CHAPTER IV

INTERPRETATIONS

Having followed the worship of sex through its various phases, it is now desirable to offer such interpretations of its meaning as the facts appear to warrant. What was the significance of this elaborate ritual; why did it develop, and how is it to be interpreted from a biological standpoint in mental evolution. The history of the development of this ritual may be of considerable interest in itself but we wish now to consider the subject from the biological rather than the historical standpoint. It remains to be shown what ends these beliefs serve in the evolution of the primitive mind, or at least what they represent, and what vestiges of them remain in our thoughts and feelings of today. Only from this standpoint can the study of primitive motives be of value to the Psychologist and the Psychiatrist.

In order to answer the above questions, it is desirable to refer to a still more primitive form of religious belief, since our understanding of this earlier religion offers a key to the understanding of sex worship. We refer to the various forms of nature worship found in primitive tribes. These nature rites consist of rain making ceremonies, sun dances, and numerous other procedures which are carried out by primitive people because of their supposed service in increasing the products of the earth. Fortunately these rites are quite clearly understood. It has been shown by many investigators that they are enacted to increase the food supply. They are actuated by the desire on the part of primitive people to meet nutritive demands.

Now this knowledge enables us to understand phallic ceremonies. A very distinct parallelism is seen between the nature worship rites and phallic rites. We feel that it is not difficult to show that while the earlier rites were in accord with nutritive demands, phallic ceremonies were an expression of the desire for human reproduction. We shall now digress somewhat in order to discuss nature rites in some detail, as thereby the phallic rites are very readily explained.

Among many of the Indian tribes of North America, the tribes of Central Africa, the primitive races of Australia, the lower hill tribes of India, and others, we find religious ceremonies all of which are carried out in much the same way and with the same object in view. We are all familiar with the rain making ceremonies of the North American Indians; we find frequent reference in literature to the various Spring festivals of the Egyptians at which grain is grown, etc., and in which vegetative nature is deified. A great many of the nations of antiquity had similar rites to increase the produce of the earth.

When the meaning of this general type of ceremony is understood, it is found that it has the same significance throughout. As stated above, these ceremonies are enacted to increase the food supply, either directly or indirectly. If it is a dry and arid locality, as is the case with our Western Indians, a rain making rite is performed. This is a religious procedure in which various processes of magic are utilized. This explains the importance of the thunder god as a deity, so clearly illustrated by Miss J. Harrison. The thunder rites are to increase the rain fall, and the magic in such procedures is imitative; that is, a sound similar to thunder is produced, as primitive man believes thunder to cause the rainfall since it often precedes it. Miss Harrison[26] has given a picture of an early thunder god of the Chinese,—a deity surrounded by many objects, which he strikes to cause thunder. Rattles made of gourds are used for the same purpose with some tribes; or down, etc., may be used in imitation of clouds, and water spurted about to represent rain. In many instances a secret ceremonial object is used,—a bull roarer in the rain making ceremonies. This is an object which, when whirled about, makes a sound in imitation of thunder. It represents a sort of thunder deity and so is associated with rainfall. It is held very sacred, being carefully guarded from view and kept under custody by the head men of the tribe.

In a primitive civilization engaged in pastoral pursuits where the herd is the important source of food supply the ceremony centers about the dairy and the herd. In Southern India, among the Toda tribes,[27] where the buffalo herd is sacred, this is quite apparent. Certain buffaloes are attended by the priests only, special dairies are sacred, and the entire religious development has to do with the sanctity of milk. The dairy utensils are sacred, and one special vessel, the one which contains the fermenting material, is held in particular veneration. This vessel is kept in a special part of the dairy, its location corresponding to the sanctuary of a temple. If by chance the ferment does not act properly, it is manufactured again by an elaborate rite. Here we see that the religious rites have to do with the food supply and fitting sacred ceremonials are performed.

When the food supply depends upon animal food a direct analogy in the ceremonies is seen. Some Siberian tribes[28] perform a rite to increase the supply of bear meat. A young bear is captured, suckled by a woman, and assumes the aspects of a sacred animal. It is finally slain in a ritual way, and the entire performance is for the purpose of increasing the supply of bear meat.

A few references may be given to indicate the views of those who have made special studies of these ceremonies. G. A. Dorsey[29] speaking of the Hopi tribe of the Southwest, states: "When the Hopi are not at work they are worshipping in the Kivas. The underlying element of this worship is to be found in the environment. Mother nature does not deal kindly with man in the desert. Look where you will, across the drifting sands of the plains, and the cry of man and beast is 'Water!' And so, to the gods of the rain clouds does the Hopi address his prayer. His instruments of worship are so fashioned that his magic may surpass the magic of these gods, and compel them to loosen their stores, full to overflowing. Take any one of the great Hopi ceremonies, analyze the paraphernalia worn by the men, dissect the various components of the altar or sand paintings, examine the offerings made to the Spring and those placed upon the shrines, and in everything and everywhere we see prayers for rain."

