The nuptial torches burned not less bright for the gloom overhanging the despised and abominated Lutherans. But in an instant, as by the touch of a magician's wand, they were turned into the funereal tapers of Henry the Second.[717]

[Sidenote: The tournament, June 30, 1559.]

[Sidenote: Henry mortally wounded by Montgomery's lance.]

[Sidenote: His death.]

On the thirtieth of June,[718] when the sports of the day were about ending, the gay monarch must needs re-enter the lists in person, and break another lance in honor of Diana of Poitiers, whose colors he wore. The queen had indeed begged him to avoid, for that day at least, the dangerous pastime; she had been terrified, so she said, by one of those strangely vivid dreams that wear, after the event, so much of the guise of prophetic sight.[719] But Henry made light of her fears, and closed his ears to her warning. His choice of an antagonist fell upon Montgomery, captain of his Scottish archers; and although the latter begged leave to decline the perilous honor, the king refused to excuse him.[720] At the appointed signal, the knights rode rapidly to the rude encounter. But Henry's visor was not proof against the lance of Montgomery, and either broke or was unclasped in the shock. The lance itself was splintered by the blow, and the piece which Montgomery, in his surprise and fright, had neglected instantly to lower, entering above the monarch's eye, penetrated far toward the brain.[721] Rescued from falling, but covered with blood, the wounded prince was hastily stripped of his armor, amid the loud lamentations of the horror-stricken spectators, and borne into the magnificent saloon of the Palais des Tournelles. Here, after lingering a few days, he died on the tenth of July.

It was a month, to the hour, since Henry's visit to parliament.[722]

The body was laid out in state in the very room appointed for the nuptial balls. A splendidly wrought tapestry representing the conversion of St. Paul hung near the remains, but the words, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?" embroidered upon it, admitted too pointed an application, and the cloth was soon put out of sight.[723] The public, however, needed no such pictorial reminder. The persecutor had been stopped as suddenly in his career of blood as the young Pharisee near Damascus. But it may be doubted whether the eyes with which he had sworn to see Anne du Bourg burned beheld such a vision of glory as blinded the future apostle's vision. It is more than probable, indeed, that Henry never spoke after receiving the fatal wound;[724] although the report obtained that, as he was carried from the unfortunate tilting-ground, he turned his bleeding face toward the prison in which the parliament counsellors were languishing, and expressed fear lest he had wronged them—a suggestion which the Cardinal of Lorraine hastened to answer by representing it as a temptation of the Prince of Evil.[725]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: "La Facon de Geneve"—the Huguenot service.]

The charge of having prayed, or administered the sacrament of Baptism or of the Lord's Supper, or taken part in the celebration of Marriage, "according to the fashion of Geneva," so frequently appears in the documents of the first century after the establishment of the Reformation in France as the chief offence of its early adherents and martyrs, that it is worth while to examine in some detail the model of worship that has exerted so important an influence upon the practice of the Huguenots and their descendants down to the present time.

While discarding the cumbrous ceremonial of the Roman Church, on the ground that it was not only overloaded with superfluous ornament, but too fatally disfigured by irrational, superstitious, or impious observances to be susceptible of correction or adaptation to the wants of their infant congregations, the founders of the reformed churches of the continent did not leave the inexperienced ministers to whose care these congregations were confided altogether without a guide in the conduct of divine worship. Esteeming a written account of the manner in which the public services were customarily performed to be the safest directory for the use of the young or ill-equipped, as well as the surest means of silencing the shameless calumnies of their malignant opponents, they early framed liturgies, not to be imposed as obligatory forms, but rather to serve an important end in securing an orderly conformity in the general arrangement followed in their churches.

[Sidenote: Farel's "Maniere et fasson," 1533.]

The earliest of these liturgical compositions appears to have been a small and thin volume of eighty-seven pages, which, as we learn from the colophon, was "printed by Pierre de Wingle at Neufchatel, on the twenty-ninth day of August in the year 1533;" that is to say, on the same press which, about a twelvemonth later, sent forth the famous "Placards" against the mass, and a year afterward the Protestant version of the Bible, translated into French by Olivetanus. It is entitled "La Maniere et fasson qu'on tient es lieux que Dieu de sa grace a visites." It was undoubtedly composed by Guillaume Farel, and, like all the other tracts of that vigorous and popular reformer, it has become extremely rare. Indeed, the work was altogether unknown until a single copy, the only one thus far discovered, was found by Professor Baum, of Strasbourg, in the Library of Zurich.[726]

What lends additional interest to the liturgy of Farel, is the circumstance that it is at the same time, as the modern editor remarks, "the earliest Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches, their first apology in answer to the atrocious, absurd and lying accusations which the hatred of their enemies, especially among the clergy, had invented at will, or had borrowed from pagan calumnies against the Christians of the first centuries." "Do they not exclaim," writes Farel in his preface, "that those accursed dogs of heretics who would uphold this new law live like beasts, renouncing everything, maintaining neither law nor faith, abjuring all the sacraments; that they reject Baptism, and make light of the Holy Table of our Lord; that they despise the Virgin Mary and the saints, and observe no marriage." To remove the prejudice thus engendered from the minds of the ignorant, is the chief design of the writer, who accordingly appeals at each step for his warrant to the Holy Scriptures, and entreats the reader to have no regard for the antiquity of the abuses he combats, or for the reputation of their advocates, but simply to examine for himself what "our good Saviour Jesus has instituted and commanded." The offices are five in number; for Baptism, Marriage, the Lord's Supper, Preaching, and the Visitation of the Sick; but to a certain extent, and particularly in the last-mentioned office, they are little more than a series of directions for the orderly conduct of worship. In other cases the service is very fully written out.

[Sidenote: Calvin's liturgy, 1542.]

Nine years after the publication of this very simple liturgy of Farel, appeared the first edition of the liturgy of Geneva, composed by Calvin, or the "Prayers after the fashion of Geneva," as they were usually designated by contemporary Roman Catholic writers. Until recently the first edition was supposed to have been published in 1543, but Professor Felix Bovet, of Neufchatel, has been so fortunate as to find a copy in the Royal Library of Stuttgart, bearing the date of 1542. This is probably the solitary remaining specimen of the original impression.[727] Although without name of place, it was doubtless printed in Geneva. The title is: "La Forme des Prieres et Chantz Ecclesiastiques, avec la Maniere d'administrer les Sacremens et consacrer le Marriage, selon la coustume de l'Eglise Ancienne. M.DXLII."

The following brief sketch will perhaps convey a sufficient idea of the form "which is ordinarily used" for the public worship of the morning of the Lord's day.

A brief invocation ("Our help be in the name of the Lord who made heaven and earth") is followed by an exhortation addressed to the congregation ("My brethren, let each one of you present himself before the face of the Lord with confession of his faults and sins, following in his heart my words"). The Confession, which is the most beautiful and characteristic part of the liturgy, comes next. Used by Theodore de Beze and his companions at the Colloquy of Poissy, with wonderful impressiveness, as preparatory to that reformer's grand vindication of the creed of the Protestants of France, it has been imagined by many that it was composed by him for this occasion. But it had already constituted a part of the public devotions of the French and Swiss Protestants for eighteen or twenty years. A Psalm was then sung, and a prayer offered "to implore God for the grace of His Holy Spirit, to the end that His Word may be faithfully expounded to the honor of His Name and the edification of the church, and may be received with such humility and obedience as are becoming." The form is "at the discretion of the minister." After the sermon comes a longer prayer for all persons in authority; for Christian pastors; for the enlightenment of the ignorant and the edification of those who have been brought to the truth; for the comfort of the afflicted and distressed;[728] closing with supplications for temporal and spiritual blessings in behalf of those present. The service was concluded by the form of benediction, Numbers, vi. 24-26.

Colladon, in his life of the reformer, tells us that Calvin "collected (recueillit), for the use of the church of Geneva, the form of ecclesiastical prayers, with the manner of administering the sacraments and celebrating marriage, and a notice for the visitation of the sick, as they are now placed with the Psalms." (Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, vi., pp. xvii., xviii.) And Calvin himself, in his farewell address to his fellow-ministers (April 28, 1564), as taken down from memory by Pinaut, observed: "As to the prayers for Sunday, I took the form of Strasbourg, and borrowed the greater part of it." (Adieux de Calvin, Bonnet, Lettres francaises, ii. 578.) The Strasbourg liturgy to which Calvin here refers was one which he had himself composed for the use of the French refugee church of Strasbourg, when acting as its pastor, during his exile from Geneva (1538-1541). The earliest edition known to be extant is that of which a single copy exists in the collection of M. Gaiffe, and of which M. O. Douen has for the first time given an account in his "Clement Marot et le Psautier huguenot," Paris, 1878, i. 334-339. This Strasbourg liturgy of 1542 (the pseudo-Roman edition already referred to, p. 275), like that of 1545 (which Professors Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss described in their edition of Calvin's works, vi. 174, 175), contains some striking variations from the Geneva forms. In particular, immediately after the "Confession of Sins," it inserts these words: "Here the Minister recites some word of Scripture to comfort consciences, and then pronounces the absolution as follows:

"Let each one of you recognize himself to be truly a sinner, humbling himself before God, and believe that our Heavenly Father will be gracious unto him in Jesus Christ.

"To all those who thus repent and seek Jesus Christ for their salvation, I declare the absolution of their sins, in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen."

It was this Strasbourg liturgy of Calvin that was in the hands of the framers of the English "Book of Common Prayer," and from this they derived the introductory portion of the daily service. "According to the first book of Edward VI., that service began with the Lord's Prayer. The foreign reformers consulted recommended the insertion of some preliminary forms; and hence the origin of the Sentences, the Exhortation, the Confession, and the Absolution. These elements were borrowed, not from any ancient formulary, but from a ritual drawn up by Calvin for the church at Strasbourg." (C. W. Baird, Eutaxia, or the Presbyterian Liturgies: Historical Sketches, New York, 1855, p. 190.)

