallas, Texas; Sgt. "Jack" Sullivan, of Seattle; Lt. Col. Franklin D'Olier, of Philadelphia; Ex-Senator Luke Lea, of Tennessee; Lt. Col. Frederick Huedekoper, of Washington, D.C.; Major Redmond C. Stewart, of Baltimore; Wagoner Dale Shaw, of Iowa; Lt. Col. George A. White, of Oregon; "Bill" Donovan, of the "Fighting 69th"; Major Thomas R. Gowenlock, of Illinois; Sgt. Alvin C. York, of Tennessee; Colonel John Price Jackson, of the S.O.S.; Lt. Col. "Jack" Greenway, of Arizona; Sgt. Roy C. Haines, of Maine; George Edward Buxton, of Rhode Island; Eric Fisher Wood, of Pennsylvania; Chaplain John W. Inzer, of Alabama; Lt. Col. David M. Goodrich, of Akron; Chief Petty Officer B.J. Goldberg, of Chicago; "Tom" Miller, of Delaware; Major Alex. Laughlin, Jr., of Pittsburgh; Major Henry Leonard, of the Marine Corps; Dwight J. Davis, of the 35th Division; Corporal Charles S. Pew, of Montana; General William G. Price, of the 28th Division; Bishop Charles S. Brent, Senior Chaplain of the A.E.F.; General O'Ryan, of the 27th Division; Stewart Edward White, of California; Private Jesus M. Baca, of New Mexico; General Charles H. Cole, of the 26th Division; Sgt. E.L. Malsbary, of Nevada; Lt. Samuel Gompers, Jr., of New York; Col. Henry L. Stimpson, Ex-Secretary of War; Lt. Col. Charles W. Whittlesey, Commander of the "Lost Battalion"; Leroy Hoffman, of Oklahoma; Lt. Col. A. Piatt Andrew, of the American Ambulance in France; General Harvey J. Moss, of the State of Washington; John MacVicar, Mayor of Des Moines before the War; Sgt. George H.H. Pratt, of New Orleans; Col. F.C. Galbraith, of Cincinnati; Corporal Joseph H. Fountain, of Vermont; Devereux Milburn, of the 78th Division; Lt. Col. Wilbur Smith, of the 89th Division; Sgt. Theodore Myers, of Pennsylvania; Col. Bennett C. Clark, son of Champ Clark; Robert Bacon, Ex-Secretary of State.

(12) What did the Legion, do at its St. Louis caucus?

(a) It demanded investigation of the pardon and subsequent honorable discharge by the War Department of convicted conscientious objectors.

(b) It condemned the action of the I.W.Ws., the Anarchists, and the International Socialists.

(c) It protested against certain nefarious business concerns who are employing men in uniform to peddle their wares.

(d) It recommended that Congress should take steps to reclaim arid, swamp and cut over timber lands and give the work of doing this to ex-service men, and give the land to them when it had been made available for farming purposes.

(e) It demanded of Congress the same disability pay for men of the National Guard and National Army as now pertains to those in the Regular establishment.

(f) It initiated a campaign to secure to service men their rights and privileges under the War Risk Insurance Act.

(g) It demanded that Congress should deport to their own countries those aliens who refused to join the colors at the outbreak of the war, and pleaded their citizenship in other countries to escape the draft.

(h) It undertook to see that disabled soldiers, sailors and marines should be brought into contact with the Rehabilitation Department of the Government, which department helps them to learn and gain lucrative occupations.

(i) It authorized the appointment of a competent legislative committee to see that the above recommendations were effectively acted upon by Congress, and that committee has been appointed and is now at work.

(j) It authorized the establishment of a bureau to aid service men to get re-employment; and of a legal bureau to help them get from the Government their overdue pay and allotments. These two bureaus are being organized at the National Headquarters of the Legion and will be in active operation by July 1st.

(13) What else did the St. Louis caucus do?

(a) It endorsed all steps taken by the Paris caucus, and adopted a temporary constitution which conformed to the tentative constitution adopted in Paris.

(14) What does this Constitution stand for?

(a) The preamble answers that question; it reads: "For God and Country we associate ourselves together for the following purposes: To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States of America; to maintain law and order; to foster and perpetuate a one hundred per cent. Americanism; to preserve the memories and incidents of our association in the Great War; to inculcate a sense of individual obligations to the community, state and nation; to combat the autocracy of both the classes and the masses; to make right the master of might; to promote peace and good will on earth; to safeguard and transmit to posterity the principles of justice, freedom and democracy; to consecrate and sanctify our comradeship by our devotion to mutual helpfulness."

