[Footnote 1144: La Place, Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., Jean de Serres, etc., ubi supra, Castelnau, l. iii., c. 4.]

[Footnote 1145: No wonder; the prelates had just solemnly decreed, as Abbe Bruslart informs us (Mem. de Conde, i. 52): "Non erat congrediendum cum his qui principia et fundamentum totius nostrae fidei et religionis christianae negant." Not only so; but they had protested against the heretics being heard, and had declared that whoever conferred with them would be excommunicated! "Disants que ceux qui confereroient avec eux seroient excommunies." The reader, if he cannot admire their consistency, will certainly be struck with astonishment at the fortitude of the prelates who, a few hours later, could bring themselves with so little apparent trepidation under the highest censures of the Church. Bruslart goes on to tell us that it was the Cardinal of Lorraine who brought them into this dreadful condemnation, partly hoping to convert the Huguenots, partly to please Catharine de' Medici!]

[Footnote 1146: "Mais ce ne fut pas en si grande compagnie qu'auparavant. Car Messieurs les preslats croignoyent que le monde ne fut infecte de nos heresies, qu'ils appellent." Letter of Beza to the Elector Palatine, Oct. 3, 1861, Baum, ii., App., p. 88.]

[Footnote 1147: Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 311, 312.]

[Footnote 1148: Ib., ubi supra, Hist. eccles., i. 349. Letter of N. des Gallars to the Bishop of London, Sept. 29th, Baum, ii., App., 80.]

[Footnote 1149: Beza's speech is given in full by La Place, 179-189; Hist. eccl. des egl. ref., i. 350-362; and J. de Serres, i. 282-312. See also De Thou, iii. 71, and N. des Gallars, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1150: "Et hoc quidem prorsus inepte, quia neque conquesti eramus, neque quemquam poterat videri magis accusare, quam eum ipsum [sc. Cardinal Loth.] cui accesserat advocatus." Letter of Beza, Sept. 27th, apud Baum, ii., App., 75. It was Beza's firm belief that D'Espense had been hired by Lorraine to compose his speech of the 16th of September, as well as to defend him on the present occasion. He therefore not inappositely calls him, in this letter to Calvin, "conductitius Balaam."]

[Footnote 1151: La Place, 189, 190; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 364; Jean de Serres, i. 315; Beza, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1152: La Place, 192; Jean de Serres, i. 321-323; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 370; Beza to Calvin, Baum, ii., App., 77; N. des Gallars to the Bishop of London, ibid., 81; De Thou, iii. 73.]

[Footnote 1153: Letter of Beza to Calvin, Sept. 27th, ubi supra. Besides permitting the communication of this information, the break in the conferences (caused by the discovery, on Catharine's part, that the majority of the prelates had resolved to submit a proposition respecting the mass, drawn up in a strictly Romish sense—a refusal to sign which they intended to take as the signal for declining to hold any further intercourse with the Protestants) furnished an opportunity for Montluc, Bishop of Valence—a prelate suspected of Protestant proclivities—and Claude d'Espense, one of the most moderate of the theologians of the Sorbonne, to meet privately, by request of Catharine de' Medici, with Beza and Des Gallars. The result of their interview was the provisional adoption of a declaration on the subject of the eucharist, which, though undoubtedly Protestant in its natural import, was rejected by the rest of the ministers as not sufficiently explicit. Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ubi supra. See a full account in Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 342-344. They rightly judged that where there is essential discrepancy of belief, little or nothing can be gained by cloaking it in ambiguous expressions.]

[Footnote 1154: Beza's address is inserted in La Place, 193-196; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 371, etc. See also De Thou, iii. (liv. xxviii.), 74; letters of Beza to Calvin, and N. des Gallars to the Bishop of London, ubi supra; Jean de Serres, i. 327, etc.]

[Footnote 1155: La Place, De Thou, letters of Beza, and des Gallars, etc., ubi supra. "Comme si les feu rois Francois le grand, Henry le debonnaire, Francois dernier decede, et Charles a present regnant (et faisoit sonner ces mots autant qu'il pouvoit) avoient ete tyrans et simoniacles." Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 375.]

[Footnote 1156: La Place, Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., etc., ubi supra. Letter of Beza to the Elector Palatine, Oct. 3d, Baum, ii., App., 88, 89.]

[Footnote 1157: Because he was not sufficiently familiar with French, according to La Place, 197 (ne scachant parler francois); and in order to make himself better understood by the queen "ut a regina intelligi posset," than he would have been had he spoken in Latin. Letter of Beza, Baum, ii., App., 79. "D'Espense," says La Place ubi supra, "lors donna ceste louange audict Martyr, qu'il n'y avoit eu homme de ce temps qui si amplement et avec telle erudition eust escript du faict du sacrement que luy."]