Dr. Clark Wissler,[30] in speaking of primitive ceremonies, states: "One striking feature of primitive ceremonies is the elaboration of ritualistic procedure relating to the food supply. Particularly in aboriginal America we have many curious and often highly complex rituals associated with the cultivation of maize and tobacco. These often impress the student of social phenomena as extremely unusual but still highly suggestive facts, chiefly because the association seems to be between things which are wholly unrelated. Thus, among the Pawnee we find an elaborate ritual in which a few ears of maize are raised almost to the status of gods. At a certain fixed time of the autumn the official priest of this ritual proceeds with great ceremony to the fields and selects a few ears, according to definite standards. These are further consecrated and carefully guarded throughout the winter. At planting time the women present themselves ceremonially to receive the seed, the necessary planting instructions, etc. Thus, it appears that during the whole year recital, there is a definite ritual in functions associated with maize culture."

The primitive tribes of Australia afford an excellent example of this type of ceremony, and fortunately these tribes have been very carefully studied. At the puberty initiations of the young men, one of the main ceremonies is a yam ceremony,[31] i. e., a procedure to ensure a bountiful supply of the yams. A special type of yam is secured, and cooked with much ceremony under fixed rules, much care and secrecy being observed throughout. After the cooking ceremony is finished, the yams are cut up and divided among the various members of the tribe. The ceremony is supposed to increase the supply of yams. Miss J. Harrison[32] in interpreting Australian ceremonies states: "The primitive Australian takes care that magic shall not be wanting, a magic of the most instructive kind. As soon as the season of fertility approaches he begins his rites with the avowed object of making and multiplying the plants, and chiefly the animals, by which he lives; he paints the figure of the emu on the sand with vermillion drawn from his own blood; he puts on emu feathers and gazes about him in stupid fashion, like an emu bird; he makes a structure of boughs like the chrysalis of a Witchetty grub—his favorite food, and drags his body through it in pantomime, gliding and shuffling to promote its birth. Here, difficult and intricate though the ceremonies are, and uncertain in meaning as many of the details must always probably remain, the main emotional gist is clear. It is not that the Australian wonders at and admires the miracle of his Spring, the bursting of the flowers and the singing of the birds; it is not that his heart goes out in gratitude to All-Father who is the Giver of all good things; it is that, obedient to the push of life within him his impulse is towards food. He must eat that he and his tribe may grow and multiply. It is this, his will to live, that he utters and represents."

In a monograph[33] of the Shinto religion of the Japanese, R. Hitchcock states that the leading function of the female deity is to increase the food supply. She is given the name of the Goddess of Food, or the Producer of Trees and the Parent of Grasses. She is spoken of as Abundant-Food-Lady, and seems to be a personification of the earth.

A further description of these rites is unnecessary, as wherever found they are all of the same general type. They have been described in North America, in Central Africa, in Japan, in Siberia, in India and they probably exist in many other localities. The above references indicate that they were primitive man's expression of his desire for food, this fundamental motive finding expression in an elaborate ritual.

Now since in the above rites, where the increase of the food supply is the main motive, the entire development and symbolism centers about articles of food, and since in the phallic rites an entirely analagous development and symbolism centers about the generative organs, it is only reasonable to infer that the phallic rites have to do with the desire for children. In this we have the meaning of sex worship. It is primitive man's expression of his desire for the perpetuation of the race and so it represents a biological necessity, the earlier motive being for the preservation of the individual.

Fortunately the conclusions which the above arguments would appear to warrant are borne out by the statements of those who have studied these matters in great detail. Miss J. Harrison,[34] who also quotes Dr. Frazer, states: "The two great interests of primitive man are food and children. As Dr. Frazer has well said, if man the individual is to live he must have food; if his race is to persist he must have children, 'to live and to cause to live, to eat food and to beget children, these were the primary wants of man in the past, and they will be the primary wants of men in the future so long as the world lasts.' Other things may be added to enrich and beautify human life, but, unless these wants are first satisfied, humanity itself must cease to exist. These two things, therefore, food and children, were what man chiefly sought to secure by the performance of magical rites for the regulation of the seasons. They are the very foundation stones of that ritual from which art, if we are right, took its rise."

There is a very striking parallelism between these two rites. It would be interesting to trace out these analogies step by step, but we shall refer to them only in a general way.

The outward form of the two rites is very similar. In both a religious ceremony is enacted. In the development of this ceremony a system, in which a priesthood forms a prominent part, is developed in both instances. The element of mystery runs through both procedures and, as Steven D. Peet[35] has stated, the nature worship ceremony of the North American Indians bears a remarkable resemblance to the mysteries of the Eleusis and of the Bacchanalia.

In both the nature rites and the phallic rites, a sacred ceremonial object develops, and about this object a very elaborate symbolism evolves. Just as in the most primitive form of sex worship we saw that the deity consisted of a rude representation of the generative organs, so in nature worship we find that the ceremonial object is at first a rude representative of the deified animal or plant. This sacred symbol is eventually conventionalized. We have observed this in sex worship, as explained by Inman, Payne Knight and others. In the same way in nature worship, ceremonial objects are conventionalized. Spencer has shown this in the case of the Australians, the ceremonial objects eventually coming to bear a remote resemblance only to the original animal or plant representation. A. L. Kroeber[36] has observed the same development in the Arapaho Indians. The buffalo symbol for example, (a very important one in this tribe since the buffalo is the chief food) has become highly conventionalized, and is finally represented by a formal rectangular design. This design now means the earth, and it is also used as a life symbol.

Again, just as we saw how in sex worship the religious symbol came to be expressed throughout decorative art, and in fact eventually became a leading motive, so it has been shown that in the nature worship of the Indians this same evolution takes place. A. L. Kroeber and Clark Wissler, among others, have shown that the decorative art on the moccasins, leggings, tents, food bags, etc., of the Indians, all representing a highly conventionalized symbol, expresses religious motives throughout. This symbolism can be interpreted only by an understanding of religious motives. The analogy of this symbolic development to that associated with sex worship is at once apparent.