The origin of only one of the minor offices of the Geneva liturgy can be distinctly traced to another and older source. The form for the celebration of marriage is taken bodily from the "Maniere et Fasson" of Farel, with the omission of two or three unimportant sentences, and the alteration of a very few words—a trifling change, dictated in each case by Calvin's keener literary taste. The form for baptism, Calvin tells us expressly, was somewhat roughly drafted by himself at Strasbourg, when the children of Anabaptists were brought to him for baptism from distances of five or ten leagues around. (Adieux de Calvin, Bonnet, ii. 578.)

The liturgy of Geneva, composed with rapidity under the pressure of the times, but with the skill and fine literary finish that are wont to characterize even the most hurried of Calvin's productions, has maintained its position undisputed to the present time, being the oldest of existing forms of worship in the reformed churches. The gradual change in the French language since the date of its composition has rendered necessary some modernizing of the style both of the prayers and of the accompanying psalms. These modifications, much more radical in the case of the metrical psalms, took place in the eighteenth century, and commended themselves so fully to the good sense of all French-speaking Protestants as soon to be everywhere adopted. The MS. records of the French church in New York (folio 45) contain, under date of March 6, 1763, a resolution unanimously adopted in a meeting of the heads of families and communicants, to change "la vielle version des Pseaumes de David qui est en uzage parmy nous, et de prandre et introduire dans notre Eglize les Pseaumes de la plus nouvelle version qui est en uzage dans les Eglises de Geneve, Suisse et Hollande." The liturgy has always been printed at the end of the psalter, and the change of the one involved that of the other. It has been noted above that the "Confession of Sins" was the most characteristic part of Calvin's liturgy. In fact, the initial words of this confession, "Seigneur Dieu, Pere Eternel et Toutpuissant," came to stand in the minds of the Roman Catholics who heard them for the entire Protestant service. Bernard Palissy accordingly tells us (Recepte Veritable, 1563, Bulletin, i. 93) that a favorite expression of the Roman Catholics from Taillebourg, when committing all sorts of excesses against the Protestants of Saintes, was: "Agimus a gagne Pere Eternel!" As Agimus was the first word of the customary grace said at meals by devout Roman Catholics—"Agimus tibi gratias, omnipotens Deus," etc.—this apparently enigmatical expression was only a profane formula to celebrate the triumph of the Roman over the reformed church. See Bulletin, xii. 247 and 469.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 516: Alluding to the compacts into which Francis had entered, the emperor accuses him of having purposely violated them all: "los quales nunca a guardado, como es notorio, sino por el tiempo que no a podido renobar guerra, o a querido esperar de hallar oportunidad de danarme con disimulacion." From Henry he anticipates little better treatment. Instruct. of Charles V. to the Infante Philip, Augsburg, Jan. 18, 1548, Pap. d'etat du Card, de Granvelle, iii. 285. It ought to be added, however, that both Francis and his son retorted with similar accusations; and that, in this case at least, all three princes seem to have spoken the exact truth.]

[Footnote 517: The dauphin Francis died at Tournon, Aug. 10, 1536, probably from the effects of imprudently drinking ice-water when heated by a game at ball. None the less was one of his dependants—the Count of Montecuccoli—compelled by torture to avow, or invent the story, that he had poisoned him at the instigation of Charles the Fifth. He paid the penalty of his weakness by being drawn asunder by four horses! How little Francis I. believed the story is seen from the magnificence and cordiality with which, three years later, he entertained the supposed author and abettor of the crime. See an interesting note of M. Guiffrey, Cronique du Roy Francoys I^er, 184-186. The imperialists replied by attributing the supposed crime, with equal improbability, to Catharine de' Medici, the youthful bride of Henry, who succeeded to his brother's title and expectations. Charles of Angouleme, a prince whose inordinate ambition, if we may believe the memoirs of Vieilleville, led him to exhibit unmistakable tokens of joy at a false report of the drowning of his two elder brothers, died on the 8th of September, 1545, of infection, to which he wantonly exposed himself by entering a house and handling the clothes of the dead, with the presumptuous boast "that never had a son of France been known to die of the plague."]

[Footnote 518: See Brantome, Hommes illustres (Oeuvres, vii. 369, 370).]

[Footnote 519: This was as early as 1538. Memoires de Vieilleville (Ed. Petitot), liv. v. c. 24, 25.]

[Footnote 520: "The king is a goodly tall gentleman, well made in all the parts of his body, a very grim countenance, yet very gentle, meek, and well beloved of all his people." The Journey of the queen's ambassadors to Rome, anno 1555 (the last to pay reverence to the Pope, under Mary), printed in Hardwick, State Papers, I. 68.]

[Footnote 521: "Non senza pericolo," says Matteo Dandolo, "perche corrono molte volte alle sbarre con poco vedere, si che si abbatterono un giorno a correre all' improvviso il padre (Francis) contra il figlio, e diede lui alla buona memoria di quello un tal colpo nella fronte, che gli levo la carne piu che se gli avesse dato una gran frignoccola." Relazioni Venete, ii. 171.]

[Footnote 522: Relations Ven. (Ed. Tommaseo), i. 286.]

[Footnote 523: Histoire ecclesiastique, i., 43. The most striking features of the character of Henry are well delineated by the Venetian ambassadors who visited the court of France during the preceding and the present reigns. Even the Protestants who had experienced his severity speak well of his natural gentleness, and deplore the evils into which he fell through want of self-reliance. The discriminating Regnier de la Planche styles him "prince de doux esprit, mais de fort petit sens, et du tout propre a se laisser mener en lesse" (Histoire de l'estat de France, ed. Pantheon litt., 202). Claude de l'Aubespine draws a more flattering portrait, as might be expected from one who served as minister of state in the councils of Francis I. and the three succeeding monarchs: "Ce prince estoit, a la verite, tres-bien nay, tant de corps que de l'esprit.... Il avoit un air si affable et humain que, des le premier aspect, il emportoit le coeur et la devotion d'un chacun. Aussi a il este constamment chery et aime de tous ses subjets durant sa vie, desire et regrette apres sa mort" (Histoire particuliere de la cour du Roy Henry II., Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, iii. 277). Tavannes is less complimentary: "Le roy Henry eut les mesmes defauts de son predecesseur, l'esprit plus foible, et se peut dire le regne du connestable, de Mme. de Valentinois et de M. de Guise, non le sien." (Memoires de Gaspard de Saulx, seigneur de Tavannes, ed. Petitot, i. 410.)]

[Footnote 524: Dr. Wotton to the Council, Paris, April 6, 1547, State Paper Office, and printed in Fraser-Tytler, England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, i. 35, etc.]

[Footnote 525: De l'Aubespine (Cimber et Danjou), iii. 284, 285.]

[Footnote 526: Relaz. Venete, ii. 437, 438.]

[Footnote 527: The legate Santa Croce describes his qualities thus: "Erat Montmorantius animo alacri et prompto, ingenio acri, corpora vivido, somni ac vini parcissimus, negotiis vehementer deditus, etc." He mentions as remarkable the facility with which, in the midst of the most pressing affairs of state or military exigencies, he could give his attention, as grand master of the royal household, to the most minute matters respecting the king's food or dress. De Civilibus Gall. Dissens. Comment. (Martene et Durand, Ampliss. Coll., v. 1429).]

[Footnote 528: The devoted "connestabliste" Begnier de la Planche does not conceal the aversion the head of the family which he delights in exalting entertained for letters: "Il avoit opinion," he writes, "que les lettres amolissoyent les gentilshommes et les faisoyent degenerer de leurs majeurs, et mesmes estoit persuade que les lettres avoyent engendre les heresies et accreu les lutheriens en telle nombre qu'ils estoyent au royaume; en sorte qu'il avoit en peu d'estime les scavans, et leurs livres." Histoire de l'estat de la France tant de la republique que de la religion sous le regne de Francois II., p. 309.]

[Footnote 529: The people were as a body declared attainted of treason, their hotel-de-ville was razed to the ground, their written privileges were seized and reduced to ashes. The bells that had sounded out the tocsin, at the outbreak of the insurrection, were for the most part broken in pieces and melted. One miserable man was hung to the clapper of the same bell that he had rung to call the people to arms. Others for the like crime were broken on the wheel or burned alive. Tristan de Moneins, lieutenant of the King of Navarre, had been basely murdered by the citizens: they were now compelled to disinter his remains, being allowed the use of no implements, but compelled to scrape off the earth with their nails! De Thou, i. 459, etc.]

[Footnote 530: Brantome, Homines illustres (Oeuvres, viii., 129).]

[Footnote 531: Sir John Mason to Council, Poissy, Sept. 14, 1550, State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 532: Claude de l'Aubespine, Histoire particuliere de la cour du Roy Henry II. (Cimber et Danjou), iii. 277.]

[Footnote 533: "Onorevolissimo universal carico che tiene." Relazioni Venete, ii. 166. It is somewhat painful to find from a letter of Margaret of Navarre, written after Henry's accession, that this amiable princess was compelled to depend, for the continuance of her paltry pension of 25,000 livres as sister of Francis, upon the kind offices of the constable. Lettres de Marguerite d'Angouleme, t. i., No. 154. The king's affection for Montmorency was so demonstrative that he ordered that, after their death, the constable's heart and his own should be buried together in a single monument, as an indication to posterity of his partiality. Jod. Sincerus (Itinerarium Galliae, 1627, pp. 281-284) takes the trouble to transcribe not less than three of the epitaphs in the Church of the Celestines, in which Montmorency receives more than his proportion of fulsome praise.]

[Footnote 534: Relazioni Venete, ii. 175, 176.]

[Footnote 535: De Thou, i. 237, 245.]

[Footnote 536: A contemporary writer (apud De Thou, i. 237, note) pretends to cite the monarch's precise words. The current quatrain was the following:

Le feu roy devina ce poinct, Que ceux de la maison de Guyse, Mettroyent ses enfans en pourpoint, Et son pauvre peuple en chemise.