(15) How does the Legion govern itself?

(a) The Constitution provides that the legislative body of the organization shall be a national convention, to be held annually ... composed of delegates and alternates from each state, from the District of Columbia and from each territory and territorial possession of the United States.

(16) How is the Legion organized?

(a) It is composed of State Branches, and these in turn are made up of Local Posts.

(17) What is a Local Post?

(a) The Constitution states that a Local Post shall have a minimum membership of fifteen. No Post shall be received into the Legion until it has received a charter. A Post desiring a charter shall apply for it to the State Branch, and the charter will be issued, upon recommendation of this State Branch, by the National Executive Committee. No Post may be named after any living person.

(18) How can I join the American Legion?

(a) By filling out the Enrollment Blank on the last page of this booklet and mailing it to the State Secretary of your home state, whose name is listed below. If there is a Local Post in your home town, your name and address will be sent to the Post Commander. If there is no Post in your home town, START ONE, write your State Secretary for the necessary particulars. The State Secretaries are:

ALABAMA.—Leroy Jacobs, care Jacobs Furniture Co., Birmingham.

ARIZONA.—Fred B. Townsend, National Bank, Arizona Bldg., Phoenix.

ARKANSAS.—Granville Burrow, Little Rock.

CALIFORNIA.—E.E. Bohlen, 926 Flood Bldg., San Francisco.

COLORADO.—Morton M. David, 401 Empire Bldg., Denver.

CONNECTICUT.—Alfred A. Phillips, Jr., 110 Glenbrook Rd., Stamford.

DELAWARE.—L.K. Carpenter, Du Pont Bldg., Wilmington.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.—Howard Fisk, 833 Southern Bldg., Washington.

FLORIDA.—J.T. Wiggington, 818 15th St., Miami.

GEORGIA.—Louis H. Bell, care of Service Record, 208 Flatiron Bldg., Atlanta.

HAWAII.—J.P. Morgan, Box 188, Honolulu.

IDAHO.—Laverne Collier, Pocatello.

ILLINOIS.—Name not received yet.

INDIANA.—L. Russell Newgent, 518 Hume Monsur Bldg., Indianapolis.

IOWA.—John MacVicar, 336 Hubbell Bldg., Des Moines.

KANSAS.—Ike Lambert, Emporia.

KENTUCKY.—D.A. Sachs, Louisville.

LOUISIANA.—T.H.H. Pratt, 721 Hibernia Bank, New Orleans.

MAINE.—James L. Boyle, 184 Water St., Augusta.

MARYLAND.—Alex. Randall, 12 West Chase St., Baltimore.

MASSACHUSETTS.—George F. Gilbody, 3 Van Winkle St., Boston.

MICHIGAN.—Ryle D. Tabor, 312 Moffatt Bldg., Detroit.

MINNESOTA.—Merle E. Eaton, care of Lee & Lewis Grain Co., 200 Corn Exchange Bldg., Minneapolis.

MISSISSIPPI.—John M. Alexander, Jackson.

MISSOURI.—Ed. J. Cahill, Service Commission, Jefferson City.

MONTANA.—Ben W. Barnett, Helena.

NEBRASKA.—Allan A. Tukey, 1st National Bank Bldg., Omaha.

NEVADA.—J.D. Salter, Winnimucca.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.—Frank J. Abbott, Manchester.

NEW JERSEY.—George W.C. McCarter, 765 Broad St., Newark.

NEW MEXICO.—Harry Howard Dorman, Santa Fe.

NEW YORK.—Wade H. Hayes, 140 Nassau St.

NORTH CAROLINA.—Charles N. Hulvey, A. & E. College, Raleigh.

NORTH DAKOTA.—Ed. E. Gearey, Fargo.

OHIO.—Chalmers R. Wilson, Adj. Gen. Office, State House, Columbus.

OKLAHOMA.—F.W. Fisher, Oklahoma City.

OREGON.—Dow V. Walker, care Multnomah Club, Portland.

PENNSYLVANIA.—George F. Tyler, 121 S. 5th St., Philadelphia.

RHODE ISLAND.—James E. Cummiskey, Crompton.