Finally, just as in sex worship the motive came to dominate most of the practices and usages of civil life, so it can be shown that in tribes practicing nature worship, the religious motive has a very powerful influence. The performance of rites to increase the food supply are among the most important of primitive man's duties. Any man who enters into these rites listlessly is not respected, and the leaders of the rite are the head men of the tribe. In Australia, one of the main functions of each Totem group is to increase the supply of its own Totem animal or plant by magic ceremony.

In summing up, therefore, the analogies between sex worship and nature worship, the following features may be reviewed: the outward form is the same, i. e., that of a religious ceremonial rite in which a sacred object is the representation of the deity. The symbolism associated with this object develops in the same way in both instances. In the course of time this symbolism becomes conventionalized, and eventually it finds its way into primitive art. It then becomes the leading motive in primitive art and finally the religious motive is forgotten and the aesthetic motive alone remains. Were further proof necessary, these analogies alone would be sufficient to enable us to understand the meaning of sex worship.

The ritual associated with the worship of sex then, arose in response to emotions which are grouped around the instinct of reproduction. These feelings are so primitive and at the same time so fundamental, that it is difficult for us to realize that early man should dignify them by religious ritual. They stand out as expressions of a biological demand. As stated above, sex worship was not a conscious expression on the part of certain individuals, but it was the unconscious expression of longings and desires on the part of the race. It represents a phase in man's mental evolution, a process of mental development. Its dynamic value, from a biological standpoint, is at once apparent. In order to survive man must reproduce his kind, and the emotions associated with reproductive instincts must be of adequate dynamic value.

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It has been stated that sex worship, as practiced during the primitive state of civilization, was a healthy phase in racial evolution. In a higher degree of civilization, however, the reversion to this motive was a regression, and decadent sex worship as it existed during the middle ages was an attempt by certain unhealthy elements in the race to revert to the primitive. In decadent sex worship we are dealing with an instance of faulty mental adaptation in a way in which we had not been accustomed to consider it. It is a case of faulty adaptation in the race, or at least in certain elements of it, rather than in the individual. These general analogies are noteworthy from the standpoints of mental evolution and abnormal psychology.

In order to show how sex worship as practiced by a later civilization was the expression of an unhealthy tendency, we must digress sufficiently to show the setting in which decadent sex worship existed. It is necessary to give a chronological outline indicating how primitive beliefs succeeded each other as a result of man's progressive development.

The earlier beliefs were an expression of nature worship. This as we have shown, was mostly associated with the question of food supply. It has been shown that during this period of primitive man's existence group thinking predominated, and man thought of himself as part of the group rather than as an individual. At this time, therefore, the idea of the deity which was evolved was not that of an individual god. Generally speaking, it was the "vegetation spirit" existing throughout nature which was deified. This was the general period of earth worship,—the forces of nature associated with the earth being man's main interest. The earth at this time was highest in primitive man's regard.

During the time of earth worship, the social organization of the tribe was such that the mother was the dominating influence in social structure. Descent was matrilinear, and a society known as matriarchy existed, as contrasted to the later patriarchy. The mother was the leading figure in social as well as in family life. At this period a certain degree of sexual promiscuity existed; the mother of the child was known but the father was not and so the descent was in the female line. With earth worship, then, there was mother worship, and the term "Mother Earth" had a very real significance.

With the social state of matriarchy, the mother cults developed. These mother cults evolved the numerous female deities of antiquity, Themis, Demeter, Cybele, and many others being the expression of mother worship. These deities were generally associated with the wild elements of nature,—with the wind, and the hills and the forests.

Associated with the mother religion in a way which at first does not appear to be very clear arose the phallic cults. It should be here stated that the mother religion was not the religion of the mother alone, but also that of the mother and child. The child was the adolescent,—a youth about to be initiated at the public ceremony, at which he was often circumcised and after which he was able to take up the reproductive functions of the male. Miss J. Harrison has shown that Dionysus was the embodiment of this conception. Here the youth was necessary only to the extent that he could become a father. It was his generative attribute which was sanctified, rather than that he was a male being existing as an individual. For this reason, the deification of the phallic principle, i. e., the generative attribute, preceded the deification of the male as an individual. At least this is the impression one gains of this development. In any case, we note that the phallic ceremonies were associated with the mother religion. The period in which both existed was mostly prehistoric.

We see the beginning of the evolution of the male god in the phallic cults. This was eventually followed by the patriarchal system and here we are on more familiar ground. Patriarchy succeeded matriarchy, but whether as a gradual evolution or otherwise is not clear. Some writers speak of bitter conflicts in Persia, India, Greece and elsewhere. In any case the religion of the father replaced that of the mother; the social system changed and the father took his place at the head of the family. During this period we are told[37] that man shifted his belief from the earth to the sky, the sun was found to be the source of energy and worship was transferred to the Heavens. Just as formerly the female deity was identified with the earth, so the male deity was identified with the sun, Zeus and Apollo being two examples of the latter type from a great many.