[Footnote 1158: Although Lainez spoke in Italian (see Baum, ii. 363), it is needless to say that the Cardinal of Lorraine made no objection to the use of a language which, it may be added, he understood perfectly. The reader may see some reason in the summary of Lainez's speech given in the text, for dissenting from the remark of MM. Oimber et Danjou, iv. 34, note: "Il [Lainez] fit entendre dans le colloque de Poissy, des paroles de paix et de conciliation."]

[Footnote 1159: "I said," writes Beza, in giving an account of his brief reply to Lainez, "that I would concede all the Spaniard's assertions when he proved them. As to his statement that we were foxes, and serpents, and apes, we no more believed it than we believed in transubstantiation." Letter to Calvin, Baum, ii., App., 79.]

[Footnote 1160: La Place, 198; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 377-379; Jean de Serres, i. 335-339; Letter of Beza to Calvin, Sept. 27th, Baum, ii., App., 79.]

[Footnote 1161: "Qui prae ceteris doctrina et ingenio, atque etiam moderatione praestare existimantur." Letter of N. des Gallars, ubi supra, 82. "Gens doctes et traictables." Letter of Beza to the Elector Palatine, ibid., 90.]

[Footnote 1162: Ante, p. 475.]

[Footnote 1163: "Fateor equidem (nec causa est cur id negem) falsam istam doctrinam, non tam fortasse aperte, quam ipsi facere soletis, confutasse: Babylonem tamen cum cuniculis, tum aperto etiam marte, ut res et tempus ferebat, ita semper oppugnavi, ut noster iste in eo genere conatus optimo cuique semper probaretur." Letter of Salignac to Calvin, Calvini Opera, ix. 163, 164. Calvin (probably, as Prof. Baum remarks, at Beza's suggestion) wrote to Salignac, about a month after the termination of the Colloquy of Poissy, a respectful but extremely frank letter, in which he urged him to espouse with decision the cause he secretly advocated. He reminded him that it was no mean honor to have been among the first fruits of the revival of truth in France. He urged him to put an end to his inordinate hesitation, by the consideration of the number of those who were still vacillating, but who would forthwith imitate his example if he forsook the enemy's camp for the fold of Christ. Letter of Calvin to Salignac, Nov. 19, 1561, Calvini Opera, ix. 163; Calvin's Letters (Bonnet), iv. 239-241. Salignac's reply, from which the extract given above is taken, is characteristic of the man—less conscious of his weakness than Gerard Roussel, but equally faint-hearted. See also Baum, ii. 387, 388.]

[Footnote 1164: See Prof. Baum's graphic account, ii. 390-392. The next day Martyr wrote out and presented a fuller statement of his belief, which is inserted among the documents of Baum, ii., App., 84, 85.]

[Footnote 1165: "En tant que la foy rend les choses promises presentes, et que la foy prent veritablement le corps et le sang de nostre Seigneur Jesus-Christ, par la vertu du Sainct-Esprit; en cest esgard nous confessons la presence du corps et du sang d'iceluy en la saincte cene, en laquelle il nous presente, donne et exhibe veritablement la substance de son corps et sang, par l'operation de son Sainct-Esprit; y recevons et mangeons spirituellement et par foy," etc. Mem. de Conde, i. 55; La Place, 199; Jean de Serres, i. 340. Letter of Des Gallars, Baum, ii., App., 83.]

[Footnote 1166: "Nous confessons que Jesus-Christ en sa cene nous presente, donne et exhibe veritablement la substance de son corps et de son sang par l'operation du Sainct-Esprist; et que nous recevons et mangeons spirituellement et par foy ce propre corps, qui est mort pour nous, pour estre os de ses os, et chair de sa chair, a fin d'en estre vivifie, et percevoir tout ce qui est requis a nostre salut. Et pour ce que la foy appuyee sur la parolle de Dieu fait et rend presentes les choses prises, et que par ceste foy nous prenons vrayement et de faict le vray et naturel corps et sang de nostre Seigneur par la vertu du Sainct-Esprit, en cest esgard nous confessons la presence du corps et sang d'iceluy en sa saincte cene." La Place, 199; J. de Serres, i. 341. Letter of des Gallars, ubi supra, 83, 84; Languet, Epist. secr., ii. 148; Mem. de Conde, i. 55.]

[Footnote 1167: Letter of Beza, Oct. 3d and 4th, Baum, ii., App., 93; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 382.]

[Footnote 1168: "Peutetre qu'il pensait dire vrai," shrewdly observes the author of the Hist. des eglises reformees (i. 382), "n'ayant jamais le loisir telles gens de bien penser, s'ils croient ou non, ni a ce qu'ils pensent croire."]

[Footnote 1169: Letter of N. des Gallars, ubi supra, 84: "Quum hanc formam legisset Cardinalis, mire approbavit, ac laetatus est quasi ad ejus castra transissemus."]