SOUTH CAROLINA.—Ben. D. Fulton, 32 West Evans St., Florence.

SOUTH DAKOTA.—J.C. Denison, Vermillion.

TENNESSEE.—W.R. Craig, Nat. Life and Accident Co., Nashville.

TEXAS.—J.A. Belzer, Austin.

UTAH.—Baldwin Robertson, 409 Ten Boston Bldg., Salt Lake City.

VERMONT.—Joseph H. Fountain, 138 Colchester Ave., Burlington.

VIRGINIA.—R.G.M. Ross, 508 First National Bank Bldg., Newport News.

WASHINGTON.—George R. Drever, care Adj. Gen. Office, Armory, Seattle.

WEST VIRGINIA.—Chas. McCamic, 904 National Bank of West Virginia Bldg., Wheeling.

WISCONSIN.—R.N. Gibson, Grand Rapids.

WYOMING.—R.H. Nichols, Casper.



WHAT THE PUBLIC PRESS THINKS

It is interesting to know what the press of the United States thinks of the American Legion. Practically every newspaper in the country honored the Legion with comment. In almost every instance it was favorable. Selection has been made of some of this comment—as much as is feasible to give here. It is of two kinds: first, what the press thought of the idea of the Legion, and second, what opinion it had of the Legion after it was launched at St. Louis. The first type of comment was made prior to the caucus in this country and the second, afterwards. Comment on both types was generally favorable.

Lest insincerity be charged let it be said here that there was some unfavorable comment. One New England paper was surprised that soldiers, sailors and marines were not clever enough to know that the American people would perceive their attempt, through this organization, to "drive a six mule team through the Treasury" and get pension and pay grabs. One Southern paper pictured Colonel Roosevelt returning from the St. Louis caucus, a defeated candidate for the chairmanship, with all hope of the future blasted, while one in Ohio said with equal accuracy and solemnity that "there is no need of such an organization at this time, now that the country is entering the era of peace."

But here is the comment. It comes from north, east, south, and west, and it is typical:

New York Times, April 10, 1919.—... It is a pleasure to know that Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, the worthy inheritor of a beloved American name, has called a meeting of soldiers and sailors at St. Louis. Lieutenant Colonel Bennett Clark, son of Mr. Champ Clark, is an associate of Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, in the plan for an organization of all our soldiers and sailors as the American Legion. These two gentlemen, associated in a patriotic movement, indicate by their names its common national purpose, apart from politics and partisanship. "A nonpartisan and non-political association is to be formed," says Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, "an association which will keep alive the principles of justice, freedom, and democracy for which these veterans fought." Justice, freedom, and democracy, without partisanship! The idea is noble. It should prevail.

Leavenworth (Kansas) Post, April 30, 1919.—... The character of the men of the American Army who are promoting it [the Legion] and the high ideals which it professes and proposes to maintain are a guaranty that it will be a power for helpful service in the common family of the nation.

The plan of organization sprang from the desire of serious and able men in the American Army to maintain the high ideals for which all of them have fought, to preserve the soldier comradeship and carry it over into civilian life as an element of broad helpfulness while keeping the record of the army free from the taint of selfish aims. It was also wisely intended to forestall by the creation of one big genuinely representative, nonpartisan and democratic body, the formation of numerous smaller organizations in various places by men intent on exploiting the soldier sentiment and the soldier vote for other than patriotic purposes.

New York Sun, April 11, 1919.—... The American Legion will do an indispensable service. We, who have lived up to the past few years in an agitation of protest against the pension grab must now make our minds over sufficiently to realize that in the new situation we run immediately into danger not of over-pensioning the veterans of to-day but of neglecting them.

The new organization must of course be nonpartisan and non-political. Precedent enough exists in the career of the Grand Army to make that clear. It should include and enjoy the guidance of the most influential military men. Politicians it will have at its service so long as it is well run and organized from within. Despite its proper political limitations, it should serve as the most salutary means to influence returned soldiers to cling to plain old Americanism, shed their martial acquirements and return to plain, praiseworthy citizenship.

Washington Star, April 10, 1919.—... The American Legion is to be welcomed as an agency for the promotion of the best in our national life. It will represent, with other things, the majesty of numbers. A great many men will be eligible to membership; and they will be young, and full of hope and purpose. And when they act together in matters within the scope of their organization they will represent a force to be reckoned with in the formulating of public policies.