Regnier de la Planche, Hist. de l'estat de France sous Francois II., ed. Pantheon lit., p. 261. The lines are given, with a few variations, by almost every history of the times; Recueil des choses memorables, etc., 1565, p. 31; Memoires de Conde, i. 533. De Thou is a firm believer in the truth of the vulgar report (ubi supra), and even Davila (Eng. trans. of Sir Charles Cottrell, 1678, p. 7) admits that later events have added much credit to the current belief.]

[Footnote 537: By arrangement with his elder brother Antoine (A. D. 1530), Claude received, as his portion of the paternal estate, four or five considerable seigniories enclosed within the territorial limits of France: Guise on the north, not far from the boundary of the Netherlands; Aumale and Elbeuf in Normandy; Mayenne in Maine, on the borders of Brittany; and Joinville, in Champagne, on the northeastern frontier of the kingdom; besides others of minor importance. Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine (Nancy, 1752), v. 481, 482.]

[Footnote 538: De Thou draws no flattering sketch of his course: "Le dernier de ces deux prelats avoit eu beaucoup de part aux bonnes graces de Francois I^er, sans autre merite que de s'etre rendu utile a ses plaisirs et d'avoir su se distinguer par une liberalite folle et indiscrete, deux moyens par lesquels il avoit ete assez heureux pour adoucir la juste indignation de ce prince contre son frere, Claude duc de Guise." Hist. univ., i. 523.]

[Footnote 539: Soldan, Gesch. des Protestantismus in Frankreich, i. 214. A still longer list is given by Dom Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine, v. 482.]

[Footnote 540: In 1518. Abbe Migne, Dictionnaire des Cardinaux; table chronologique.]

[Footnote 541: Sir John Mason to Council, Feb. 23, 1551. State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 542: Memoires de Castlenau, liv. i., c. 1; Migne, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 543: Pasquier, an impartial writer, but somewhat given to panegyric, paints a very flattering portrait of Guise, in a letter written after the death of the duke: "Il fut seigneur fort debonnaire, bien emparle tant en particulier qu'en public, vaillant et magnanime, prompt a la main," etc. Oeuvres choisies, ii. 258.]

[Footnote 544: "Le due de Guyse, grand chef de guerre, et capitaine capable de servir sa patrie, si l'ambition de son frere ne l'eust prevenu et empoisonne. Aussi a-il dict plusieurs fois de luy: Cest homme enfin nous perdra." De l'Aubespine, Hist. part., iii. 286.]

[Footnote 545: "Di dir poche volte il vero. Poco veredico, di natura duplice ed avara, non meno nel suo particolare che nelle cose del re." Suriano regards the cardinal as without a rival in this particular: "Che di saper dissimulare non ha pari al mondo." Tommaseo, i. 526.]

[Footnote 546: Not to speak of the property he obtained by dispossessing the rightful owners, he received, by favor of Diana, on the death of his uncle, Cardinal John, the benefices the latter had enjoyed, with all his personal wealth. Charles now had 300,000 livres of income; but he never thought of paying off his uncle's enormous debts: "Laissa toutes les debtes d'iceluy, qui estoyent immenses, a ses creanciers, pour y succeder par droit de bangueroute!" De l'Aubespine, iii. 281. The papal envoy, Cardinal Prospero di Santa Croce, combines the traits of ambition, avarice, and hypocrisy in his portrait of his colleague in the sacred consistory, and makes little of his learning: "Carolus a Lotharingia ... juvenis non illiteratus, ac ingenio versuto et callido, maxime ambitioni et avaritiae dedito, quae vitia religionis ac sanctimoniae simulatione obtegere conabatur." Prosperi Santacrucii de Civilibus Galliae dissensionibus commentariorum libri tres (Martene et Durand Amplissima Collectio), v. 1438. After these delineations of his character by not unfriendly pens, it is scarcely surprising that a caustic contemporary pamphlet—Le livre des marchands (1565)—should describe him as "ce cardinal si avare, et si ambitieux de nature, que l'avarice et l'ambition mise dedans des balances, elles demeureroyent egalles entre deux fers." (Ed. Pantheon, p. 423.)]

[Footnote 547: "Non credo fosse in quel regno desiderata alcuna cosa piu che la sua morte." Relaz. di Gio. Michiel, Tommaseo, i. 440. I have united the accounts of two ambassadors, Soranzo and Michiel, the first belonging to 1558, the other to 1561. Both are contained in Tommaseo's edit. of the Relations Venitiens.]

[Footnote 548: Werke, viii. 141.]

[Footnote 549: Brantome, Oeuvres (Ed. of Fr. Hist. Soc.), iv. 275, etc.]

[Footnote 550: "Et seroit a desirer que ceste femme et le cardinal n'eussent jamais este; car ces deux seuls out este les flamesches de nos malheurs." De l'Aubespine, iii. 286. The reader will, after this, make little account of the extravagant panegyric by the Father Alby (inserted by Migne in his Dict. des Card., s. v. Lorraine); yet he may be amused at the precise contradiction between the estimate of the cardinal's political services made by this ecclesiastic and that of the practical statesman given above. He seems to the priest born for the good of others: "ayant pour cela merite de la posterite toutes les louanges d'un homme ne pour le bien des autres, et le titre meme de cardinal de France, qui lui fut donne par quelques ecrivains de son temps." This blundering eulogist makes him to have been assigned by Francis I. as counsellor of his son.]

[Footnote 551: Brantome, Hommes illustres (Oeuvres, viii. 63).]

[Footnote 552: Mem. de Vieilleville, i. 179.]

[Footnote 553: La Planche, 205.]

[Footnote 554: Mem. de Vieilleville, i. 186-189.]

[Footnote 555: "Pour du tout s'asseurer, ils se jetterent du commencement au party de ceste femme; et specialement le cardinal, qui estoit des plus parfaicts en l'art de courtiser. Comme tel il se gehenna tellement par l'espace de pres de deux ans, que ne tenant point de table pour sa personne, il disnoit a la table de Madame; ainsi estoit-elle appellee par la Royne mesme." L'Aubespine, Hist. particuliere, iii. 281.]

[Footnote 556: "Ne pouvant doresenavant estre aultre mon interest que le vostre. De quoy Dieu soit loue," etc. Letter of the Card. of Lorraine, Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc., ix. (1860), 216.]

[Footnote 557: De Thou, i. 496. Henry was a religious prince also, according to Dandolo. The ambassador's standard, however, was not a very severe one: "Sua maesta si dimostra religiosa, non cavalca la domenica, almen la mattina." Relaz. Venete, ii. 173.]

[Footnote 558: Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i, 43, 44.]

[Footnote 559: Une chambre speciale composee de "dix ou douze conseillers des plus scavants et des plus zeles, pour connoistre du faict d'heresie, sans qu'elle pust vacquer a d'autres affaires." Reg. secr., 17 avril, 1545; Floquet, Hist. du. parl. de Normandie, ii. 241.]

[Footnote 560: In the preamble to the edict of Paris issued two years later, Henry rehearses the ordinance and its motives: "Et pour ceste cause des nostre nouvel avenement a la couronne, voulans a l'exemple et imitation de feu nostredit seigneur et pere, travailler et prester la main a purger et nettoier nostre royaume d'une telle peste, nous aurions pour plus grande et prompte expedition desdites matieres et procez sur le fait desdites heresies, erreurs et fausses doctrines ordonne et estably une chambre particuliere en nostre parlement a Paris, pour seulement vaquer ausdites expeditions, sans se divertir a autres actes." Isambert, xiii. 136. Cf. Martin, Hist. de France, ix. 516.]

[Footnote 561: Martin, Hist. de France, ix. 516.]

[Footnote 562: Edict of Fontainebleau, Dec. 11, 1547. Isambert, xiii. 37, 38.]

[Footnote 563: A singular illustration of this device is given in a letter recently discovered. In 1542 a printer, to secure for his edition of the Protestant liturgy and psalter a more ready entrance into Roman Catholic cities, added the whimsical imprint: "Printed in Rome, with privilege of the Pope"!—Naturally enough, this very circumstance aroused suspicion at the gates of Metz, and 600 copies were stopped. The ultimate fate of the books is unknown. Letter of Peter Alexander, May 25, 1542, Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, Calvini Opera, vi. p. xv. A single copy of this Roman edition has recently come to light. It proves to be the earliest edition thus far discovered of Calvin's Strasbourg Liturgy, the prototype of his Geneva Liturgy. O. Douen, Clement Marot et le Psautier huguenot (Paris, 1878), i. 334-339; and farther on in note at the close of this chapter.]

[Footnote 564: Crespin, fols. 152-155. De Thou (i. 446) mistakes the date of the sentence of the Parliament of Paris, March 3, 1548 (1547 Old Style), for that of the execution. The awkward old French practice of making the year begin with Easter, instead of January 1st, has in this, as in many other instances, led to great confusion, even in the minds of those who were perfectly familiar with the custom. The "Histoire ecclesiastique," for instance, places the execution of Brugiere in the reign of Francis I., whereas it belongs to the first year of the reign of his son. So does White, Massacre of St. Bartholomew, p. 19.]

[Footnote 565: Crespin, fol. 156.]

[Footnote 566: Inedited letter of Constable Montmorency of July 8, 1549, in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., ix. (1860) 124, 125. "Voila," says this document, "le debvoir ou ledit seigneur s'est mis pour continuer la possession de ce nom et titre de Tres-Chrestien."]

[Footnote 567: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 50, 51. Crespin, fol. 157, etc. The registers of parliament can spare for the auto-da-fe but a few lines at the conclusion of a lengthy description of the magnificent procession, and inaccurately designate the locality: "Cette apresdinee fut faicte execution d'aucuns condamnez au feu pour crime d'heresie, tant au parvis N. D. que en la place devant Ste. Catherine du Val des Escolliers." Reg. of Parl., July 4, 1549 (Felibien, Preuves, iv. 745, 746).]

[Footnote 568: Anne Audeberte and Louis de Marsac. Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 52, 58; Crespin, fols. 156, 227-234.]

[Footnote 569: Isambert, Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 134-138. Of course the provision giving to church courts the right of arrest, so opposed to the spirit of the "Gallican Liberties," displeased parliament, which duly remonstrated (Preuves des libertez de l'eg. gall., iii. 171), but was compelled to register the law, with conditions forbidding the exaction of pecuniary fines, and the sentence of perpetual imprisonment.]