We are now approaching a well known historic period. The religion of the father and the son had replaced that of the mother and child. The age of hero worship had commenced and this hero was often identified with the sun. For this reason, the fact that a myth is in the form of a sun myth does not argue against its being the expression of a very deep religious motive. As has been stated, earlier motives are carried forward, and so while sun worship is a somewhat later development than the phallic beliefs, it is quite natural that many phallic ideas should find expression at this subsequent period.

We have now reached a time when sex worship became decadent, for Christianity followed sun worship and hero worship; and this brings us to the present day. The religion of father and son remains, and much of the form of the earlier worship has been retained in the modern.

The above outline of the changes and evolution of early religions is most schematic. It enables us, however, to see that sex worship was entirely out of place during the middle ages, in a civilization which had long before discarded matriarchy. The questions of the food supply, and of children, were no longer so immediately pressing, and the faith in magical performances had been shaken. Man had emerged from the group as a definite personality, and the development of a new religion which expressed other feelings and desires had taken place. What we wish to emphasize at present is, then, that sex worship as it was carried on during the middle ages was a distinctly unnatural tendency in the race.

At this time opportunity may be taken to reconcile different interpretations which some writers have given regarding early religious motives. Considerable variation and some contradiction may be observed in the writings of different authors in describing a religious development of much the same period. One writer may describe the features of nature worship and quite ignore the presence of sex worship. Others may describe only phallic rites. These discrepancies may be understood when the order in which the various beliefs developed is recognized. Nature worship developed first, but much of its symbolism was carried into the phallic ceremonies. Thus we see the phallus associated with the pine cone and other elements of vegetative life. Some of these elements, the pine cone for example, finally came to have a phallic significance, but at an earlier period they probably represented the vegetation spirit. In fact, reproductive attributes of both nature and man were often worshipped at the same ceremony.

While we should not as a rule expect to find phallic rites associated with the earlier forms of nature worship, since sex worship developed at a somewhat later period, still in this connection we cannot be too dogmatic; the primitive Australians appear to be at the stage of mental development when simple nature worship predominated, yet, from Mutter Erde[38] we learn that with the Australians a ceremony consisting of the throwing of a spear into the earth was of phallic significance. This co-existence of these two related motives is not unnatural since they both equally represent fundamental biological demands on the part of the race.

We may now return to the interpretation of decadent sex worship. When we understand the setting in which sex worship was practiced in the middle ages we are better able to appreciate its significance. As stated above, it was the attempt by certain elements of the race to return to more primitive motives, and to derive satisfaction from beliefs which had long been outgrown by advancing civilization. This clinging to an early type of reaction, or the return to more primitive feelings, must be regarded as an unhealthy tendency. Moreover, at this time, the motive itself was no longer expressed in the natural and healthy way of primitive times. Sex worship during the middle ages became depraved; excesses and perversions appeared and the entire development, as it existed at that time, was biologically undesirable.

It also appeared that at certain times in the mental evolution of the race a degree of development is reached from which no further progress is made. At least, we are aware of such an instance in the case of a very primitive community in Southern Italy. A writer, Norman Douglas,[39] in 1914 found the existence of a phallic cult in Calabria. The women sanctified a crack of one of the walls of the temple, their attitude toward it corresponding to the yoni worship of India. Near by was an ancient stone pillar held in great veneration, which was the representative of the phallus.

It is observed that in this small community some remnants of phallic belief of a very primitive type have been retained for centuries. The religious development, an index of mental development, has become "set" as it were and no further progress is possible. It is not entirely for want of opportunity that this locality has not taken up higher religious beliefs. The Catholic Church has introduced its teachings, but the people have represented the images of the Saints, of the Virgin Mary, and of Christ somewhat after the fashion of toy dolls. These are used as fetishes to ward off disease and no higher conceptions are grasped. Ideas regarding after life and immortality are disregarded in favor of the immediate need of protection against supposed evil influences. With these people, therefore, motives are utilized which satisfy only the most fundamental and immediate desires.

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We have now followed a definite motive in mental development through its rise, its elaboration and its decadence. We therefore have its life history in the race before us; we have been enabled by analogies of other motives and by utilizing the conclusions of various writers, to understand its meaning and to give its interpretation. It remains to be seen what general conclusions regarding either racial or individual development in this sphere may be drawn.

It appears that when an important motive of this sort develops in the race, it embodies the expression of fundamental desires. Since it carries with it a strong and ever present desire in this way, it is strikingly dynamic in nature. It dominates all social organization, and with primitive people it dominates much of the conduct of the individual. When such a motive is seriously entertained it is pragmatic, i. e., it serves a useful end, or at least the conceptions which it embodies are entertained because they are thought to be of the highest value to the race.

As mental development continues, these more fundamental and primitive motives cease to be all absorbing. Eventually, the subject of the food supply becomes less pressing. Races continue to increase and multiply with or without the performance of sacred rites and man begins to question the utility of his imitative magic. Higher desires force themselves into consciousness, and earlier motives are no longer outwardly expressed; the form of the early motives is retained however: usages, symbols and practices which have long ceased to be dynamic and whose meaning is entirely forgotten are still observed; so we see evidences of primitive racial motives cropping up in all sorts of ways in later civilization.

