One of the characteristics of these Latin fathers is their fondness for using the famous words of the old Roman religion, but in new senses. They inherit that Roman love for a strong technical word of pregnant meaning which has left us so many imperishable legacies in terminology. Municipium, colonia, imperium, collegium, rise in one's mind the moment the subject is mentioned; and a few minutes' thought will reveal another score of words which in various forms pervade all our modern European terminology. So, too, with the language of religion. These Latin advocates of Christian doctrine took the old words which we have so often dwelt on in the course of these lectures, and gave them new but almost equally clear and pregnant meanings. Let us glance at three or four of these; for such a legacy as this is no mean property of the Christian religion of the West.

Let us take, to begin with, the greatest of all these words—religio. I have maintained throughout these lectures that the original sense of this word was the natural feeling of man in the presence of the supernatural; and though this has actually been questioned since I began them,[967] I see no good reason to alter my conviction. But in the age of Cicero and Lucretius the word begins to take on a different meaning, of great importance for the future. Though Cicero as a young man had defined religio as "the feeling of the presence of a higher or divine nature, which prompts man to worship,—to cura et caerimonia,"[968] yet later on in life he uses it with much freedom of that cura et caerimonia apart from the feeling. To take a single example among many: in a passage in his de Legibus he says that to worship private or strange or foreign gods, "confusionem habet religionum";[969] and again he calls his own imaginary ius divinum in that treatise a constitutio religionum, a system of religious duties.[970] In many other passages, on the other hand, we find both the feeling which prompts and the cult-acts which follow on it equally connoted by the word; for example, the phrase religio sepulcrorum suggests quite as much the feeling as the ritual. So it would seem that religio is already beginning to pass into the sense in which we still use it—i.e., the feeling which suggests worship, and the forms under which we perform that worship. In this broad sense it is also used by Lucretius, who included under it all that was for him the world's evil and folly, both the feeling of awe which he believed to be degrading, and the organised worship of the family and the State, which he no less firmly believed to be futile. "Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum."[971] The fact is that in that age, when the old local character of the cults was disappearing, and when men like Posidonius, Varro, and Cicero were thinking and writing about the nature of the gods and kindred subjects, a word was wanted to gather up and express all this religious side of human life and experience: it must be a word without a definite technical meaning, and such a word was religio.

Thus while religio continues to express the feeling only or the cult only, if called on to do so, it gains in the age of Cicero a more comprehensive connotation, as the result of the contemplation of religion by philosophy as a thing apart from itself; and this enabled the early Christian writers, who knew their Cicero well, to give it a meaning in which it is still in use among all European nations.

But there was yet to be a real change in the meaning of the word, one that was inevitable, as the contrast between Christianity and other religions called for emphasis. The second century A.D. was that in which the competition was keenest between various religious creeds and forms, each with its own vitality, and each clearly marked off from the others. It is no longer a question of religion as a whole, contemplated by a critical or a sympathetic philosophy; the question is, which creed or form is to be the true and the victorious religion. Our wonderful word again adapts itself to the situation. Each separate religious system can now be called a religio. The old polytheistic system can now be called religio Deorum by the Christian, while his own creed is religio Dei. In the Octavius of Minucius Felix, written about the end of the second century, the word is already used in this sense. Nostra religio, vera religio,[972] is for him the whole Christian faith and practice as it stood then—the depth of feeling and the acts which gave it outward form. The one true religion can thus be now expressed by the word. In Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, in the third century A.D., this new sense is to be found on almost every page, but a single noble passage of Lactantius must suffice to illustrate it. "The heathen sacrifice," he says, "and leave all their religion in the temple; thus it is that such religiones cannot make men good or firm in their faith. But 'nostra religio eo firma est et solida et immutabilis, quia mentem ipsam pro sacrificio habet, quia tota in animo colentis est.'"[973]

Here at last we come upon a force of meaning which the word had never before attained. Religio here is not awe only or cult only, but a mental devotion capable of building up character. "The kingdom of God is within you." Surely this is a valuable legacy to the Christian faith from our hard, dry, old Roman religion.