[Footnote 570: De Thou, i. 167. Hist. eccles., i. 53.]

[Footnote 571: De Thou, ubi supra. Mezeray well remarks that the Protestants recognized the fact then, as they always have done since, in similar circumstances, that there is no more disastrous time for them than when the court of France has a misunderstanding with that of Rome. Abrege chronologique, iv. 664.]

[Footnote 572: "A right of appeal to the supreme courts has hitherto been, and still is, granted to persons guilty of poisoning, of forgery, and of robbery; yet this is denied to Christians; they are condemned by the ordinary judges to be dragged straight to the flames, without any liberty of appeal.... All are commanded, with more than usual earnestness, to adore the breaden god on bended knee. All parish priests are commanded to read the Sorbonne Articles every Sabbath for the benefit of the people, that a solemn abnegation of Christ may thus resound throughout the land.... Geneva is alluded to more than ten times in the edict, and always with a striking mark of reproach." Calvin's Letters (Bonnet), Eng. tr., iii. 319, 320. I cannot agree with Soldan (Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 228) in the statement that the Edict of Chateaubriand left the jurisdiction essentially as fixed by the ordinance of Nov. 19, 1549. For the edict does not, as he asserts, permit "the civil judges—presidial judges as well as parliaments—equally with the spiritual, to commence every process." It deprives the ecclesiastical judge, 1st, of the right which the ordinance of 1549 had conferred, of initiating any process where scandal, sedition, etc., were joined to simple heresy, and these cases—under the interpretation of the law—constituted a large proportion of cases; 2d, of the right of deciding with the secular judges in these last-named cases; and 3d, of the power of arrest. De Thou, himself a president of parliament (ii. 375, liv. xvi.), therefore styles it "un edit, par lequel le Roi se reservoit une entiere connoissance du Lutheranisme, et l'attribuoit a ses juges, sans aucune exception, a moins que l'heresie dont il s'agissoit ne demandat quelque eclaircissement, ou que les coupables ne fussent dans les ordres sacres."]

[Footnote 573: Milton's Areopagitica. This was the view somewhat bitterly expressed in one of the poems of the "Satyres Chrestiennes de la cuisine Papale " (Geneva, 1560; reprinted 1857), addressed "aux Rostisseurs," p. 130:

"Je cognoy, Cagots, que mes liures Vous sont fascheusement nouueaux. Bruslez, si en serez deliures Pour en servir de naueaux. Mais scavez-vous que c'est, gros veaux, Fuyez le feu qui s'en fera: Car la fumee en vos cerueauz Seulmient vous estouffera." ]

[Footnote 574: Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 189-208.]

[Footnote 575: Hist. eccles., i. 59.]

[Footnote 576: Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Lausanne, May 10, 1552 (Baum, Thedor Beza, i. 423): "Et tamen vix credas quam multi sese libenter his periculis objiciant ut aedificent Ecclesiam Dei."]

[Footnote 577: Beza to Bullinger, Oct. 28, 1551, Baum, i. 417: "Tantum abest ut Evangelii amplificationem ea res (cruentissimum regis edictum) impediat ut contra nihil aeque prodesse sentiamus ad oves Christi undique dispersas in unum veluti gregem cogendas. Id testari vel una Geneva satis potest, in quam hodie certatim ex omnibus et Galliae et Italiae regionibus tot exules confluunt, ut tantae multitudini vix nunc sufficiat."]

[Footnote 578: De Thou, ii. 181.]

[Footnote 579: Memoires de Vieilleville (written by his secretary, Vincent Carloix), ed. Petitot, i. 299-301. This incident belongs to the year 1549.]

[Footnote 580: Histoire eccles., i. 54-60.]

[Footnote 581: Soldan is scarcely correct (Gesch. des Prot. in Frank., i. 235) in representing them to have completed their course of study; "alii diutius quam alii," are the words of Crespin, Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum, fol. 185.]

[Footnote 582: In fact, there seem to have been two "officials" at Lyons—the ordinary "official" so-called, or "official buatier" as he is styled in the narrative of Ecrivain (Baum, i. 392), and the "official de la primace," i. e., of the Archbishop, as Primate of France (Ibid., i. 388).]

[Footnote 583: Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 176.]

[Footnote 584: See a letter of Calvin to the prisoners, in Bonnet, Lettres franc. de Calvin, i. 340.]

[Footnote 585: It was in view of this response of the king that Bullinger wrote to Calvin: "He lives that delivered His people from Egypt; He lives who brought back the captivity from Babylon; He lives who defended His church against Caesars, kings, and profligate princes. Verily we must needs pass through many afflictions into the kingdom of God. But woe to those who touch the apple of God's eye!" See Calvin's Letters (Eng. trans.), ii. 349, note.]

[Footnote 586: Prof. Baum has graphically described the unsuccessful intercession of the Swiss cantons in his Theodor Beza, i. 177-179.]

[Footnote 587: Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i. 57.]

[Footnote 588: Ibid., ubi supra; Crespin, Actiones et Mon., fols. 185-217 (also in Galerie Chretienne, i. 268-330); De Thou, ii. 180, 181. The description of the closing scenes of the lives of the Five Scholars of Lausanne is among the most touching passages in the French martyrology, but the limits of this history do not admit of its insertion (see Baum, i. 179-181, and Soldan, i. 236-238). Their progress to the place of execution was marked by the recital of psalms, the benediction, "The God of peace, that brought again from the dead, etc.," and the Apostles' creed; and, after mutual embraces and farewells, their last words, as their naked bodies, smeared with grease and sulphur, hung side by side over the flames, were: "Be of good courage, brethren, be of good courage!"]

[Footnote 589: Beza to Bullinger, Dec. 24, 1553, and May 8, 1554; Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 431, 438.]

[Footnote 590: The bull of Julius the Third sanctioning the use of these proscribed articles of food—at whose instigation it was given is uncertain—was regarded by the Parliament of Paris as allowing a "scandalous relaxation" of morals, and the keeper of the seals gave orders, by cry of the herald, that all booksellers and printers be forbidden to sell copies of it (Feb. 7, 1553). But this was not sufficient, since the bull was afterward publicly burned by order of Henry the Second and the parliament. Reg. of Parliament, in Felibien, Hist. de Paris, iv. 763; see also ibid., ii. 1033.]

[Footnote 591: Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, ii. 258-260.]

[Footnote 592: Garnier, Hist. de France, xxvii. 49, etc., whose account of the attempted introduction of the Spanish Inquisition into France is the most correct and comprehensive.]

[Footnote 593: Ibid., ubi supra; De Thou, ii. 375. The edict establishing the Spanish inquisition is not contained in any collection of laws, as it was never formally registered. Dulaure (Hist. de Paris, iv. 133, 134) gives, apparently from the Reg. criminels du parl., registre cote 101, au 20 mai 1555, an extract from it: "Que les inquisiteurs de la foi et juges ecclesiastiques peuvent librement proceder a la punition des heretiques, tant clercs que laics, jusqu'a sentence definitive inclusivement; que les accuses qui, avant cette sentence, appelleront comme d'abus resteront toujours prisonniers, et leur appel sera porte au parlement. Mais, nonobstant cet appel, si l'accuse est declare heretique par les inquisiteurs, et pour ne pas retarder son chatiment, il sera livre au bras seculier." (Soldan, from Lamothe-Langon, iii. 458, reads exclusivement, which must be wrong, if, indeed, the whole be not a mere paraphrase, which I suspect.)]

[Footnote 594: By the advice of the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Parliament of Paris had been divided into two sections, holding their sessions each for six months, and each vested with the powers of the entire body. This change went into effect July 2, 1554, and lasted three years. It was made ostensibly to relieve the judges and expedite business, but really in the interest of despotism, to diminish the authority of the undivided court sitting throughout the year. De Thou, ii. 246, 247.]

[Footnote 595: The post of Inquisitor-General of the Faith in France, having his seat at Toulouse, had, as we have already seen, long existed. It was filled in 1536 by friar Vidal de Becanis (the letters patent appointing whom are given in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., i. (1853), 358). He was succeeded by Louis de Rochetti, who left the Roman Catholic Church, and was burned alive at Toulouse, Sept. 10, 1538. Afterward Becanis was reinstated (Ibid., ubi supra). A circular letter of this inquisitor-general, accompanying a list of heretical and prohibited works, is given, Ibid., i. 362, 363, 437, etc.]

[Footnote 596: Garnier, Hist. de France, xxvii. 49-54.]

[Footnote 597: The date, Oct. 16th, usually given (by De Thou, Garnier, etc.) for this harangue is incorrect. The publication of the valuable "Memoires-journaux du Duc de Guise," which Messrs. Michaud and Poujoulat (1851) have brought out of their obscurity, affords us the advantage of reading the account of the deputation and speech of Seguier in the words of his own report, from the Registers of Parliament (pp. 246-249). From this we learn that Seguier and Du Drac left Paris on Saturday, Oct. 19th, reached Villera-Cotterets on Monday the 21st, and had an audience on Tuesday the 22d.]

[Footnote 598: "Qu'il falloit croire l'Escriture et rendre tesmoignage de sa creance par bonnes oeuvres, et qui ne la veut croire et accuse les autres estre lutheriens, est plus heretique que les mesmes lutheriens." Memoires de Guise, 248.]

[Footnote 599: Memoires de Guise, 246-249; Gamier, xxvii. 55-70; De Thou, liv. xvi., ii. 375-377.]

[Footnote 600: Mem. de Guise, 249, 250.]

[Footnote 601: According to Claude Haton (p. 38), a part of the emigrants were, by the king's permission, drawn from the prisons of Paris and Rouen. Nor does the pious curate see anything incongruous in the attempt to employ the released criminals in converting the barbarians to the true faith. However, although Villegagnon was a native of Provins, where Haton long resided, the curate's authority is not always to be received with perfect assurance.]