Brooklyn Eagle, April 11, 1919.—Organization of "The American Legion" is going on rapidily in every State in the Union. Vast as was the mass of eligibles on which the Grand Army of the Republic could draw after the Civil War, it did not compare with the Legion's bulk of raw material. There will be a formal caucus on May 8th, at St. Louis, of a real representative character, in which it is said the enlisted men of the army and navy will have a majority. Lieutenant Colonel Henry L. Stimson, once Secretary of War, outlines the plan. He believes that this country's future hereafter is in the hands of the men below thirty years of age who fought this war. He trusts that the lesson in practical democracy afforded by military experience and the ideals of democracy emphasized by military enthusiasm may be kept permanently alive.

That this is the main hope of the more active organizers we have no doubt. Men like Major General O'Ryan, General Charles I. Debevoise, and Colonel Theodore Roosevelt and Colonel Robert Bacon would never think of making such a body a lever for pension legislation or an agency of politics. Yet the temptation to a divergence from the higher ideals is strong, and the rank and file may not be inclined to resist it.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat, April II, 1919.—... Such societies, it has been proved, are never partisan. They are invariably exponents of broad-gauge patriotism. That they have great political influence in a high national sense is true, but they have never misused it nor ever viewed their mission in a narrow spirit. They preserve the touch of the elbow throughout life, but only as thorough Americans, devoted first, last, and always to our common country.

St. Louis is proud to be selected as the place for the inauguration of this admirable and undoubtedly perpetual society. All wars are represented by societies formed by their veterans, and all alike have been truly and broadly patriotic. It will be the same with the new order, whose membership will, on the strength of numbers called to the colors, far exceed any former parallel. This event will be a datemark in our patriotic annals and in the progress of the nation.

Syracuse (N.Y.) Herald, April 13, 1919.—It has been earnestly stated, as might have been expected, that the American Legion will be strictly nonpartisan. That much might be inferred from the circumstance that one of the leading associates of Roosevelt in organizing the Legion is Lieutenant Colonel Bennett Clark, son of the late Democratic Speaker of the House of Representatives. Colonel Roosevelt is sufficient authority for the assurance that the movement is neither partisan nor political. He calls it "an association which will keep alive the principles of justice, freedom and democracy for which these veterans fought." Viewed in that sentimental, ethical and patriotic light, it is a commendable undertaking. The American people will wish it well, and be glad to see it flourish....

Norfolk (Va.) Dispatch, April 9, 1919.—If the American Legion now in process of organization by young Colonel Roosevelt and his associates, clings to the principles of foundation and holds by the purposes proclaimed by its founders, it may become a mighty force for good in the land. It will be composed of several millions of comparatively youthful Americans, a large percentage of whom will be voters, while virtually all will have demonstrated their readiness to fight their country's battles with weapons far deadlier than bullets.... This assumes the legion will fulfill the part it has undertaken to play in the country's life. If it should degenerate into a selfish protective body, it will be worse than useless. But there is little reason to fear it will fall so far below its ideals while there is every reason to hope it will be a powerful factor in helping the country to find itself again.

New Orleans Item, April 14, 1919.—The American Legion through the tremendous influence and mighty power of 3,000,000 organized fighting men, is certain to shape and control the destinies of the nation in years to come to an extent of which the wise will refrain from even suggesting a limit. With the announcement by Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt that the "Legion will be interested in policies, but not in politics," the opinion may safely be hazarded that the great political parties of the country are due to have new mentors, from whom they may be forced to look anxiously for their cues.

Primarily among the announced purposes of the Legion is the perpetuating of those principles of justice, freedom and democracy for which its members either fought or stood ready to fight. On the field in France or in the training camps at home, the millions of America's best manhood have learned intimately and well a new lesson of individual and national responsibility. Such lessons, at the cost they were obtained, are not to be forgotten or lost. The ideals of the fighting men of the states, producing the valor and the power which made the American Army irresistible, and the revelations by fire of new realizations and brotherhood and of world and national citizenship are surely to be felt in the calm, happier times of peace.

Philadelphia Record, April 10, 1919.—... If, as Colonel Roosevelt predicts, the membership shall eventually comprise 4,000,000 men who were in the military and naval service of the United States in the late war, it will have possibilities of power that must be reckoned with. But if, in the long life before it, the American Legion shall have no more to its discredit than is summed up in the history of the G.A.R. whose ranks are now so pathetically thin, it will have been a worthy follower of its fathers.