[Footnote 1170: "Intelligimus etiam ipsos a suis objurgari quasi sentiant nobiscum aut colludant." Letter of N. des Gallars, Oct. 6th, ubi supra. See also letter of Beza, Oct. 3d, Baum, ii., App., 94.]

[Footnote 1171: The most extended and accurate view of the Colloquy of Poissy is afforded by Prof. Baum, who has consecrated to it two hundred and fifty pages of the second volume of his masterly biography of Beza (pp. 168-419). The correspondence of Beza and others that were present at the colloquy, collected by Prof. Baum in the supplementary volume of documents (published in 1852), and the detailed accounts of the Histoire eccles. des egl. ref, of La Place (Commentaires de l'estat de la rel. et republique, which here terminate), and of Jean de Serres, who, in this part of his history, does little more than translate La Place, are the most important sources of authentic information. Castelnau's account of the colloquy (1. iii., c. 4) is remarkably incorrect. He makes the ten delegates confer together for three months, without agreeing on a single point, and finally separate on the 25th of November. Davila is brief and unsatisfactory (pp. 50, 51).]

[Footnote 1172: From what Martyr wrote to the magistrates of Zurich (Oct. 17th) respecting the conduct of the bishops in connection with the subscription to the canons, it would appear that the close of the prelatic assembly did not disgrace the amenities of the debates at its commencement (see ante, p. 499): "Accidit mira Dei providentia, ut repente inter episcopos, qui erant Poysiaci, tam grave dissidium ortum fuerit, ut fere ad manus venerint, imo, ut homines fide digni affirmant res ut pugnis et unguibus est acta." Baum, ii., App., 107. See also the extract from Martyr's letter of the same date to Bullinger, cited by Prof. Baum, ii. 401, note.]

[Footnote 1173: Histoire eccles., i. 383-405. See Baum, ii. 399-401.]

[Footnote 1174: The vote was, according to Beza's letter of Oct. 21st, sixteen millions of francs with interest within six years (Baum, ii., App. 109); according to the Journal of Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 53, within twelve years. Prof. Soldan, Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 512, 513, gives the details of the famous "Contract of Poissy." It must be admitted that both nobles and people were ready enough with plans for paying off the national indebtedness out of the property of the Church. These generous economists found that, according to the ancient customs, one-third of the ecclesiastical revenues ought to be employed for the support of the clergy, one-third to be given to the poor, and the remaining third expended in keeping the sacred edifices in repair. They proposed, therefore, to relieve the clergy of the latter two-thirds of their possessions, and apply them to the extinction of the royal debt, assuming that the nation would maintain the churches in better condition, and feed the poor more effectively than had ever been done hitherto! Languet, Letter of Aug. 17th, Epist. secr., ii. 136.]

[Footnote 1175: Baum, ii. 408.]

[Footnote 1176: Oct. 20th, according to Recueil des anc. lois franc., xiv. 122.]

[Footnote 1177: Text of the edict in Mem. de Conde, ii. 520-528 (De Thou, iii. 99, following the Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., erroneously gives the date as Nov. 3d); Letter of Beza, Oct. 21st, Baum, ii., App., 109; Letter of Martyr, Oct. 17th, ibid., 107.]

[Footnote 1178: Beza, ubi supra; Car. Joinvillaeus, Nov. 5th, Baum, ii., App., 123.]

[Footnote 1179: Oct. 19th, according to Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 59. According to La Place, the assembly of the prelates did not break up until the 30th of October, after a session of about three months: "Et le trentiesme dudict mois ... fut ainsi finie ladicte assemblee, sans apporter autre fruict, apres avoir este toutesfois assembles [les prelats] par l'espace de trois mois ou environ." (Page 201.)]

[Footnote 1180: "De fait," wrote Calvin of the Augsburg Confession, "elle est si maigrement bastie, si molle et si obscure, qu'on ne s'y sauroit arrester." Letter to Beza, Sept. 24, 1561. Bonnet, Lettres franc., ii. 428; Baum, ii., App., 70.]

[Footnote 1181: The account of the occasion of the mission of delegates from Germany, given in the text, is based on Soldan, Gesch. des Prot, in Frankreich, i. 531-537. He has, I think, sufficiently demonstrated the inaccuracy of the ordinary story (accepted even by Prof. Baum, Theod. Beza, ii. 370, 419, etc.), which attributes their advent chiefly, if not wholly, to the desire of Lorraine. It is said that, after hearing Beza's speech of the ninth of September, the cardinal sought to obtain, through the instrumentality of the Marshal de Vieilleville, at Metz, and his salaried spy Rascalon, at Heidelberg, some decided Lutherans, to be employed in bringing the Protestants at Poissy into contempt, through the wrangling of their theologians with those of Germany. See the Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., etc. Yet it is not improbable, as La Place, Commentaires, 200, seems to hint that Navarre's project was maliciously countenanced by the Cardinal of Lorraine. But the circumstance that, of the five German theologians, not less than two were opposed to the Augsburg Confession, proves conclusively that they could not have been despatched with the view of helping the cardinal out in his attempt. Bossuet's admiration of the prelate's sagacity, in thus seeking to give a brilliant demonstration of the variations of doctrine among Protestants, certainly seems to be wasted.]