[Footnote 602: The reconciliation between the statements of the text (in which I have followed the unimpeachable authority of the Hist. eccles. des eglises reformees) and the assertion of the equally authoritative life of Coligny by Francis Hotman (Latin ed., 1575, p. 18, Eng. tr. of D. D. Scott, p. 70). that Coligny's "love for true religion and vital godliness, and his desire to worship God aright," dated from the time of his captivity after the fall of St. Quentin (1557), and the opportunity he then enjoyed for reading the Holy Scriptures, is to be found probably in the view that, having previously been convinced of the truth of the reformed doctrines, he was not brought until then to their bold confession and courageous espousal—acts so perilous in themselves and so fatal to his ambition and to his love of ease. Respecting Villegagnon's promise to establish the "sincere worship of God" in his new colony, see the rare and interesting "Historia navigationis in Braziliam, quae et America dicitur. Qua describitur autoris navigatio, quaeque in mari vidit memoriae prodenda: Villegagnonis in America gesta, etc. A Joanne Lerio, Burgundo, etc., 1586." Jean l'Hery or Lery was a young man of twenty-two, who accompanied the ministers and skilled workmen whom Villegagnon invited to Brazil, partly from pious motives, partly, as he tells us, from curiosity to see the new world (page 6). Despite his sufferings, the adventurous author, in later years, longed for a return to the wilderness, where among the savages better faith prevailed than in civilized France: "Ita enim apud nos fides nulla superest, resque adeo nostra tota Italica facta est," etc. (page 301).]

[Footnote 603: Jean Lery, ubi supra, 4-6.]

[Footnote 604: What Villegagnon actually believed was an enigma to Lery, for the vice-admiral rejected both transubstantiation and consubstantiation, and yet maintained a real presence. Lery, 58, 54. Cointas had at first solemnly abjured Roman Catholicism, and applied for admission to the Reformed Church. Ibid., 46.]

[Footnote 605: Lery himself is in doubt respecting the exact occasion of the change in Villegagnon's conduct. Some of the colonists were fully persuaded "inde id accidisse, quod a Cardinali Lotharingo, aliisque qui ad eum e Gallia scripserunt ... graviter fuisset reprehensus, quod a Catholica Romanensi Ecclesia descivisset: hisque literis eum ita perterritum fuisse, ut sententiam repente mutaverit." Others believed him guilty of premeditated treachery: "Post meum tamen reditum accepi Villagagnonem cum Card. Lotharingo consilium jam inivisse, antequam e Gallia excederet, de vera Religione simulanda, ut facilius auctoritate Colignii maris praefecti abuterentur," etc. Hist. navig. in Brasiliam, 62, 63.]

[Footnote 606: The Protestants were bearers of a Bellerophontic letter, addressed to the magistrates of whatever French port they might enter, intended to compass their destruction as heretics and rebels. They made the harbor of Hennebon, in Brittany, whose Protestant officers disclosed the secret plan and welcomed the half-famished fugitives. Lery, 304-330; Hist. eccles., i. 102; La Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la rel. et republ., 25.]

[Footnote 607: De Thou, ii. 381-384; Hist. eccles., 100-102; Lery, 339 et passim; La Place, ubi supra. "Clarissimi, erudissimique viri D. Nicolai Villagagnonis, equitis Rhodii, adversus novitium Calvini ... dogma de sacramento Eucharistiae, opuscula tria, Coloniae, 1563." In the preface of the first of these treatises, Villegagnon denies the reports of his fickleness and cruelty as slanders of the returning Protestants, and defends his conduct in throwing the three monks into the sea. In a dedication to Constable Montmorency (dated 1560) he clears himself from the charge of atheism brought against him because he expelled the ministers "on discovering the vanity of their religion." There are subjoined Richier's articles, etc.]

[Footnote 608: Hist. eccles., i. 61.]

[Footnote 609: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 61-63.]

[Footnote 610: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 63-71.]

[Footnote 611: "In Gallia pergunt ecclesiae zelo plane mirabili. Parisienses novum ministrum petunt, quern brevi, ut spero, missuri sumus." Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 1, 1556 (Baum, i. 450).]

[Footnote 612: Beza to Bullinger, Feb. 12, 1556 (Ib., i. 453). The curate of Meriot deplores the progress of the Reformation during this year. "L'heresie prenoit secretement pied en France.... Mais ah! le malheur advint tel que la plus part des grands juges de la court de parlement, comme presidens et conseillers, furent et estoient intoxiquez et empoisonnez de ladite heresie lutherienne et calvinienne, et qui pis est de la moytie, se trouva finallement des evesques qui estoient tous plains et couvers de ceste mauldite farinne. Et pour ce que le roy tenoit le main forte pour faire pugnir de la peine du feu les coulpables, y en avait mille a sa suitte et en la ville de Paris, lesquelz faisoient bonne mine et meschant jeu, feignoient d'estre vrays catholiques, et en leur secret et consciences estoient parfaictz hereticques." Mem. de Claude Haton, 27.]

[Footnote 613: The execution of the "Five from Geneva" at Chambery, in Savoy—then, as now again, a part of France—and the violent persecution in the neighborhood of Angers, are well known (Crespin, fols. 283-321; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 68, 69). The inclination to resist force by force, manifested by some Protestants in Anjou, was promptly discouraged by Calvin; letter of April 19, 1556 (Lettres franc., ii. 90). The number and names of the martyrs will probably never be ascertained. "N'estoit quasi moys de l'an qu'on n'en bruslast a Paris, a Meaux et a Troie en Champagne deux ou trois, en aulcun moy plus de douze. Et si pour cela les aultres ne cessoient de poursuivre leur entreprinse de mettre en avant leur faulce religion." Mem. de Cl. Haton, 48. The Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., vii. (1858) 14, extracts from the registers of the Parliament of Toulouse, June 11, 1556, the sentence of a victim hitherto unknown—one Blondel. He had dared to protest against the impiety of the procession of the "Fete-Dieu," or "Corpus Christi," by singing "a profane hymn of Clement Marot." Parliament turned aside from the procession, and in the sacristy of the church of St. Stephen rapidly tried him, and ordered him to be burned the same day at the stake in a public square, as a "reparation of the injury done to the holy faith." Certainly a church dedicated to the Christian protomartyr was not the most appropriate place for drawing up such a decree!]

[Footnote 614: De Thou, ii. 404.]

[Footnote 615: De Thou, ii. 412-416.]

[Footnote 616: The papal letter sent by the hands of Caraffa to Henry (together with a sword and hat solemnly blessed by Paul himself) is reprinted in Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, iii. 425, 426.]

[Footnote 617: De Thou, ii. 417.]

[Footnote 618: A letter of Henry himself to M. de Selve, his ambassador at Rome, gives us the fact of the effort and of its failure: "Voyant les heresies et faulces doctrines, qui a mon tres grand regret, ennuy et desplaisir, pullulent en mes royaume et pays de mon obeissance, j'avoys despieca advise, selon les advis que le cardinal Caraffe estant dernierement pardeca m'en a donne de la part de nostre Saint-Pere, de mettre sus et introduire l'inquisition selon la forme de droict, pour estre le vray moien d'extirper la racine de telles erreurs, pugnir et corriger ceulx qui lea font et commettent avec leurs imitateurs, toutes fois pour ce que en cela se sont trouvez quelques difficultez, alleguant ceulx des estats de mon royaume, lesquels ne veulent recevoir, approuver, ne observer la dicte inquisition, les troubles, divisions et aultres inconveniens qu'elle pourroit apporter avec soy, et mesmes, en ce temps de guerre, il m'a semble pour le mieulx de y parvenir par aultre voye," etc. Memoires de Guise, p. 338. The letter is inaccurately given in Sismondi, Hist. des Francais, xviii. 623. See Dulaure, H. de Paris, iv. 135.]

[Footnote 619: "Comme celluy qui ne desire autre chose en ce monde, que veoir mon peuple nect et exempt d'une telle dangereuse peste et vermyne que sont lesdictes heresies et faulces et reprouvees doctrines." Henry to De Selve, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 620: Sismondi, Hist. des Francais, xviii. 62.]

[Footnote 621: Sir Wm. Pickering to Council, Melun, Sept. 4, 1551, State Paper Office MSS. Patrick Fraser Tytler, Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, i. 420.]

[Footnote 622: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 72.]

[Footnote 623: See the declaration of Henry, in Preuves des Libertez de l'Egl. gallicane, part iii. 174.]

[Footnote 624: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 72, 73.]

[Footnote 625: "Hoc quidem tibi possum pro comperto affirmare regnum Dei tantum nunc progressum in decem minimum Galliae urbibus ac Lutetiae praesertim facere ut magni nescio quid Dominus illic moliri aperte videatur." Beza to Bullinger, March 27, 1557, Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 461.]

[Footnote 626: At Autun, in Sept., 1556. Hist. eccles., i. 70. No wonder that the example set by the judges of Autun "served greatly to instruct others!"]

[Footnote 627: Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 494-497. The respective jurisdictions of the clerical and lay judges remained the same. An article, however, was appended declaring that in future the confiscated property of condemned heretics should no more inure to the crown, or be granted to private individuals, but should be applied to charitable purposes. What a feeble barrier this provision proved to the cupidity of the courtiers, long glutted with the spoils of "Lutherans"—real or pretended—the case of Philippine de Luns showed very clearly, some two or three months later.]

[Footnote 628: Besides the accounts of the disastrous battle of St. Quentin given by the Memoires of Rabutin, Coligny and other contemporaries, and by De Thou and other historians of a somewhat later date, the graphic narrative of its incidents contained in Prescott's Reign of Philip the Second (lib. i., c. vii.) is well worthy of perusal.]

[Footnote 629: Prescott, i. 240, note.]

[Footnote 630: "Comme feu soubs la cendre." Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 134.]

[Footnote 631: By an unpardonable negligence, Mr. Browning places the "affaire de la rue St. Jacques" before the battle of St. Quentin, in the month of May, 1557. History of the Huguenots, i. 45.]