But to say that the earlier motives are no longer outwardly expressed is not to infer that they do not exist. Fundamental as they are in our mental development, they enter into our general personality and become a part of our makeup. How is the motive expressed in sex worship a part of our motives and feelings of today? Superficially it does not appear to be present, but a little reflexion shows that it is there. It has become so much a part of us that we scarcely recognize its presence, the instinct to reproduce being common to everyone. Every woman feels this to be her duty,—her religious duty if the dictum of the Church is to be followed:

"Lo, children are an heritage of the Lord; and the fruit of the womb is his reward. As arrows are in the hand of a mighty man; so are children of the youth. Happy is the man that has his quiver full of them; they shall not be ashamed, but they shall speak with the enemies in the gate." Psalm 127.

During earlier times barrenness was regarded as a curse, and many charms were in use to counteract this calamity. A sentence from a letter of Julia Ward Howe to her young sister about to be married, affords an apt reference to this sense of duty: "Marriage, like death, is a debt we owe to nature, and though it costs us something to pay it, yet we are more content and better established in peace when we have paid it." The feeling associated with the command "to increase and multiply" is so much a part of our innermost thoughts and feelings that further references to it are unnecessary.

To what extent may we utilize the evolution of this motive in the race, in understanding certain phases of mental development associated with reproductive instincts in the individual? In interpreting the racial history of this motive we have seen that it is dynamic; it develops in response to biological demands. It is a very elementary and primitive desire to be raised to the dignity of a religion, but none the less it is a very essential one. We have seen that when this motive is replaced by higher ones, a return to it bespoke faulty mental adaptations on the part of those who did so. Analogies between the individual and the race in this sphere exist in a general way, and their presence is significant.

Analogies in the sphere in the normal mental development of the individual may be considered first. In dealing with the developing thoughts of childhood, we shall refer to one particular tendency, i. e., that of day dreaming. We know that a certain amount of the day dreaming of the child has to do with the feelings and emotions associated with the questions of reproduction, considered in its broadest sense; i. e., including fictitious lovers, marriages, children, etc. Now probably with the child, the day dreaming associated with these feelings is of biological significance, just as the rituals associated with similar feelings are of value to the race. The little girl who is the mother of her doll, who plays at housekeeping, who fictitiously assumes the responsibilities of married life and what not,—the child by developing this feature of her existence in fancy is probably preparing herself for reality. The little boy who becomes a hero in his own fancy, marries a princess, and who overcomes all sorts of difficulties; or the small boy who in his play enters into all the activities of adult life,—probably this child, by entertaining the thoughts of his future life, prepares himself to some extent for future life. These fundamental motives, therefore, which arise in response to biological demands, are the expression of desires, both in the case of the individual and of the race, and they act not only harmlessly but probably beneficially at a certain stage of mental evolution.

Again, we have shown how in the race remnants of early and primitive motives continue to appear in various ways long after their outward dynamic value has been lost and when their meaning is no longer understood. Is this not true of the individual? Do we not all recognize in the moods and mental attitudes and even in some of the actions of the adult, remnants of feelings and forces which were dynamic in childhood? These feelings exist although they are not consciously appreciated. The actual experiences are forgotten but the moods and emotions remain. This is analagous to the influence which primitive racial thoughts, beliefs and usages have on present day civilization. The meaning of these usages and symbols is forgotten in many cases but the outward form still exists.

In the individual, a motive of this kind does not become a religion or a ritual as in the case with the race, but it nevertheless is forcefully expressed in that it excites an absorbing interest and forces itself strongly into consciousness, during the phase of its dynamic development. As stated above, just as in the early mental evolution of the race, we find that the question of reproduction comes prominently to the fore, so with the individual we find that at the adolescent period of life the sexual instinct is very fully elaborated. Just as with the race reproduction is necessary for the continuation of the race, so with the individual, elaboration of sexual instinct is necessary in order that adult sexual responsibilities may be assumed. This consists of much more than mere physical development. In a complex state of civilization many adjustments in the sphere of sexual indulgence and continence and marriage have to be made. This phase of the individual's life is a very important one. It is the rule for proper reactions to occur at this time, in which case the reproductive instincts assume their proper place in mental life. But if satisfactory adjustments do not occur the consequences may be serious. In the healthy mental evolution of the individual, therefore, just as in the normal mental evolution of the race, we see that motives arise, assume a dynamic character, play their part in the developing mind, and leave lasting impressions. They serve a useful purpose during one phase of mental evolution. We have seen that they may be harmful in the race if utilized at a later period. Let us see to what extent this is true of the individual.

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Psychiatrists during recent years have come to believe that in certain mental states we see a reversion to a more primitive type of reaction,—a tendency to utilize earlier adaptations, the reactions of infancy and childhood in meeting situations which arise in adult life. If this assumption is correct it is seen that a reversion to something more primitive is an undesirable reaction in the individual as well as in the race. Here too we find that the emotions and feelings associated with the reproductive instinct may be inadequately developed. It has been shown above that the day dreams of the child are probably beneficial rather than harmful. Is this day dreaming beneficial to the adult? We know from our experience that it is not, and in its relation to the reproductive sphere this is particularly true. The adult who substitutes the realities of life by elaborate day dreams is approaching dangerous ground. The young woman who in adult life is constantly dreaming of an ideal but fictitious lover is deriving satisfaction from unhealthy sources; and the young man who ecstatically becomes a hero or a racial benefactor is equally at fault. In instances where such thoughts are believed in and acted upon as we observe again and again in mental disorders, a serious condition of the mind has arisen. When an attempt is made to gain satisfaction in these immature ways at a later stage of development, or when there is a failure to develop at a certain point, the reaction is harmful in both the individual and in the race.