[Footnote 1182: Ante, c. xi., p. 493.]

[Footnote 1183: See the list of the twenty members of the council, in Recueil des anc. lois franc., xiv. 55, 56.]

[Footnote 1184: See Baum, ii. 215.]

[Footnote 1185: "Affulserat aliqua spes concordiae, sed Legatus Pontificius, i. e., Cardinalis Ferrariensis omnia perturbavit." Letter of Martyr to the magistrates of Zurich, Oct. 17, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 108.]

[Footnote 1186: "Quique ingenio, eloquentia, artificio plurimum valebat." Prosp. Santacrucii, Comment de civil. Galliae dissen., 1461.]

[Footnote 1187: "Ne ipse exequiis, ut dicebat, illius regni interesset." Ibid., ubi supra. Somewhat maliciously Santa Croce suggests that Gualtieri was all the more reluctant to remain after he heard of the creation of nineteen new cardinals, and learned that his own name was not included in the list.]

[Footnote 1188: "Angebatur interea Romae gravissimis curis Pius pontifex, quod nec quae legati fecissent satis probaret, et in dies malum magis serpere, omniaque remedia minus juvare audiebat." Ib., 1462.]

[Footnote 1189: He was described to the Pope by his secretary, Prosper himself tells us, as "virum exercitatum, magni animi, multarum literarum, eloquentem, magnaeque apud Gallos auctoritatis," having obtained great familiarity with French affairs when nuncio in Henry the Second's lifetime. Ib., 1463.]

[Footnote 1190: "Non tam ut numerus legatorum, quam ut plus auctoritatis legatio haberet, si ab ipsius (ut dicunt) pontificis latere legatus discederet ... quasi aliorum legatorum creatio, quod erant jam in Gallia, neque Roma proficiscerentur, non satis diligenter curare negotium diceretur." Ib., 1462.]

[Footnote 1191: "Grande hombre de entretenimientos y de encantar." Vargas calls him. Letter to Granvelle, Nov. 15, 1561, Papiers d'etat du card. de Granvelle, vi. 416.]

[Footnote 1192: "Diess waren zwoelf gewiss maechtige Gruende," etc. Baum, ii. 302; La Place, 153; Marc' Ant. Barbaro, Rel. des Amb. Ven., ii. 86.]

[Footnote 1193: "Multum inde auri reportaturus existimetur, si ibi annum vel biennium communi omnium more transigat." Santacrucii, de civil. Galliae diss. comment., 1464.]

[Footnote 1194: That is, excepting the cardinal's hat, which his friends informed him would be the reward of his services in France. Ibid., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1195: Ibid., 1462, 1463, 1465.]

[Footnote 1196: Ibid., 1465.]

[Footnote 1197: "Lugduno hucusque omnes fere declinavit urbes in itinere, ut quae jam habeant Ministros, et ideo irrisiones extimuerit." Letter of Peter Martyr, Sept. 19th, Baum, ii., App., 68.]

[Footnote 1198: "These artifices," wrote Languet from Paris at the time, "impose upon no one; and especially from this man, who is very well known here, who heretofore has surpassed even the highest princes in the luxury and splendor of his mode of life, and of whose utter want of knowledge of letters no one is ignorant." Letter of Sept. 20, 1561, Epist. secr., ii. 140.]

[Footnote 1199: La Place, 153.]

[Footnote 1200: Ibid., ubi supra; Baum, ii. 305.]

[Footnote 1201: Letter of the ambassador, Hurault de Bois-Taille, July 12, 1561, Le Laboureur, Add. to Castelnau, i. 729. Hurault, however, suspected that some mischief, which time would reveal, lay concealed under this outward show of complaisance.]

[Footnote 1202: La Place, 153.]

[Footnote 1203: Ibid., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1204: Compare Baum, ii. 302, 303.]

[Footnote 1205: Santacrucii, de civil. Galliae diss. com., 1465: "Quod mirum in modum oderat episcopi Viterbensis et mores agrestes, et naturam subacerbam, semperque, ut diximus, male ominantem." Vargas, viewing the same personage from another point, was far more complimentary. Papiers d'etat du cardinal de Granvelle, vi. 404, 405.]