Another legacy in words is that of pius. Our English word "pious" has suffered some damage from the sanctimoniousness of a certain type of Puritanism; but piety still remains sweet and wholesome, and, like its Latin original in the middle ages it seems to express one beautiful aspect of the Christian life better than any other word. In the old Roman religion pius meant the man who strictly conforms his life to the ius divinum; this we know from the very definite ancient explanations of its contrary, impius. The impius is the man who wilfully breaks the ius divinum and the pax deorum; for him no piaculum was of avail.[974] Such a crime is the nearest approach in Roman antiquity to our idea of sin. Pius is therefore, as we saw in discussing Aeneas, the man who knows the will of the gods, and so far as in him lies adjusts his conduct thereto, whether in the life of the family or as a citizen of the State. As applied to things, to a war for example, the word pium is almost equivalent to iustum or purum, i.e., pium bellum is a war declared and conducted in accordance with the principles of the ius divinum.[975] Pietas is therefore a virtue, that of obedience to the will of God as shown in private and public life, and it herein differs from religio, which is not a virtue, but a feeling. But we need not be surprised to find that in Lactantius pietas can be used to explain religio; for religio is no longer a feeling only or a cult only, but, as we saw just now, a mental devotion capable of building up character. In one passage he says that it is no true philosophy which "veram religionem, id est summam pietatem, non habet."[976] In another interesting chapter he shows plainly enough that he uses pietas just as he uses religio, to express the whole Christian mental furniture.[977] He begins by scornfully pointing to Aeneas as the typical pius, and asking what we are to think of the pietas of a man who could bind the hands of prisoners in order to slaughter them as a sacrifice to the shade of Pallas[978] (little dreaming, indeed, that Christian piety should ever be guilty of such slaughter in the cause of the faith); and ends by asking, "What, then, is pietas? Surely it is with those who know not war; who keep at peace with all men; who love their enemies and count all men their brethren; who can control their anger and curb all mental wilfulness." And once again, pietas is the main ingredient in iustitia, that is, in Christian righteousness, for "pietas nihil aliud est quam Dei notio." Even here it is not so far removed from its old meaning; but in a Christian writer it can mean conformity to the will of God, based on a real knowledge of Him, in a sense which shows us by a sudden illuminating flash the deep gulf set between the old religion and the new.

Another word, bequeathed in this case rather by the Latin language than the Roman religion, in which it held no strictly technical meaning, is sanctus, which has played so large a part in the terminology of the Catholic Church, and passed thence into the language of Puritanism for the living Christian, as in Baxter's famous book, The Saints' Rest. The exact meaning of sanctus is extremely difficult to fix, and this may be why it was found to be a convenient word for a type of character negative rather than positive. The lawyers defined it as meaning what is sancitum by the State,[979] without tracing it back to a time when the State was a religious as well as a civil entity. But there was beyond doubt a religious flavour in it from the beginning, as in other old Italian words connected with it; and thus it seems to be able to express a certain conjunction of religious and moral purity which finally brought it into the hands of the Christian writers. A single verse of Virgil will serve to explain what I mean. Turnus, before he rushes forth to meet his death at Aeneas' hand, and knowing that he is to meet it, asks the Manes to be good to him, "quoniam superis aversa voluntas," for—

sancta ad vos anima atque istius nescia culpae descendam magnorum haud unquam indignus avorum.[980]

He goes to the shades with a conscience clear of guilt or of impietas; as the ancient scholiast interprets the word, it is equivalent to incorrupta.[981] In this sense it became one of the favourite superlatives to describe in sepulchral inscriptions, pagan or Christian, the purity of departed women and children.[982]

Lastly, we have the great word sacer, with its compounds sacrificium and sacramentum. The adjective itself has no new or special significance, I think, in the language of the early Christians, and in our Teutonic languages the Roman sense of it, "that which is made over to God," is expressed by the word holy, sacred being retained in a general sense for that which is not "common." But sacrificium, the act of making a thing, animate or inanimate, or yourself, as in devotio, over to the gods, is indeed a great legacy on which I do not need to dwell. Sacramentum, on the other hand, needs a word of explanation.