It is during the adolescent period that these failures of adaptation generally occur. At this time, the whole development in the reproductive sphere, particularly in the mental characteristics associated with the sexual instinct, considered in its broadest sense, does not take place. There may be much rumination about this topic, but the responsibilities of adult sexual life, of marriage, of child bearing with the female, are not adequately met. Fancies are substituted for reality, and while, as stated above, young women may dream of ideal lovers, they at the same time are shy and unnatural in their attitude toward the opposite sex. Young men, instead of taking their place in the life of the adult community, realize adult ambitions only by elaborate day dreams. In abnormal mental states, we see young men in their fancies become important personages, religious benefactors and national heroes. They may shun all association with women but at the same time maintain that they have a cultural mission to populate the earth. We see here how the feelings associated with reproductive instincts have been faulty or inadequate. This return to something more primitive is an unhealthy atavistic tendency and makes for both racial and individual inferiority.

A word may be said regarding symbolism of the race as applied to the individual. We have stated that symbolism is a primitive and rudimentary way of expressing thought. It would seem logical therefore that if in some abnormal mental states there is a return to more primitive reactions, we may find a tendency to symbolize. This tendency is frequently observed and the symbolism is often very elaborate. A knowledge of the interpretation of racial symbolism is doubtless of value in the case of the individual. When men's thoughts deal with the same subject and when they tend to symbolize, they are likely to express themselves in much the same way symbolically. If in abnormal mental states thoughts are entertained which have to do with the motives we have been discussing, it is reasonable to suppose that the racial and individual symbolism will show certain analogies.

Again, in the pages of recent psychiatry, we learn that in abnormal mental states there is a reversion not only to the primitive motives of childhood, but also to the primitive motives of the race. Just to what extent this tendency exists remains for studies of the future to show. Certainly, striking instances may be cited; for example, let us quote from a recent study in psychiatry:[40] "One such patient with a very complicated delusional system states that he is the father of Adam, that he has lived in his present human body thirty-five years, but in other bodies thirty million years, and that during this time he has occupied six million different bodies. He has been the great men in the history in the development of the human race; he himself created the human race. It took him three hundred million years to perfect the first fully developed human being; he is both male and female and identifies all the different parts of the Universe with his own body; heaven, hell and purgatory are located in his limbs, the stars are pieces of his body which had been torn apart by torture and persecution in various ages of past history; he is the father and creator of the various races and elements of the human organization, etc." Any one who has done even a cursory reading in mythology cannot but be struck by the similarity in form as well as in thought between this production and what we find in myths.

* * * * *

The general analogies which we have indicated are such as one would have reason to expect. The history of both the healthy and unhealthy mental evolution of the race is in many respects the history of the individual; in order to understand these analogies it is necessary to understand the mental development of primitive man. Recent studies have given us much valuable information in this direction. In primitive usages we find the expression of early man's deepest longings and desires, and so a dynamic interpretation of such motives is possible. It remains for the psychiatrist to learn to what extent the findings of special investigators of primitive races may be utilized in explaining mental evolution, and also the development of abnormal mental states. This study is a comparatively recent one but it already gives indications of offering ample rewards.



REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brand, John: Observations on Popular Antiquities.

Bryant: System of Mythology.

Cox, Rev. G. W.: The Mythology of the Aryan Nations.

DeGubertnatis, Angelo: Zoological Mythology.

Deiterich, A.: Mutter Erde.

Dixon, Roland B.: The Northern Maidu.

Dorsey, George A.: Traditions of the Caddo, (Carnegie Institute.) Indians of the South West.

Frazer, J. G.: Adonis, Attis and Osiris; Balder, the Beautiful; Psyche's Task.

Goodrich, V. K.: Ainu Family Life and Religion, Popular Science Monthly, November, 1888.

Grosse: The Beginnings of Art.

Harrison, Miss Jane: Ancient Art and Ritual; Themis.

Hearn, Lafcadio: Japan; an Attempt at Interpretation.

Herodotus: (Rawlinson's Trans.)

Higgins, Godfrey: The Anacalypsis; Celtic Druids.

Hitchcock, Romyn: Shinto or the Mythology of the Japanese, (Smithsonian Institute.)

Howitt, A. W.: The Native Tribes of South East Australia.

Jennings, Hargrave: The Rosicrucians; The Indian Religions.

Jevons, F. B.: The Idea of God in Early Religions.

Judson: Myths and Legends of the Mississippi Valley and the Great Lakes.

Karpas, Morris J.: Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology. (Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 1915.)

King, C. W.: The Gnostics and their Remains; Hand-book of Engraved Gems.

Knight, R. P.: The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology; Two Essays on the Worship of Priapus.

Kroeber, Alfred L.: Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians. The Arapaho, (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History.)

Langdon, S.: Tammuz and Ishtar.

Layard, A.: Babylon and Nineveh; Nineveh and its Remains.

Leuba, James H.: A Psychological Study of Religion.

Monsen, Frederick: Festivals of the Hopi. (The Craftsman, June, 1907.)

Murray, Gilbert: Hamlet and Orestes: The Rise of the Greek Epic.

Newton, John: Assyrian Grove Worship.

O'Brien, Henry: The Round Towers of Ireland.

Peet, Stephen D.: Secret Societies and Sacred Mysteries.

Perrot, and Chipiez: History of Art in Phrygia, Lidia, Caria and Lycia; History of Art in Persia.