[Footnote 1206: Marc' Antonio Barbaro, Relations des Ambassadeurs Venitiens, ii. 88; Letter of Santa Croce, Poissy, Nov. 15, 1561, Lettres anecdotes ecrites au card. Borromee par Prosper de Sainte-Croix, nonce du pape Pie IV. aupres de Catherine de Medicis, 1561-1565. (Aymon, Tous les synodes nat. (1710), i. 15.) Vargas, Spanish ambassador at the papal court, who feared that the legate might be induced to lend his influence to Navarre's scheme for procuring a restitution of his wife's domains, or an equivalent for them, besieged the pontiff with accounts of his scandalous intimacy with French heretics of rank. "Repetile lo que otras vezes le havia dicho, y con quanto escandolo y ofension de la religion se tractava en Francia, estrechandose en amistad con Vandoma y almirante Chatiglon, obispo de Valencia, y los demas principales hereges, con gran desconsuelo y desfavor de los catholicos; y de como no era hombre apto para una legacion semejante," etc. He accused him of already aiming at the pontifical see, as if it were now vacant, and urged his immediate recall. Letter of Vargas to Philip II. from Rome, Nov. 7, 1561; Papiers d'etat du cardinal de Granvelle, vi. 403, 404; see also pp. 405, 406.]

[Footnote 1207: Examine the curious passage in Santacrucii, de civil. Galliae diss. comment., 1470, 1471.]

[Footnote 1208: See the correspondence of Vargas with Philip II. (letters of Sept. 30, Oct. 3 and 7, 1561), Papiers d'etat du card. Granvelle, vi. 342, 372, and 380; De Thou, iii. 78, 79; or the very full account of Prof. Soldan, i. 515-521.]

[Footnote 1209: Rel. di Marc' Antonio Barbaro, Rel. des Amb. Ven., ii. 88, 89. "E proceduto esso ambasciatore con la regina e Navarra con parole quasi sempre aspre e severe, minacciando di guerra dal canto del re suo, et dicendo in faccia alle lor maesta parole assai gagliarde e pungenti, e levando al re di Navarra del tutto la speranza della ricompensa, stando le cose in quei termini, et ponendoli inanzi l'inimicizia di Filippo."]

[Footnote 1210: "Etenim si de ilia (spe) ejiceretur dubium non erat, quin se totum ad Calvinistas converteret, et qui cum pudore ac simultatione illis favebat, perfricta fronte eorum sectam ita promoveret, ut brevissimo tempore totum Galliae regnum occuparet." Sanctacrucii, de civ. Gall. diss. comment., 1471.]

[Footnote 1211: Ibid., 1473.]

[Footnote 1212: Santacrucii, de civ. Galliae diss. com., 1472, 1473. That the whole affair was planned in deceit and treachery, is patent not only from Santa Croce's account both in his letters and in his systematic treatise, but from the whole of the Vargas correspondence. Even when the Pope—much to the ambassador's disgust—thought of complying with Antoine's request to intercede with Philip for some indemnification for the loss of the kingdom of Navarre, he took the pains to explain that his urgency would not amount to importunity, much less to a command; his aim was only to feed Antoine with false hopes while France was in so precarious a situation: "esto seria por cumplir con Vandome y entretenerle, por estar Francia en los terminos en que esta," etc. Papiers d'etat du cardinal de Granvelle, vi. 344.]

[Footnote 1213: De Thou, iii. 78, 79.]

[Footnote 1214: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 419 (the author of which, however, erroneously gives the end of November as the date of their departure); Jean de Serres, Commentarii de statu relig. et reipubl., i. 345 (who makes the same mistake); De Thou, iii. 99. "Cur autem aliquid adhuc spei habeam, illud etiam in causa est quod nudius tertius Guisiani omnes serio discesserunt, omnibus bonis invisi, ac plerisque etiam malis. Abiit quoque Turnonius et Conestabilis.... Probabile est aliquid simul moliri, sed tamen incerto eventu. De hoc intra paucos dies certi erimus, utinam ne nostro malo." Letter of Beza to Calvin, Oct. 21, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 110.]

[Footnote 1215: That the Huguenots were about this time as sanguine as their opponents were despondent, may be seen from the prediction of Languet (letter of October 9th), that unless the opposite party precipitated a war within two or three months, everything would be safe; so great would be the accession of strength that the reformers would actually be the strongest. At court everything tended in that direction, and the queen mother herself was not likely to try to stem the current. Martyr, it was reported, had several times brought tears to her eyes, when conversing with her. "However," dryly observes the diplomatist, "I am not over-credulous in these matters." Epist. secr., ii. 145.]

[Footnote 1216: Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, Paris, November 26, 1561, State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 1217: Others besides Jeanne were apprehensive. The Viscount de Gruz, in his memorial to Queen Elizabeth (Sept. 24, 1561), stated that the king's constitution was so bad that he was not likely to live long, for he ate and slept very little. His brothers were equally infirm in health. Monsieur D'Orleans had a very bad cough, and the physicians feared that he had the disease of his late brother, Francis; while Monsieur D'Anjou had been ill for more than a year, and was dying from day to day. State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 1218: Letters of Beza, Oct. 21st and Nov. 4th, ubi supra. "Tantum abest ut impetrarim (abeundi facultatem) ut etiam regina ipsa me accersitum expresse rogarit ut saltem ad tempus manerem."]