[Footnote 632: A contemporary account of the affair by the reformer Knox, dated Dieppe, Dec. 7, 1557, although it adds little to our knowledge of the incidents, is of considerable interest. I cite a few sentences: "Almost in everie notabill Citie within France thair be assemblit godlie Congregationis of sic as refusit all societie with the sinagoge of Sathan, so were (and yit are) dyvers Congregationis in Paris, and kirkis having thair learnit ministeris for preishing Chrystis Evangell, and for trew ministratioun of the halie Sacramentis instited be him. The brute whairof being spred abrod, great search was maid for thair aprehensioun, and at lenth, according to the pre-disingnit consall of oure God, who hath apoyntit the memberis to be lyke to the heid, the bludthirstie wolves did violentlie rusche in amongis a portioun of Chrystis simpill lambis. For thois hell-houndis of Sorbonistis, accompanyit with the rascall pepill, and with sum sergeantis maid apt for thair purpois, did so furiouslie invade a halie assemblie convenit (nye the number of four hundreth personis) to celebrat the memorie of oure Lordis deth," etc. Printed from MS. volume in possession of Dr. McCrie, in David Laing's Works of John Knox (Edinb., 1855), iv. 299.]

[Footnote 633: "As ravisching wolves rageing for blood, murderit sum, oppressit all, and schamfullie intreatit both men and wemen of great blude and knawin honestie." Knox, ubi supra, p. 300.]

[Footnote 634: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 73-75. This detailed and most authentic account is taken verbatim from that of Crespin, which may be read in the Galerie chretienne, ii. 253-259; De la Place (ed. Pantheon lit.), p. 4; De Thou, v. 530. Claude Haton gives a story which bears but a faint resemblance to the truth—the mingled result of imperfect information and prejudice. Memoires, i. 51-53.]

[Footnote 635: "And yit is not this the end and chief point of thair malice; for thai, as children of thair father, wha is the autour of all lies, incontinent did spread a most schamfull and horribill sclander, to wit, that thai convenit upon the nycht for no uthir cause but to satisfie the filthie lustis of the flesche." Knox, ubi supra, p. 300. For an unfriendly account of the pretended orgies, see Claude Haton (Mem.), i. 49-51.]

[Footnote 636: Foul play was even employed, in addition to barbarous treatment, if Knox was rightly informed: "But theis cruell tirantis and privie murdereris, as thai have permittit libertie of toung to none, sa by poysone haif thai murderit dyvers in prisone." Knox, ubi supra.]

[Footnote 637: Henry ordered parliament to try the accused by a commission consisting of two presidents and sixteen counsellors, and enjoined that this matter should take precedence of all others. Hist. eccles des egl. ref., ubi infra; Crespin, ubi infra.]

[Footnote 638: The courageous words of Philippine de Luns, when she was bidden to give her tongue to have it cut off, were long remembered: "Since I bemoan not my body," said she, "shall I bemoan my tongue?" Beza alludes to her as "matrona quaedam et genere et pietate valde nobilis, fidem ad extremum usque spiritum professa signis omnibus, quum, abscisa lingua et ardente face pudendis ipsius turpissime ac crudelissime injecta, torreretur." Beza ad Turicenses (inhabitants of Zurich), Nov. 24, 1557; given in Baum, App. to vol. i. 501; Hist. eccles., i. 82. A courtier, the Marquis of Trans, son-in-law of the keeper of the seals, was not ashamed to ask for and obtain the confiscation of her estates, in violation of the provision of the late Edict of Compiegne, "que plusieurs trouverent mauvais." De la Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la religion et republique, soubs les rois Henry et Francois Seconds et Charles Neufviesme, p. 4.]

[Footnote 639: Beza to Farel, Nov. 11, 1557, Baum, i. 490.]

[Footnote 640: The Scotch reformer, John Knox, being detained by unfavorable tidings at Dieppe, on his return from Geneva, not only devoted himself to visiting and strengthening his persecuted brethren in France (M'Crie, Life of Knox, i. 202; Brandes, J. Knox, Elberfeld, 1862, p. 136), but had the Apology of the Parisian Protestants translated into English, himself adding the prefatory remarks, from which several quotations have been made above. The treatise seems never to have been printed until the present century, the probable reason, according to Mr. Laing, being the subsequent release of so many of the prisoners as survived.]

[Footnote 641: "Jusques icy ceulx qui out este appelez au martyre ont este contemptibles au monde, tant pour la qualite de leurs personnes, que pource que le nombre n'a pas este si grand pour ung coup. Que scavons-nous s'il a desja appreste une issue telle qu'il y aura de quoy nous esjouir et le glorifier au double?" Letter of Calvin, Sept 16, 1557. Bonnet, Lett. fr. de Calv., ii. 139-145.]

[Footnote 642: Calvin aux eglises de Lausanne, de Mouden, et de Payerne, Ibid., ii. 150, 151.]

[Footnote 643: The MS. letter of Beza and his companions to the "Seigneurs" of Berne (to whom their allies had referred the entire matter, in order to obviate all delay), dated Basle, Sept. 27, 1557, is in the archives of Berne, and has been printed for the first time in the Bulletin, xvii. (April, 1868) 164-166. The writers urge the utmost haste, both for the sake of the prisoners of Paris and of some other Protestants confined in the dungeons of Dijon.]

[Footnote 644: This was particularly the advice of the friendly Count George of Montbeliard, as recorded by Beza: "Comes fuit in ea sententia, ut, dum Helvetii priores cum rege agerent, sollicitaremus alios etiam Germanos principes, ac praesertim eos, a quibus Pharao ille nova auxilia hoc ipso tempore postularet." Letter to Zurich, Nov. 24, 1557, Baum, i. 495.]

[Footnote 645: "Par la response que le roy fit dernierement aux deputes que les seigneurs des cantons de Zurich, Berne, Basle et Schaffouse, ses tres-chers et bons amys envoyerent par deca a la requeste de ceulx de la vallee d'Angrogne, pour le faict de la religion, Sa Majeste estimoit que les dicts seigneurs des dicts cantons se contenteroient et ne prendroient plus d'occasion de renvoyer devers luy pour semblable cause, comme ils ont faict les seigneurs Johan Escher, Jean Wyss, Jacob Goetz et Louys Oechsly, presens porteurs ... ce que le dict seigneur a trouve un pen estrange, pour la consideration qu'il a tousiours eue envers les dicts seigneurs des cantons et aultres ses amys de ne s'empescher ni soulcier des choses qui touchent l'administration de leurs Estats, ni la justice de leurs subiets, ainsi qu'il luy semble qu'ils doibvent [faire] envers luy, priant les dicts seigneurs des dicts cantons estre contans de doresnavant ne se donner peine de ce qu'il fera et executera en son royaulme, et moings au faict de la religion, qu'il veult et a delibere d'observer et suivre, telle que ses predecesseurs et luy (comme roys tres-chrestiens) ont faict par le passe, et contenir ses dicts subiects en icelle, dont il n'a a rendre compte a aultre que a Dieu, par l'aide, bonte et protection duquel il s'asseure maintenir son dict royaulme en estat, en la tranquillite et prosperite la ou il a este jusques icy." Reponse du roi. The Swiss envoys were intrusted on their return with a letter from the Cardinal of Lorraine to the magistrates of the Protestant cantons, full as usual of honeyed words. It closed with these words: "Priant Dieu, Messieurs, vous donner ce que plus desyrez. De Sainct-Germain en Laye, le 6^e jour de novembre 1557. Vostre meilleur voysin et amy, Cardinal de Lorraine." This was pretty fair dissembling even for the smooth tongue of the arch-persecutor of the Huguenots. It must be confessed, however, that the sheep's clothing never seemed to fit him well; the wolfish foot or the bloodthirsty jaws had an irresistible propensity to show themselves. The letter of the cantons, the king's reply, and Lorraine's letter, from the MSS. in the archives of Basle, are printed in the Bulletin de la Societe de l'hist. du prot. francais, xvii. 164-167.]

[Footnote 646: Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 317; Heppe, Leben Theod. Beza, 52-58.]

[Footnote 647: "Ab eo tempore (Oct. 23d) audimus perlectis Palatini literis datas aliquas judiciorum inducias." Beza's letter of Nov. 24th, ubi supra. It is not improbable that the interference of Henry's allies had some salutary effect, in spite of the rough answer they received. Hist. eccles. des eglises ref., i. 84, which, however, says nothing of the reply to the Swiss.]

[Footnote 648: Beza, letter of Nov. 24, 1557, ubi supra. See a letter of Calvin to this noblewoman (Dec. 8, 1557), Lettres franc. (Bonnet), ii. 159.]

[Footnote 649: Hist. eccles., i. 84.]

[Footnote 650: Calvin to Bullinger, Bonnet (Eng. tr.), iii. 411; Baum, i. 317, 318.]

[Footnote 651: Histoire ecclesiastique des eglises reformees, i. 78.]

[Footnote 652: Cf. the anonymous letter to Henry the Second, inserted in La Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la religion et republique (ed. Pantheon Litteraire), p. 5; and in Crespin (see Galerie chretienne, ii. 246).]

[Footnote 653: Guise's glory was, according to parliament, in registering (Feb. 15th) the king's gift to him of the "maison des marchands" at Calais, "d'avoir expugne une place et conquis un pays que depuis deux cens ans homme n'avoit non seulement entrepris de faict, mais ne compris en l'esprit." Reg. of Parliament, apud Memoires de Guise, p. 422.]

[Footnote 654: De Thou, ii. 549-552; Prescott, Philip the Second, i. 255-257.]

[Footnote 655: Hist. eccles. i. 87, 88.]

[Footnote 656: In Normandy the burdens imposed by the war indirectly favored the growth of Protestantism. "The troubles of religion were great in this kingdom during the year 1558," writes a quaint local antiquarian. "The common people was pretty easily seduced. Moreover, the 'imposts' and 'subsidies' were so excessive that, in many villages, no assessments of 'tailles' were laid; the 'tithes' (on ecclesiastical property) were so high that the curates and vicars fled away, through fear of being imprisoned, and divine service ceased to be said in a large number of parishes adjoining this city of Caen: as in the villages of Plumetot, Periers, Sequeville, Puto, Soliers, and many others. Seeing which, some preachers who had come out of Geneva took possession of the temples and churches." Les Recherches et Antiquitez de la ville de Caen, par Charles de Bourgueville, sieur du lieu, etc. Caen, 1588. Pt. ii. 162.]