Prescott: Conquest of Peru.

Pratt, J. B.: India and Its Faiths.

Rawlinson, G.: History of Ancient Egypt; Ancient Monarchies.

Reclus, Elie: Primitive Folk.

Rivers, W. H. R.: The Todas.

Rhyn, Dr. Otto: Mysteria.

Roscoe, John: The Northern Bantu.

Rocco, Sha: Ancient Sex Worship.

Rousselet, Louis: India and Its Native Princes.

Spencer, B.: Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia.

Solas, W. J.: Ancient Hunters.

Starcke, C. V.: The Primitive Family.

Stevens, J.: Central America, Chiapez and Yucatan.

Symonds, J. A.: A Problem in Greek Ethics.

Wissler, Clark: Symbolism in the Decorative Art of the Sioux.

Westropp, Hodder M.: Primitive Symbolism.

Wood, Rev. J. G.: The Uncivilized Races.

Wood-Martin: Pagan Ireland.



INDEX

Adaptations, faulty, 131-132.

Adjustment, of individual, 129.

Adonis, sun god, 75.

American Cyclopedia, 23.

American Museum of Natural History, 6.

Anacalipsis, 38.

Analogies between the Individual and the Race, 126.

Ancient Grove Worship of Assyria, 49, 71.

Ancient Sex Worship, 25, 30, 41.

Androgyne deity, 36, 68.

Arapaho Indians, 109.

Bacchus, representative of male generative attribute, 22.

Bacchanalia, 74, 78, 87, 108.

Bear, sacred animal, 101.

Bull, phallic significance of, 63.

Bull roarer, nature of, 99.

Bureau of Amer. Eth., 5.

Caves of Elephanta, 43.

Ceremonial objects, conventionalization of, 109.

Chinese Review, 44.

Collective or group feeling, importance of, 21.

Collective thought of the race, relation to religious development, 17.

Crux Ansata, 51.

Dairy, sacredness of, 100.

Dances, at Witches' Sabbath, 89.

Decadent Sex Worship, 79, 81, 91, 113; interpretation of, 120.

Deity, female, function of in Japan, 105.

Deities, Teutonic, 93.

Dietrich, A., 120.

Dionysia, 74, 78.

Dionysus, 115.

Dorsey, G. A., 101.

Douglas, N., 121.

Dragon, relation to serpent, 45.

Earth, Worship, 114.

Egg, 50, 62, 74.

Eleusinia, 74, 77, 87, 108.

Emasculation, a form of worship, 31.

Essay on the Assyrian "Grove," 39.

Female deities, 115.

Festivals to increase food supply, 98.

Fire, male principle, 36.

Fire Worship, 36, 88; identified with sex worship, 42.

Fish, phallic significance, 35.

Frazer, 6, 17, 31, 32, 94, 107.

Gnostics, early secret society, 83; phallic amulets of, 90; reversions of, 84.

Goat, priapic animal, 88; Symbol of Khem, 25.

Golden Bough, 6. (See Frazer.)

Group Thought, 113.

Harrison, J., 6, 18, 99, 101, 104, 107, 115, 116.

Hearn, L., 52.

Heraldry, origin of symbols, 51.

Hermes, phallic nature of, 36.

Higgins, 38.

Hitchcock, R., 105.

Holy Grail, Symbolism of, 93.

Homosexuality, in Greek life, 85; practice of Rosicrucians, 84.

Hopi Indians, 101, 102.

Howe, J. W., 125.

Howitt, A. W., 6.

Initiative magic, 104.

India and its Native Princes, 43.

India and its Faiths, 80.

Indian Religions, 48.

Indians of the Southwest, 101.

Infantile reactions, 130.

Initiation ceremony, 115.

Inman, T., 5, 50, 54.

Interpretations of Sex Worship, 96.

Japan, an attempt at Interpretation, 52.

Jennings, H., 5, 28, 42, 48, 51, 62, 72, 92.

Karnac, 26.

Karpas, M. J., 83.

Khem, description of, 24.

King, C. W., 54.

Knight, R. P., 5, 27, 30, 37, 47, 48, 49, 54, 58, 63, 65, 83, 87, 90, 91.

Knights of the Round Table, 93.

Knights Templar, phallic amulets of, 90; practices of, 86.

Kroeber, A. L., 109, 110.

Layard, A., 60.

Lingam with yoni, 41.

Lost god, the, 75.

Lotus, significance of, 56-58.

Male date palm, significance of, 49.

Matriarchy, 114.

May-pole, associated with phallic worship, 39, 47.

Moon, associated with female deity, 71.

Mother Earth, 70, 114.

Mother religion, 115, 116.

Mutter Erde, 120.

Murray, G., 20.

Mysteries, teaching of, 78-79.

Nature Worship, 5, 97, 108, 110.

Newton, J., 39, 49, 71.

Nineveh and Its Remains, 60.

North American Indians and sun worship, 70; nature worship, 98, 108, 109.

Obelisk, phallic interpretation, 38.

O'Brien, 38, 56, 58.

Obscure Sex Symbolism, 36.

Order of the Garter, 93.

Osiris, 76.

Pan, significance of, 22.

Patriarchy, 114, 116.

Pepys, S., 48.

Peet, O. S., 108.

Persephone, 77.

Phallic hand, symbol of prostitution, 91.

Phallic rites, motive for, 106.

Phallic symbols, 27; in art, 50.