[Footnote 1219: "Nam ex singulis parlamentis duo huc evocantur ad diem decembris vicesimum," etc. Beza to Calvin, Oct. 30, Baum, ii., App., 117; Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i. 418.]

[Footnote 1220: "Je ny voulu faillir de vous advertir," writes the Prince of Conde in an autograph postscript of a letter (of Oct. 10th) thanking the magistrates of Zurich for Martyr's visit to France, "des entreprinses des Seigneurs de Guyse et de Nemours, ennemys de la vraye religion, qui, voyants que soub le regne du roy de France, le regne de Jesus Christ sestoit tellement advance que facillement lon pouvoit appercepvoir que la tyrannie de Lantechrist de Romme seroit en brief totallement dechassee du dit pays, apres sestre bande du coste du Roy d'Espaigne, pour maintenir la dicte tyrannie papale delibererent de desrober et emmener en Espaigne, au Roy Phelippe, le second fils de France monsieur d'Orleans, esperans que soub le nom du dit jeusne prince frere du Roy ils auroient occasion de faire la guerre en France et contre les Evangelistes, estimans que bientost le pape donneroit le royaulme de France au premier occupant selon sa Tyrannique coustume," etc. Baum, ii., App., 102, 103. Nemours, after his conspiracy was discovered, fled from court. He wrote, however, disclaiming any ulterior object in his invitations to the young Prince of Orleans, to whom he had in jest proposed to go with him to Spain.]

[Footnote 1221: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 419-421. Cf. Beza to Calvin, Nov. 4th, Baum, ii., App., 120.]

[Footnote 1222: Letter of Beza, Nov. 4th, ubi supra; "Regina nescio quo modo libenter me videt, quod est apud multos testata, et re ipsa sum expertus. Ideo cupiunt nostri proceres me his manere, quasi fidei et obedientias nostrarum Ecclesiarum obsidem tantisper dum in futuro illo conventu aliquid certi constituatur, et ipsi conventui me volunt interesse."]

[Footnote 1223: Beza's letters, apud Baum, ii., App., 117, 121, 122; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 418.]

[Footnote 1224: "Graces a Dieu, les choses sont bien changees en peu d'heure, estant maintenant faicts guardiens des assemblees ceux-la mesme qui nous menoyent en prison." Postscript to Beza's letter of Nov. 4th, Baum, ii., App., 122.]

[Footnote 1225: "C'est merveille des auditeurs des lecons de Monsieur Calvin; jestime quils sont journellement plus de mille." Letter of De Beaulieu, Geneva, Oct. 3, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 92.]

[Footnote 1226: Letter of De Beaulieu, ubi supra, 91.]

[Footnote 1227: "Mais ne nous a este possible jamais recouvrer ung ministre, quelque diligence que nous avons faicte, seulement par quelqu'un de nous faisons faire des prieres ainsi que par vostre Eglise sont dressees." Lettre de l'eglise de Foix a la Venerable Compagnie (1561); Gaberel, i., Pieces justif., 165-167.]

[Footnote 1228: Lettre de Fornelet a, l'eglise de Neufchatel, Oct. 6, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 95-100, Bulletin, xii. 361-366; Letter of Fornelet to Calvin, of the same date, Bulletin, etc., xiv. 365.]

[Footnote 1229: Letter of De Beaulieu, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1230: Letter of Jacques Sorel for the "classe" of Troyes, Oct. 13, 1561, Bulletin, xii. 352-355, Baum, ii., App., 103, 104.]

[Footnote 1231: Otherwise, 15,000 or 20,000 Huguenots, of whom 2,000 or 3,000 were armed horsemen, would doubtless have come together, and possibly seized some church edifices. The prince issued a very severe order against future assailants. Letter of Languet, Oct. 17, 1561. Epist. secr., ii. 149, 150. Ordonnance de M. le Prince de La Roche-sur-Yon, lieutenant-general de sa Majeste en la ville de Paris, publie le 16 Octobre 1561, Mem. de Conde, i. 57-59. Bruslart, as usual, misrepresents the whole affair, i. 56. Languet was present with the Protestants.]

[Footnote 1232: Languet, ii. 155.]

[Footnote 1233: Memoires de Philippi (Collection Michaud et Poujoulat), 624, 625: "Le populaire des fideles continuoit de mettre en pieces les sepulchres, deterrer les morts, et faire mille follies.... Le peuple porta sa haine jusqu'aux bennets quarres, et les gens de justice furent obliges de prendre des chapeaux ou bonnets ronds."]

[Footnote 1234: As a single instance out of many, I cite a passage from a letter of Pierre Viret to Calvin (Nismes, Oct. 31, 1561), illustrative of the relation of the Huguenot ministers to the acts of mistaken zeal with which this period abounded: "Hic apud nos omnia sunt pacatissima, Dei beneficio. Ego, quoad possum, studeo in officio continere non solum nostros Nemausenses [inhabitants of Nismes], sed etiam vicinos omnes: sed interea multis in locis et templa occupantur, et idola dejiciuntur sine nostro consilio. Ego omnia Domino committo, qui pro sua bona voluntate cuncta moderabitur." Baum, ii., App., 120.]