[Footnote 657: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 89.]

[Footnote 658: The letter, dated March 19th, is reproduced in the Galerie chret., abridgment of Crespin, ii. 266-269. Melanchthon wrote, in the name of the theologians assembled at Worms, an earnest appeal to the same monarch, on the 1st of Dec, 1557. Opera Mel. (Bretschneider), ix. 383-385.]

[Footnote 659: Hist. eccles., i. 89. Galerie chretienne, ii. 270.]

[Footnote 660: See Dulaure's plan of Paris under Francis I. Hist. de Paris, Atlas.]

[Footnote 661: The date is fixed as well by the Reg. of Parliament (cf. infra), as by a passage in a letter of Calvin to the Marquis of Vico, of July 19, 1558 (Lettres franc., Bonnet, ii. 212), in which the psalm-singing is alluded to as having occurred "about two months ago"—"il y a environ deux moys."]

[Footnote 662: De Thou, ii. 578.]

[Footnote 663: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 90. How large a body of Parisians took part in these demonstrations appears from the Registers of Parliament. On the 17th of May, 1558, the Bishop of Paris reported to parliament that he had given orders to find out "les autheurs des assemblees qui se sont faictes ces jours icy, tant au pre aux Clercs, que par les rues de cette ville de Paris, et a grandes troupes de personnes, tant escolliers, gentilshommes, damoiselles que autres chantans a haute voix chansons et pseaumes de David en Francois." On the following day the procureur general was directed to inquire into the "monopoles, conventicules et assembees illicites, qui se font chacun jour en divers quartiers et fauxbourgs de cette ville de Paris, tant d'hommes que de femmes, dont la pluspart sont en armes, et chantent publiquement a haute voix chansons concernant le faict de la religion, et tendant a sedition et commotion populaire, et perturbation du repos et tranquillite publique." Reg. of Parl., apud Felibien, Hist. de Paris, Preuves, iv. 783. The charge of carrying arms seems to have been true only so far that the "gentilshommes" wore their swords as usual.]

[Footnote 664: La Place, Commentaires de l'estat, etc., p. 9; De Thou, ii. 563.]

[Footnote 665: Hist. eccles. de Bretagne depuis la reformation jusqu'a l'edit de Nantes, par Philippe Le Noir, Sieur de Crevain. Published from the MS. in the library of Rennes, by B. Vaurigaud, Nantes, 1851, 2-17.]

[Footnote 666: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 91.]

[Footnote 667: Ib., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 668: De Thou, ii. 566, 567; Hist. eccles., ubi supra; La Place, Commentaires de l'estat, pp. 9, 10; Calvin, Lettres franc. (July 19th), ii. 212, 213.]

[Footnote 669: The closing words of this letter, written probably in May, 1558, and published for the first time in the Bull. de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr. (1854), iii. 243-245, from the MS. belonging to the late Col. Henri Tronchin, are so brave and so loyal, that the reader will readily excuse their insertion: "Et ce que je vous demande, Sire, n'est point, graces a Dieu, pour crainte de la mort, et moins encore pour desir que j'aye de recouvrer ma liberte, car je n'ay rien si cher que je n'abandonne fort voluntiers pour le salut de mon ame et la gloire de mon Dieu. Mais, toutefois, la perplexite ou je suis de vous vouloir satisfaire et rendre le service que je vous doibs, et ne le pouvoir faire en cela avec seurete de ma conscience, me travaille et serre le cueur tellement que pour m'en delivrer j'ay este contrainct de vous faire ceste tres humble requeste."]

[Footnote 670: Cf. Calvin's letter to the Marq. of Vico, July 19, 1558. Bonnet, Lettres franc., ii. 213, 214: "Sa femme luy monstrant son ventre pour l'esmouvoir a compassion du fruict qu'elle portoit."]

[Footnote 671: Among the many important services which the French Protestant Historical Society has rendered, the rescue from oblivion of the interesting correspondence relating to D'Andelot's imprisonment merits to be reckoned by no means the least (Bulletin, iii. 238-255). Even the graphic narrative of the Histoire ecclesiastique fails to give the vivid impression conveyed by a perusal of these eight documents emanating from the pens of D'Andelot, Macar (one of the pastors at Paris), and Calvin. The dates of these letters, in connection with a statement in the Hist. eccles., fix the imprisonment of D'Andelot as lasting from May to July, 1558. A month later Calvin wrote to Garnier: "D'Andelot, the nephew of the constable, has basely deceived our expectations. After having given proofs of invincible constancy, in a moment of weakness he consented to go to mass, if the king absolutely insisted on his doing so. He declared publicly, indeed, that he thus acted against his inclinations; he has nevertheless exposed the gospel to great disgrace. He now implores our forgiveness for this offence.... This, at least, is praiseworthy in him, that he avoids the court, and openly declares that he had never abandoned his principles." Letter of Aug. 29th, Bonnet, Eng. tr., iii. 460; see also Ath. Coquerel, Precis de l'histoire de l'egl. ref. de Paris, Pieces historiques, pp. xxii.-lxxvi.; twenty-one letters of Macar belonging to 1558. If the reformers condemned D'Andelot's concession, Paul the Fourth, on the other hand, regarded his escape from the estrapade as proof positive that not only Henry, but even the Cardinal of Lorraine, was lukewarm in the defence of the faith! Read the following misspelt sentences from a letter of Card. La Bourdaisiere, the French envoy to Rome, to the constable (Feb. 25, 1559), now among the MSS. of the National Library of Paris. The Pope had sent expressly for the ambassador: "Il me declara que cestoit pour me dire quil sebayssoit grandement comme sa mageste ne faysoit autre compte de punyr les hereticques de son Royaume et que limpunite de monsieur dandelot donnoit une tres mauvayse reputation a sadicte mageste devant laquelle ledict Sr. dandelot avoit confesse destre sacramentayre et qui leust (qu 'il l'eut) mene tout droit au feu comme il meritoit ... que monsieur le cardinal de Lorrayne, lequel sa Sainctete a fait son Inquisiteur, ne se sauroit excuser quil nayt grandement failly ayant laysse perdre une si belle occasion dun exemple si salutayre et qui luy pouvoit porter tant dhonneur et de reputation, mais quil monstre bien que luy mesme favorise les hereticques, dautant que lors que ce scandale advynt, il estoit seul pres du roy, sans que personne luy peust resister ne l'empescher duser de la puyssance que sadicte Sainctete luy a donnee." Of course, Paul could not let pass unimproved so fair an opportunity for repeating the trite warning that subversion of kingdoms and other dire calamities follow in the train of "mutation of religion." The punishment of D'Andelot, however, to which he often returned in his conversation, the Pontiff evidently regarded as a thing to be executed rather than spoken about, and he therefore begged the French ambassador to write the letter to the king in his own cipher, and advise him "to let no one in the world see his letter." Whereupon Card. La Bourdaisiere rather irreverently observes: "Je croy que le bonhomme pense que le roy dechiffre luy mesme ses lettres!" a supposition singularly absurd in the case of Henry, who hated business of every kind. La Bourdaisiere conceived it, on the other hand, to be for his own interest to take the first opportunity to give private information of the entire conversation to the constable, D'Andelot's uncle, and to advise him that it would go hard with his nephew, should he fall into Paul's hands ("quil feroit un mauvais parti sil le tenoit"). Soldan, Gesch. des Prot. in Frank., i. (appendix), 607, 608; Bulletin de l'histoire du prot. francais, xxvii. (1878), 103, 104.]

[Footnote 672: Letter of Calvin, Aug. 29, 1558, Bonnet, Eng. tr., iii. 460.]

[Footnote 673: De Thou (liv. 20), ii. 568, etc., 576, etc.]

[Footnote 674: Prescott, Philip II., i. 268-270, has described the straits in which Philip found himself in consequence of the deplorable state of his finances. Henry was compelled to resort to desperate schemes to procure the necessary funds. As early as February, 1554—a year before the truce of Vaucelles—he published an edict commanding all the inhabitants of Paris to send in an account of the silver plate they possessed. Finding that it amounted to 350,000 livres, he ordered his officers to take and convert it into money, which he retained, giving the owners twelve per cent. as interest on the compulsory loan. They were informed, and were doubtless gratified to learn, that the measure was not only one of urgency, but also precautionary—lest the necessity should arise for the seizure of the plate, without compensation, it may be presumed. Reg. des ordon., apud Felibien, H. de Paris, preuves, v. 287-290.]

[Footnote 675: Prescott, Philip the Second, i. 270.]

[Footnote 676: De Thou, ii. 584, 585, 660, etc.]

[Footnote 677: More than one hundred thousand lives and forty millions crowns of gold, if we may believe the Memoires de Vieilleville, ii. 408, 409. "Quod multo sanguine, pecunia incredibili, spatio multorum annorum Galli acquisierant, uno die magna cum ignominia tradiderunt," says the papal nuncio, Santa Croce, De civil. Gall. diss. com., 1437. See, however, Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, Am. tr., p. 127.]

[Footnote 678: Mem. de Vieilleville, ubi supra. The text of the treaty is given in Recueil gen. des anc. lois francaises, xiii. 515, etc., and in Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v. pt. 1, pp. 34, etc.; the treaty between France and England, with scrupulous exactness, as usual, in Dr. P. Forbes, State Papers, i. 68, etc.]