Sacramentum in Roman public law meant (1) a legal formula (legis actio), under which a sum of money was deposited, originally in a temple,[983] to be forfeited by the loser in a suit. The deposition in loco sacro gives the word to the process, and helps us to see that it must mean some act which has a religious sanction. So with (2) its other meaning, i.e. the oath of obedience taken by the soldier, who was iuratus in verba, that is, sworn under a formula with a religious sanction attached.[984] It is tempting to suppose that it is through this channel that it found its way into the Christian vocabulary—the soldier of Christ affirming his allegiance in the solemn rites of baptism, marriage, or the Eucharist. It is a curious fact that it seems to be used in this way in the religion of Mithras,[985] which was especially powerful among the Roman legions of the Empire, and in which there was a grade of the faithful with the title of milites. Sacramentum was here the word for the initiatory rites of a grade. In the earliest Christian writers of Latin it usually means a mystery; thus Arnobius writes of the Christian religion as revealing the "veritatis absconditae sacramenta";[986] but in another passage the idea in his mind seems to be that of military service. It is better, he says, for Christians to break their worldly contracts, even of marriage, than to break the fides Christiana, "et salutaris militiae sacramenta deponere;"[987] and Tertullian more than once attaches the same military meaning to it: "Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi iam tunc cum in verba sacramenti spopondimus."[988] Perhaps we may take it that the word, though of general significance for a religiously binding force produced by certain mysterious rites, had a special attraction for writers of the painful third century A.D., as reflecting into the Christian life from old Roman times something of the spirit of the duty and self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary. In any case we have once more a verbal legacy of priceless value.[989]

To sum up what I have been saying, there were certain ingredients in the Roman soil, deposits of the Roman religious experience, which were in their several ways favourable to the growth of a new plant. There were also certain direct legacies from the old Roman religion, of which Christianity could dispose with profit, in the shape of forms of ritual, and, what was even of greater value, words of real significance in the old religion, which were destined to become of permanent and priceless value in the Christian speech of the western nations. There were also other points in the society and organisation of the Roman Empire which were of great importance for the growth of the new creed; but these lie outside my proper subject, and have been dealt with by Professor Gardner in the lecture to which I alluded at the beginning of this lecture, and most instructively by Sir W. M. Ramsay in more than one of his books, and especially in St. Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen.

And yet, all this taken together, so far from explaining Christianity, does not help us much in getting to understand even the conditions under which it grew into men's minds as a new power in the life of the world. The plant, though grown in soil which had borne other crops, was wholly new in structure and vital principle. I say this deliberately, after spending so many years on the study of the religion of the Romans, and making myself acquainted in some measure with the religions of other peoples. The essential difference, as it appears to me as a student of the history of religion, is this, that whereas the connection between religion and morality has so far been a loose one,—at Rome, indeed, so loose, that many have refused to believe in its existence,—the new religion was itself morality,[990] but morality consecrated and raised to a higher power than it had ever yet reached. It becomes active instead of passive; mere good nature is replaced by a doctrine of universal love; pietas, the sense of duty in outward things, becomes an enthusiasm embracing all humanity, consecrated by such an appeal to the conscience as there never had been in the world before—the appeal to the life and death of the divine Master.

This is what is meant, if I am not mistaken, by the great contrast so often and so vividly drawn by St. Paul between the spirit and the flesh, between the children of light and the children of darkness, between the sleep or the death of the world and the waking to life in Christ, between the blameless and the harmless sons of God and the crooked and perverse generation among whom they shine as lights in the world. I confess that I never realised this contrast fully or intelligently until I read through the Pauline Epistles from beginning to end with a special historical object in view. It is useful to be familiar with the life and literature of the two preceding centuries, if only to be able the better to realise, in passing to St. Paul, a Roman citizen, a man of education and experience, the great gulf fixed between the old and the new as he himself saw it.