Paterson (N.J.) Evening News, May 7, 1919.—... The new organization starts its career deserving and receiving the good wishes of the entire country. The character of the men of the American army who are promoting it and the high ideals which it professes and proposes to maintain are a guaranty that it will be a power for helpful service in the common family of the nation.

Duluth (Minn.) Herald, May 24, 1919.—There is a great field for the American Legion, the organization of American veterans of the World War, and judging by the spirit of the recent convention and by the expressions of the returning delegates as reported in the press of the country, it is going to fill that field.

And the field that awaits it, and that it seems to intend to fill, is a field of a vigorous and aggressive effort to demand and enforce a strong and coherent and consistent Americanism.

Not the swashbuckling kind of Americanism—the chip-on-the-shoulder kind—the we-can-lick-the-world kind. These lads of ours are the last in the world to preach that fool kind of Americanism. For they—or at least those of them who crossed the seas and fought for liberty and peace on the other side—have seen in the case of Germany what that kind of nationalism comes to, and they are against it.

But there is a type of Americanism which is utterly free from the taint of militarism and jingoism, but that yet is even more dangerous to anybody at home or abroad who flaunts the spirit of America and defies its power. And unless the signs fail, the American Legion is going to express and embody and inculcate that type of Americanism.

Anaconda (Mont.) Standard, May 24, 1919.—... At St. Louis the members voted down all proposals for obtaining from Congress increases of pay for the soldiers and rejected all efforts to obtain canvasses of the members to ascertain their preference as to parties and as to presidential candidates. Everything was excluded which would tend to committ the organization to any particular party or any particular candidate. Young Colonel Roosevelt, son of the former republican president, and Colonel Bennett Clark, son of Champ Clark, former democratic speaker of the house, joined hands in the endeavor to keep partisanship and politics out of the organization.

Collier's Weekly, May 31, 1919.—A national convention of American soldiers and sailors in which no grievances were aired, no political axes ground, no special privileges or preferments demanded; where oratorical "bunk" was hooted down; where social discrimination was taboo and military rank counted not at all; where the past glories of war were subordinated to the future glories of peace and where the national interest was placed above all partisanship—that is something new under the sun. It was in such a convention held in St. Louis during the second week in May, that the new spirit of the American army and navy expressed itself articulately for the first time since the armistice was signed. The birth of the American Legion was attended by circumstances having a significance comparable with those surrounding the signing of a certain document in Philadelphia one hundred and forty-three years ago, come July 4th.

A brigadier general arises to "place in nomination the name of a man who—" and is cried down by doughboys with calls of "Name him! Who is he?" A proposal to give extra pay to enlisted men is unanimously defeated because, as Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt put it, "we are not here to sandbag something out of the Government, but to put something into it." The invitation to make Chicago the next meeting place of the Legion is refused because "American soldiers and sailors don't want to go to a city whose mayor would be ashamed to welcome such a convention." A progressive Republican, son of a famous father, refuses the chairmanship to quiet suspicion of personal ambition, and the office goes to a Southern Democrat of whose party the gathering is in complete ignorance.

One of the convention stenographers said: "This is the funniest convention I have ever attended." We have an idea that there was an element of prophecy in her homely remark—a body representing more than four million American soldiers and sailors that makes so little political noise is likely to be about as funny to the conventionally minded politician as a bombardment of gas shells. This language of restraint in the mouths of organized civilian youth may prove to be a natural companion to the famous battle slogan of the A.E.F.: "Let's go!"

New York Evening Post, May 3, 1919.—... The true usefulness of a veterans' organization is not far to seek. Like the G.A.R., the Legion should maintain and develop the comradeship bred by the war. It can assist the unfortunate in its ranks; it can take care of the widows and orphans of soldiers, in so far as any inadequacy of public provision seems to make care necessary. The Legion can preserve the fame of soldiers and commanders, by erecting monuments, by seeing that histories are written, and by proceedings of its regular reunions. It can foster such a public recollection of the great deeds of the war as well as broaden and deepen American patriotism. Sherman remarked in 1888 that there was some danger that a peace-loving generation in time of crises "would conclude that the wise man stays at home, and leaves the fools to take the buffets and kick of war." This danger can best be met by just such an organization as the G.A.R., with its campfires of song and story. Comradeship, charity and patriotism—these should be the Legion's watchwords.

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