[Footnote 679: The prevalent sentiment in France is strongly expressed by Brantome, by the memoirs of Vieilleville, of Du Villars, of Tavannes, etc. "La paix honteuse fut dommageable," says Tavannes; "les associez y furent trahis, les capitaines abandonnez a leurs ennemis, le sang, la vie de tant de Francais negligee, cent cinquante forteresses rendues, pour tirer de prison un vieillard connestable, et se descharger de deux filles de France." Mem. de Gaspard de Saulx, seign. de Tavannes, ii. 242. Du Villars represents the Duke of Guise as remonstrating with Henry for giving up in a moment more than he could have lost in thirty years, and as offering to guard the least considerable city among the many he surrendered against all the Spanish troops: "Mettez-moy dedans la pire ville de celles que vous voulez rendre, je la conserveray plus glorieusement sur la bresche, etc." (Ed. Petitot, ii. 267, liv. 10). But the duke's own brother was one of the commissioners; and Soldan affirms the existence of a letter from Guise to Nevers (of March 27, 1559) in the National Library, fully establishing that the duke and the cardinal understood and were pleased with the substance of the treaty (Soldan, Gesch. des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 266, note).]

[Footnote 680: "Henricus rex se propterea quacumque ratione pacem inire voluisse dicebat, 'quod intelligeret, regnum Franciae ad heresim declinare, magnumque in numerum venisse, ita ut, si diutius diferret, neque ipsius conscientiae, neque regni tranquillitati prospiceret: ... se propterea ad quasvis pacis conditiones descendisse, ut regnum haereticis ac malis hominibus purgaret.' Haec ab eo satis frigide et cum pudore dicebantur." Santa Croce, De civil. Gall. diss. comment., 1437.]

[Footnote 681: Ibid., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 682: "Selon l'article secret de la paix," says Tavannes (Mem., ii. 247, Ed. Petitot), "les heretiques furent bruslez en France, plus par crainte qu'ils ne suivissent l'exemple des revoltez d'Allemagne, que pour la religion." But, it may be asked, was there anything novel in this? It had needed no secret article, for a generation back, to conduct a "Christaudin" to the flames.]

[Footnote 683: The English commissioners, Killigrew and Jones, in a despatch written eight or nine months later, express the current belief respecting the wide scope of the persecution: "Wheras, upon the making of the late peace, there was an appoinctement made betwene the late Pope, the French King, and the King of Spaine, for the joigning of their forces together for the suppression of religion; it is said, that this King mindethe shortly to send to this new Pope [Pius IV.], for the renewing of the same league; th' end wherof was to constraine the rest of christiendome, being protestants, to receive the Pope's authorite and his religion; and therupon to call a generall counsaill." Letter from Blois, January 6, 1559/60, Forbes, State Papers, i. 296.]

[Footnote 684: "Voila," says Agrippa d'Aubigne, "les conventions d'une paix en effect pour les royaumes de France et d'Espagne, en apparence de toute la Chrestiente, glorieuse aux Espagnols, desaventageuse aux Francois, redoutable aux Reformez: car comme toutes les difficultez qui se presenterent au traicte estoient estouffees par le desir de repurger l'eglise, ainsi, apres la paix establie, les Princes qui par elle avoient repos du dehors, travaillerent par emulation a qui traitteroit plus rudement ceux qu'on appeloit Heretiques: et de la nasquit l'ample subject de 40 ans de guerre monstrueuse." Histoire universelle, liv. i., c. xviii. p. 46.]

[Footnote 685: "Mais quand estant en France j'eus entendu de la propre bouche du Roy Henry, que le Duc d'Alve traictoit des moyens pour exterminer tous les suspects de la Religion en France, en ce Pays et par toute la Chrestiente, et que ledit Sieur Roy (qui pensoit, que comme j'avois este l'un des commis pour le Traicte de la Paix, avois eu communication en si grandes affaires, que je fusse aussi de cette partie) m'eust declare le fond du Conseil du Roy d'Espaigne et du Duc d'Alve: pour n'estre envers Sa Majeste en desestime, comme si on m'eust voulu cacher quelque chose, je respondis en sorte que ledit Sieur Roy ne perdit point cette opinion, ce qui luy donna occasion de m'en discourir asses suffisament pour entendre le fonds du project des Inquisiteurs." Apologie de Guillaume IX., Prince d'Orange, etc., Dec. 13, 1580; apud Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v., pt. 1, p. 392.]

[Footnote 686: De Thou, ii. (liv. xxii.), 653.]

[Footnote 687: "De nostre coste nous ne scavons pas si nous sommes loing des coups; tant y a que nous sommes menassez par-dessus tout le reste." Calvin to the Church of Paris, June 29, 1559. Lettres franc., ii. 282, 283. On the next day the author of the threats was mortally wounded in the tournament.]

[Footnote 688: The Duke of Alva gives all the details of this remarkable negotiation in a letter to Philip, June 26, 1559, now among the Papiers de Simancas, ser. B., Leg. no. 62-140, which M. Mignet has printed in his valuable series of articles reviewing the Collection of Calvin's French Letters by M. Bonnet, published in the Journal des Savants, 1857, pp. 171, 172. An extract, without date, from a MS. in the Library at Turin, seems to refer to this time: "Le roi (Henri II.) declare criminels de lese-majeste tous ceux qui auront quelque commerce avec Geneve, ou en recevront lettres. Cette ville est cause de tous les malheurs de la France, et il la poursuivra a outrance pour la reduire. Il promet secours de gens de pied et de cheval au duc de Savoie, et vient d'obtenir du pape un bref pour decider le roi d'Espagne. Ils vont unir leurs forces pour une si sainte enterprise." Gaberel, Hist. de l'egl. de Geneve, i. 442.]

[Footnote 689: And he did not exaggerate the importance of the crisis. The adherents of the reformed faith had become numerous, and many were restive under their protracted sufferings. "I am certainly enformid," wrote the English ambassador, Throkmorton, to Secretary Cecil (May 15, 1559), "that about the number of fifty thousand persones in Gascoigne, Guyen, Angieu, Poictiers, Normandy, and Main, have subscribed to a confession in religion conformable to that of Geneva; which they mind shortly to exhibit to the King. There be of them diverse personages of good haviour (sic): and it is said amongst the same, that after they have delivered their confession to the King, that the spiritualty of Fraunce will do all they can to procure the King, to the utter subversion of them: for which cause, they say, the spiritualty seemeth to be so glad of peaxe, for that they may have that so good an occasion to worke their feate. But," he adds, "on th' other side these men minde, in case any repressing and subversion of their religion be ment and put in execution against them, to resist to the deathe." Forbes, State Papers, i. 92.]

[Footnote 690: "Heri scriptum est ad me Lutetia.... Sorbonicos ad Regem cucurrisse et tempus ejus eonveniendi aucupatos petiisse curam inquirendorum Lutheranorum. Quum Rex respondisset: 'Se eam curam Senatui mandasse, iique respondissent, 'totam curiam Parlamenti Parisienis inquinatam esse,' iracunde intulisse, 'quid vultis igitur faciam, aut quid consilii capiam? An ut vos in eorum locum substituam, et Rempublicam meam administretis?'" Letter of Hotman to Bullinger, Aug. 15, 1556, apud Baum, Theod. Beza, i. 294.]

[Footnote 691: "The king, however, looks on all the judges with a suspicious eye." Calvin to Garnier, Aug. 29, 1558. Bonnet, Eng. tr., iii. 460.]

[Footnote 692: Seguier, the leading jurist in the Parisian Parliament, like most of the judges that possessed much legal acumen, and all those that were inclined to tolerant sentiments, was reputed unsound in the faith. Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambassador, says of him: "One of the Presidentes of the court of Parliament, named Siggier, a verey wise man, and one whome the constable for his judgement dothe muche stay upon, is noted to be a Protestant, and of the chiefest setters forward and favorers of the rest of that courte against the cardinalles." The same accurate observer states that, of the "six score" counsellors present in the Parliamentary session which Henry attended, only "one of the Presidentes called Magistri and fourteen others were of the King and the cardinalles side, and did agree with them and condescend to the punishment of suche as shuld seme to resist to the cardinalles orders devised for reformation toching religion: the said Siggier, Rancongnet, and another President, with the rest of the counsaillors, were all against the cardinalles. Whereupon it is judged," he adds, "that the House of Guise hathe taken this occasion to weaken the constable: and because they wold not directly begynne with Siggier, for feare of manifesting their practise, they have founde the meanes to cause these counsaillors to be taken; supposing, that in th' examination of them somme mater may be gathered to toche Siggier withall, and therby to overthrow him." Despatch of June 13, 1559, Forbes, State Papers, i. 127.]

[Footnote 693: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 106.]

[Footnote 694: When President Seguier was defending himself and his colleagues from the charge made by the Cardinal of Lorraine that they did not punish the heretics, and alleged as proof the fact that only three accused of "Lutheranism" remained in their prison, the cardinal rejoined: "Voire, vous les avez expediez en les renvoyant devant leurs evesques! Vrayement voyla une belle expedition, a ceux mesmes qui out faict profession de leur foy devant vous, tout au contraire de la saincte eglise de Rome!" Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la rel. et rep., p. 11.]

[Footnote 695: "Non, non, dict-il, monsieur le president; mais vous estes cause que non seulement Poictiers, mais tout Poictou jusques au pays de Bordeaux, Tholouse, Provence, et generalement France est toute remplie de ceste vermine, qui s'augmente et pullule soubs esperance de vous." Ib., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 696: Ib., ubi supra, Hist. eccles., i. 107, 108.]

[Footnote 697: La Place, Comm. de l'estat de la rel. et rep., p 12.]

[Footnote 698: Idem. Serranus, de statu, etc., i., fol. 14.]

[Footnote 699: "There is another consideration of the proceadings of these maters, whiche (savyng your Majestie's correction) in myne opinion, is as great as the rest: ... that forasmuch as the multitude of Protestantes, being spred abrode in sundry partes of this realme in diverse congregations, ment now amiddes of all these triumphes to use the meane of somme nobleman to exhibit to the King their confession (wherof your Majeste shall receive a copie herwithal) to th' intent the same mighte have bene openly notified to the world; the King being lothe, that at the arrivall here of the Duke of Savoy, the Duke of Alva, and others, these maters shuld have appeared so farre forward, hathe thought good before hande, for the daunting of suche as might have semed to be doers therin, to prevent their purpose by handeling of these counsaillors in this sorte." Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, June 13, 1559, Forbes, State Papers, i. 128.]