But historical knowledge, knowledge of the Roman society of the day, study of the Roman religious experience, cannot do more than give us a little help; they cannot reveal the secret. History can explain the progress of morality, but it cannot explain its consecration. With St. Paul the contrast is not merely one of good and bad, but of the spirit and the flesh, of life and death. No mere contemplation of the world around him could have kindled the fervency of spirit with which this contrast is by him conceived and expressed. Absolute devotion to the life and death of the Master, apart even from His work and teaching (of which, indeed, St. Paul says little), this alone can explain it. The love of Christ is the entirely new power that has come into the world;[991] not merely as a new type of morality, but as "a Divine influence transfiguring human nature in a universal love." The passion of St. Paul's appeal lies in the consecration of every detail of it by reference to the life and death of his Master; and the great contrast is for him not as with the Stoics, between the universal law of Nature and those who rebel against it; not as with Lucretius, between the blind victims of religio and the indefatigable student of the rerum natura; not, as in the Aeneid, between the man who bows to the decrees of fate, destiny, God, or whatever we choose to call it, and the wilful rebel, victim of his own passions; not, as in the Roman State and family, between the man who performs religious duties and the man who wilfully neglects them—between pius and impius; but between the universal law of love, focussed and concentrated in the love of Christ, and the sleep, the darkness, the death of a world that will not recognise it.

I will conclude these lectures with one practical illustration of this great contrast, which will carry us back for a moment to the ritual of the old Roman ius divinum. That ritual, we saw, consisted mainly of sacrifice and prayer, the two apparently inseparable from each other. I pointed out that though the efficacy of the whole process was believed to depend on the strictest adherence to prescribed forms, whether of actions or words, the prayers, when we first meet with them, have got beyond the region of charm or spell, and are cast in the language of petition; they show clearly a sense of the dependence of man on the Power manifesting itself in the universe. There was here, perhaps, a germ of religious development; but it was arrested in its growth by the formalisation of the whole Roman religious system, and no substitute was to be found for it either in the imported Greek ritual, or in the more enlightening doctrines of exotic Greek philosophy. The prayers used in the ritual of Augustus' great festival, which was almost as much Greek as Roman in character, seem to us as hard and formal as the most ancient Roman prayers that have come down to us. In the most emotional moments of the life of a Roman of enlightenment like Cicero, when we can truly say of him that he was touched by true religious feeling, as well as by the spiritual aspirations of the nobler Greek philosophers, prayers find no place at all.

But for St. Paul and the members of the early Christian brotherhood the whole of life was a continuous worship, and the one great feature of that worship was prayer. It has been said by a great Christian writer of recent times that "when the attention of a thinking heathen was directed to the new religion spreading in the Roman Empire, the first thing to strike him as extraordinary would be that a religion of prayer was superseding the religion of ceremonies and invocation of gods; that it encouraged all, even the most uneducated, to pray, or, in other words, to meditate and exercise the mind in self-scrutiny and contemplation of God."[992] And, as the same writer says, prayer thus became a motive power of moral renewal and inward civilisation, to which nothing else could be compared for efficacy. And more than this, it was the chief inward and spiritual means of maintaining that universal law of love, which, so far as this life was concerned, was the great secret of the new religion.

NOTES TO LECTURE XX

[956] P. Gardner, The Growth of Christianity, 1907, p. 2. Cp. some remarks of Prof. Conway in Virgil's Messianic Eclogue, p. 39 foll.

[957] The phrase "enthusiasm of humanity" is, of course, that of the author of Ecce Homo, a most inspiring book for all students of religious history, as indeed for all other readers.

[958] Dobschuetz on "Early Christian Eschatology," in Transactions of the Third Congress for the History of Religions, vol. ii. (Oxford, 1908), p. 320.

[959] The words are those of Mr. Glover in the last page of his Studies in Virgil.

[960] It should be understood that these legacies, with the exception of the last (the vocabulary), were only taken up by the Church after the first two centuries of its existence. And even the vocabulary of the early Roman Church was mainly Greek (Gwatkin, Early Church History, ii. 213), and it was not till the rise of the African school of writers (Tertullian, Arnobius, Augustine) that the Latin vocabulary really established itself. Any real assimilation of Christian and pagan forms of worship was not possible until the latter were growing meaningless; then "the assimilation of Christianity to heathenism from the third century is matter of history" (Gwatkin, i. 269).