Phallic Worship in China, 44.

Phallic Worship, nature of, 23, 98.

Phallus, as a charm, 90, 93; as a decoration, 90.

Plant and Flower Symbols, 54.

Pomegranate, female symbol, 55.

Pratt, J. B., 80.

Priapiea, 87.

Priapus, disguises of, 88.

Primitive motives, continuance of, 128; reversion to, 134.

Primitive Symbolism, 28.

Problem in Greek Ethics, 85.

Psyche's Task, 94.

Puberty Initiations, 103, 115.

Qualities of animal and vegetable nature venerated, 39.

Racial feelings, expression of, in religion, 19.

Racial Motives, in primitive religions, 19; dynamic value of, 123.

Rain making rite, 99.

Rawlinson, 24.

Reproduction, motive of, 21.

Rhyn, O., 78.

Rise of the Greek Epic, 20.

Ritual, motive for, 106; related to food supply, 102, 103.

Rivers, W. H. R., 6, 100.

Robin Goodfellow, 94.

Rosicrucians, 42, 92.

Rosicrucians, phallic amulets of, 90; practices of, 84, 85, 93.

Round Towers of Ireland, 38, 73.

Rousselet, 43.

Sacred Animals, 60-65.

Sacred prostitution, evidences of, 29.

Satan, at Witches Sabbath, 88.

Secret Societies for decadent sex worship, 83.

Serpent Worship, 61, 62, 72, 73.

Sex Worship: An unconscious racial expression, 22; biological significance of, 96; as basis of early religions, 28; In Africa in Modern times, 26; decadence of in Middle Ages, 90; primitive form, 108; influence in present thought, 124; part of evolution of the human mind, 23; in symbolism, 34; where it existed as basis of early religions, 28.

Sex Worship and Nature Worship, analogies of, 111; relation of, 119.

Sexual act, as part of worship, 27-28.

Shinto, or the mythology of the Japanese, 105.

Smithsonian Inst., 6.

Snake, phallic significance of, 35.

Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology, 83.

Spencer, 6.

Star and crescent, 54.

Stonehenge, significance of, 38, 69.

Sun Myth, 117.

Sun Worship, 36, 69, 72, 73.

Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology, 49, 59.

Symbolism, racial, in the individual, 133.

Symonds, J. A., 85.

Themis, 6, 99, 116.

Thunder god, 99.

Thunder rites, 99.

Todas, the, 6, 100.

Totem, 110.

Tree Worship, 48.

Upright objects as phalli, 37.

Vegetation spirit, 114.

Water, female principle, 36.

Weathercock, emblem of the sun, 50.

Westropp, H. M., 28, 45, 55.

Wilder, A., 59.

Witchcraft, 92.

Witches' Sabbath, nature of, 87, 92.

Wissler, C., 102, 110.

Worship of Priapus, 48, 83, 87, 91.

Yam ceremony, 103-104.



Footnotes:

[1] The Scope of Social Anthropology; Psyche's Task.

[2] Themis, Introduction Page XI.

[3] Hamlet and Orestes.

[4] Quoted by H. M. Westropp, Primitive Symbolism.

[5] J. W. Wood. The Uncivilized Races.

[6] The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.

[7] The Rosicrucians.

[8] Adonis, Attis and Osiris.

[9] Rousselet, India and Its Native Princes.

[10] Pepys Diary.

[11] Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.

[12] Japan, an attempt at Interpretation.

[13] O'Brien: The Round Towers of Ireland.

[14] The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.

[15] The Enactment of a Rebirth.

[16] Dr. Otto Rhyn, Mysteria.

[17] J. B. Pratt, India and Its Faiths.

[18] R. P. Knight, the Worship of Priapus.

[19] Hargrave Jennings: The Rosicrucians.

[20] J. A. Symonds, A Problem in Greek Ethics. Morris J. Karpas, Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology. Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 1915.

[21] Worship of Priapus.

[22] Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l'Inconstance des Mauvais Anges et Demons.

[23] Worship of Priapus.

[24] The Rosicrucians.

[25] The Scope of Social Anthropology; Psyche's Task.

[26] Themis.

[27] W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas.

[28] Miss J. Harrison: Ancient Art and Ritual.

[29] Indians of the Southwest.

[30] The Functions of Primitive Ritualistic Ceremonies. Popular Science Monthly, August 15, 1915.

[31] Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia.

[32] Ancient Art and Ritual, p. 64.

[33] Shinto, or the Mythology of the Japanese.

[34] Ancient Art and Ritual.

[35] Secret Societies and Ancient Mysteries: International Congress of Anthropology, 1893.

[36] Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians: American Museum of Natural History.

[37] Miss J. Harrison, Themis, Introduction.

[38] A. Dieterich: Mutter Erde.

[39] Norman Douglas: Old Calabria.

[40] Jelliffe and White, Diseases of the Nervous System, page 689.



Transcriber's Notes:

Passages in italics are indicated by underscore.

The following misprints have been corrected: "barreness" corrected to "barrenness" (page 91) "superstitition" corrected to "superstition" (page 92) "Eleusenia" corrected to "Eleusinia" (Index) "Kroebler" corrected to "Kroeber" (Index) "Rawlison" corrected to "Rawlinson" (Index) "Priapus, disguises of, 188." corrected to "Priapus, disguises of, 88."

Other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in spelling and capitalization have been retained.

THE END