[Footnote 1235: Letter from St. Germain, Nov. 4, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 121. "Denique nostros potius quam adversaries metuo."]

[Footnote 1236: Mem. de Conde, i. 67, etc.; Letter of Santa Croce (Nov. 15, 1561), in Cimber et Danjou, vi. 5, 6, and Aymon, i. 5.]

[Footnote 1237: Santa Croce, ubi supra. Of the Cardinal of Ferrara's apprehensions and the grounds for them, Shakerley, the legate's own organist, and a spy of the English ambassador, secretly wrote to Throkmorton from the French court at St. Germain: "Here is new fire, here is new green wood reeking; new smoke and much contrary wind blowing against Mr. Holy Pope; for in all haste the King of Navarre with his tribe will have another council, and the Cardinal [of Ferrara] stamps and takes on like a madman, and goeth up and down here to the Queen, there to the Cardinal of Tournon, with such unquieting of himself as all the house marvels at it." Shakerley to Throkmorton, Dec. 16, 1561, State Paper Office. Printed in Froude, vii. 391. When a "holy friar" was preaching before the court, his sermon "being without salt," the hearers laughed, the king played with his dog, Catharine went to sleep, and Ferrara "plucked down his cap." Same to same, Dec. 14, 1561, "two o'clock after midnight." This industrious correspondent, who employed the small hours of the night in transmitting to the English ambassador his master's secrets, confessed to Throkmorton that he had no belief in the depth of Ferrara's assumed concern, having "so marked the living of priests" that he believed that "whensoever they are sure to have the same livings that they have without being troubled, they care not an the Pope were hanged, with all his indulgences," Letter of Dec. 16, 1561. State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 1238: Journal de Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 60, etc.]

[Footnote 1239: Ibid., i. 65; a highly colored, partisan, and consequently inaccurate account is given by Claude Haton, i. 214-221. T. Shakerley, in his letter of Dec. 16th, relates the friar's interview with Catharine, who, on seeing the fellow's boldness and the strength of his popularity among the merchants of Paris (at least sixty of whom escorted him), easily accepted his disclaimers, told him "she was much content to hear that his preaching was good, without giving trouble to the people," and bade him "go his way and preach and fear no harm, for it should always please her son and her that the people should be taught as in old time they had been preached unto." The intercession of the Parisians, accompanied "by offers of forty thousand crowns pledge of his forthcoming," Shakerley affirms, "has given such a blow to the preachers of the other side [the Huguenots] that there is wonderful change." State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 1240: "Y quando leyo aquel passo de la letra (que si la reyna madre no quisiesse el ayuda que se le offrescia, la darie V. M. a quien se la pidiesse para favorescer la religion y conservarle en la verdad) reparo un rato y hecho a V. M. muchas bendiciones, diziendo que aquello era un principe veramente catholico y defensor de la religion, y que no esperava menos de V. M." Vargas to Philip II., Nov. 7, 1561, Papiers d'etat du card. de Granvelle, vi. 399. The Pope had agreed to assist the orthodox party with sixty galleys (Ibid., vi. 437), and he cared little if the French knew that he was in league with Philip (Ibid., vi. 401)—their fears might serve as a check upon their insolence.]

[Footnote 1241: "Qui premier voulsist monstrer les dens audist Sieur de Vendosme et ses adherens."]

[Footnote 1242: "Rapport secret du secretaire Courtewille, et fondement de son envoy devers Madame la duchesse de Parma es Pays-Bas en Decembre, 1561." Papiers d'etat du card. de Granvelle, vi. 433, etc. Letter of Margaret of Parma to Philip II., Dec. 13, 1561, Ibid., vi. 444, seq.]

[Footnote 1243: "E s'avesse quello spirito che aveva il padre, o il padre avesse avuto la presente fortuna, la Francia non saria piu Francia."]

[Footnote 1244: Michel Suriano, Rel. des Amb. Ven., i. 558-562.]

[Footnote 1245: Discours sur le Saceagement des Eglises Catholiques ... en l'an 1562. Par F. Claude de Sainctes, 1563. Reprinted in Cimber et Danjou, iv. 371. Claude Haton, i. 177, 178. I need not stop to refute these partial statements. They are not surprising, coming as they do from writers who accept all the vile stories of Huguenot midnight orgies with unquestioning faith.]

[Footnote 1246: It is described in an "arret" of parliament as "une maison size au fauxbourg S. Marcel, rue de Mouffetard, vulgairement dicte la maison du Patriarche, pour ce que un patriarche d'Alexandrie dechasse par les barbares la fit anciennement bastir, ayant entree sur la grande rue dudict S. Marcel." Felibien, Hist. de Paris, iv., Preuves, 806.]