[961] Caird, Gifford Lectures, vol. ii. p. 353, has some interesting remarks on this point.

[962] See above, p. 211.

[963] Growth of Christianity, p. 144.

[964] See Roman Festivals, p. 308.

[965] Confessions, i. 14.

[966] Westcott, Religious Thought in the West, p. 246. Gwatkin writes (vol. ii. 236) that all Augustine's conceptions are shaped by law and Stoicism. Cp. p. 237. So, too, of Tertullian.

[967] By W. Otto, in the Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft, vol. xii. (1909) p. 533 foll.

[968] De Inventione, ii. 161.

[969] De Legibus, ii. 10. 25.

[970] Ib. 10. 23.

[971] Lucretius i. 101.

[972] E.g. Octavius 38. 2; and again at the end of that chapter.

[973] Lactantius, bk. v. (de Iustitia) ch. 19. I may note here that the paragraph in the text where this is quoted was first published in the Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions (Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 174. I may also add that the restricted sense of the word religio as meaning the monastic life is, of course, comparatively late. This restrictive use of heathen words, from the third century onwards, is the subject of some valuable remarks by Prof. Gwatkin in his Early Church History, vol. i. p. 268 foll.

[974] See Roman Festivals, p. 299, and the references there given.

[975] Livy i. 32, ix. 8. 6; Wissowa, R.K. p. 476; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 56.

[976] Lactantius iv. 3 (de vera sapientia).

[977] Ib. v. (de Iustitia) ch. 10.

[978] Aen. xi. 81.

[979] Marquardt, 145, note 5.

[980] Aen. xii. 648.

[981] Servius, ad Aen. xii. 648.

[982] The original meaning of sanctus as applied to things, e.g. walls and tombs, was probably "inviolable"; Nettleship, Contributions to Latin Lexicography, s.v. "sanctus," who also suggests a connection between the word and the attitude of the Roman towards his dead: thus Cicero in Topica 90 writes of aequitas as consisting of three parts,—pietas, sanctitas, and iustitia,—meaning man's relation to the gods, the Manes, and his fellow-men. Nettleship also quotes Aen. v. 80 (salve sancte parens), Tibull. ii. 2. 6, and other passages, which show that the word was specially used of the dead and their belongings. But when used of persons living, as frequently in the last century B.C., it expresses a certain purity of life, not without a religious tincture, which could not so well be expressed by any other word, owing to the original meaning being that of religious inviolability. Thus Cicero uses it in the 9th Philippic of his old friend Sulpicius, one of the best and purest men of his time; and long before Cicero, Cato had used it of an obligation at once ethical and religious: "Maiores sanctius habuere defendi pupillos quam clientem non fallere." It is interesting to notice that it was used later on of Mithras and other oriental deities (Cumont, Mon. myst. Mithra, i. p. 533; Les Religions orientales, p. 289, note 45); in the case of Mithras, at least, this meant that his life was pure, and that he wished his worshippers to be pure also.

[983] Marquardt, p. 318, note 4; Mommsen, Strafrecht, pp. 902, 1026. See also Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 56; Festus, p. 347.

[984] Greenidge, op. cit. p. 154.

[985] Cumont, Mysterien von Mithras, p. 116 of the German edition. See also De Marchi, La Religione nella vita privata, vol. ii. 114. It may be worth noting that the idea of life as the service of a soldier bound to obedience by his oath is found also in Stoicism; see Epictetus (Arrian), Discourses, i. 14, iii. 24, 99-101, ii. 26, 28-30; (Crossley's Golden Sayings of Epictetus, Nos. 37, 125, 132, 134).

[986] Arnobius, adv. Nationes, i. 3.

[987] Ib. ii. 6.

[988] Tertull., ad Martyr. c. 3. Cp. de Corona Militiae, c. 11.