[Footnote 1247: De Thou (iii. 100) is much below the mark in stating the number at about two thousand; the author of the "Histoire veritable de la mutinerie" does not seem to exaggerate when he estimates it at twelve thousand to thirteen thousand. The congregation was unusually large, the day being the festival of St. John, and a holiday. The day before, the Protestants had for the first time been permitted to assemble on a feast-day, and Beza himself had preached without interruption to crowded audiences at Popincourt and at the Patriarche. He had again preached on the morning of St. John's Day. Letter of Beza to Calvin, Dec, 30, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 148.]

[Footnote 1248: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 422.]

[Footnote 1249: That the disturbance was premeditated is proved by the fact, attested by the Histoire veritable, p. 60, that the precious possessions of the church had been removed from St. Medard a few hours before its occurrence. Its object was clearly revealed by the haste with which the parliament despatched a messenger to St. Germain, to solicit the king in council to revoke the permission heretofore granted the Protestants to meet in the suburbs of Paris. Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 422.]

[Footnote 1250: With this scene the connection of the "Patriarche" with the reformed services disappears from history. It had been let to the Protestants by a merchant of Lucca, who was himself only a tenant. In the ensuing summer the owner, moved by displeasure for the impiety of the religious services it had witnessed, made a gift of the "Patriarche" to the parliament, asking that it might be employed for the relief of the poor and other charitable purposes. Arret of parliament, Aug. 18, 1562, Felibien, iv., Preuves, 806. Of course, Saint Medard was suitably propitiated by solemn expiatory processions and pageantry.]

[Footnote 1251: And with every indignity on the part of the people. See extracts from "Journal de 1562," in Baum, ii. 480, 481. The authorities I have made use of in the account of the St. Medard riot given in the text are: "Histoire veritable de la mutinerie, tumulte et sedition, faite par les Prestres Sainct Medard contre les Fideles, le Samedy xxvii iour de Decembre, 1561" (in Recueil des choses memorables, 822, etc.; Mem. de Conde, ii. 541, etc.; Cimber et Danjou, iv. 49, etc.), a contemporaneous pamphlet written by an eye-witness; other documents inserted in Mem. de Conde, among them the Journal de Bruslart, i. 68; Letter of Beza, who was present, to Calvin, Dec. 30, 1561, apud Baum, ii. App., 148-150; Hist. eccles., i. 421; De Thou, iii. 100; Claude Haton, i. 179, etc.; Castelnau, l. iii., c. 5; J. de Serres, i. 346; Claude de Sainctes, Saccagement (in Cimber et Danjou). It is almost superfluous to add that the Roman Catholic and Protestant authorities differ widely in the coloring given to the event. If any reader should be inclined to think that I have given undue weight to the Huguenot representations, let him examine the Roman Catholic De Thou—here, as everywhere, candid and impartial.]

[Footnote 1252: De Thou, iii. (liv. xxix.) 118-123; Eecueil des choses mem., 686-695; Memoires de Conde, ii. 606, etc.]

[Footnote 1253: Abbe Bruslart accuses Chancellor L'Hospital of packing the convention with delegates of the parliaments who were his creatures; "La pluspart desquels avoient este eleus et choisis par monsieur le Chancelier De l'Hospital, qui n'estoit sans grande suspition." Journal de Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 70.]

[Footnote 1254: Strange to say, Santa Croce employs, in his letters to Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, the very same despairing expressions as those for the use of which in his Latin commentaries he condemns Gualtieri. He wishes to be recalled; he declares: "Che questo regno e nell' estrema ruina, che non vi e speranza alcuna, che si vede cascar a occhiate, che tutto e infetto, in capite et in membris," and that he does not want to be present at the funeral of this wretched kingdom. Letter of January 7, 1562, Aymon, i. 21, 22; Cimber et Danjou, vi. 16,17.]

[Footnote 1255: Ibid., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1256: Letter of Santa Croce, Jan. 15, 1562, Aymon, i. 35-40.]

[Footnote 1257: Of forty-nine opinions, twenty-two were given in favor of an unconditional grant of the Protestant demand for churches, sixteen for a simple toleration of their religious assemblies and worship, such as had been informally practised for the last two months, while eleven stood out boldly for the continued hanging and burning of heretics. Among the most determined of these last were the Constable and Cardinal Tournon. Much to their regret, they saw themselves compelled to acquiesce in a liberal policy which they detested, in order to avoid opening the doors wide to the establishment of Protestantism in France. See Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 499. Compare, on the course of the proceedings, Beza's letters and those of Santa Croce, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 1258: See the text of the Edict of January, in Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v. 89-91; Mem. de Conde, iii. 8-15; Agrippa d'Aubigne, liv. ii., t. i. 124-128; J. de Serres, etc.]

THE END