[989] It is curious that the word sacerdos did not find its way into the Christian vocabulary. Apparently it had its chance; for Tertullian uses it in several ways, e.g., "summus sacerdos" for a bishop (de Bapt. 17; "disciplina sacerdotalis," de Monog. 7. 12; and for other examples see Harnack, Entstehung und Entwickelung der Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten, 1910, p. 85). But the words finally adopted for the grades of the priesthood were Greek: bishop, priest, and deacon. Nevertheless, the general word for the priesthood, as distinguished from the laity, is Latin (ordo); hence "ordination" and holy "orders." It is not of religious origin, but taken from the language of municipal life, ordo et plebs being contrasted just as they were contrasted in municipia as senate (decuriones) and all non-official persons. See Harnack, op. cit. p. 82.

[990] This is, of course, in one light, the legitimate development of the union of religion and morality in the Hebrew mind. "For the Israelite morality, righteousness, is simply doing the will of God, which from the earliest age is assumed to be ascertainable, and indeed ascertained. The Law in its simplest form was at once the rule of morality and the revealed will of God." "The central feature of O.T. morality is its religious character" (Alexander, Ethics of St. Paul, p. 34). In the religious system we have been occupied with, religion can only be reckoned as one of the factors in the growth of morality; it supplied the sanction for some acts of righteousness, but (in historical times at least) by no means for all.

Prof. Gwatkin, in his Early Church History, vol. i. p. 54, states the relation of early Christianity to morality thus: "Christ's person, not His teaching, is the message of the Gospel. If we know anything for certain about Jesus of Nazareth, it is that He steadily claimed to be the Son of God, the Redeemer of mankind, and the ruler of the world to come, and by that claim the Gospel stands or falls. Therefore, the Lord's disciples went not forth as preachers of morality, but as witnesses of his life, and of the historic resurrection which proved his mightiest claims. Their morality is always an inference from these, never the forefront of their teaching. They seem to think that if they can only fill men with true thankfulness for the gift of life in Christ, morality will take care of itself." I cannot but think that this is expressed too strongly, or baldly; but it is in the main in keeping with the impression left on my mind by a study of St. Paul. It must, however, be remembered that the Pauline spirit is not exactly that of early Christianity in general: see Gwatkin, vol. i. p. 98. In the Didache, e.g., there is no trace of St. Paul's influence (104).

[991] In a book which had just been published when I was delivering these lectures at Edinburgh (The Ethics of St. Paul, by Archibald Alexander), I found a very interesting chapter on "The Dynamic of the New Life," p. 126 foll. The word which for the author best expresses that dynamic is faith, which is "the spring of all endeavour, the inspiration of all heroism" (p. 150). "It brings the whole life into the domain of spiritual freedom, and is the animating and energising principle of all moral purpose." What exactly is here understood by faith is explained on p. 151 to the end of the chapter, of which I may quote the concluding words: "Faith in Christ means life in Christ. And this complete yielding of self and vital union with the Saviour, this dying and rising again, is at once man's supreme ideal and the source of all moral greatness."

[992] Doellinger, The First Age of Christianity and the Church (Oxenham's translation), p. 344 foll.



APPENDIX I

ON THE USE OF HUTS OR BOOTHS IN RELIGIOUS RITUAL

This may be taken as an addendum to Lecture II. on taboo at Rome; but owing to the uncertainty of the explanation given in it, I reserved it for an Appendix. The custom here dealt with is found both in the public and private worship of the Romans, and also in Greece and elsewhere, but has never, so far as I know, been investigated by anthropologists.

On the Ides of March, at the festival of Anna Perenna, a deity explained as representing "the ring of the year," whose cult is not recognised in the ancient religious calendar, the lower population came out of the city, and lay about all day in the Campus Martius, near the Tiber. Ovid, fortunately, took the trouble to describe the scene in the third book of his Fasti, as he had witnessed it himself. Some of them, he says, lay in the open, some constructed tents, and some made rude huts of stakes and branches, stretching their togas over them to make a shelter.

plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua. sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt, sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est, pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis, desuper extentas imposuere togas. sole tamen vinoque calent, annosque precantur, quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt.[993]

It appears also from Ovid's account that there was much drunkenness and obscene language; this was, in fact, a festa very different in character from those of the Numan calendar; and that there was a magical element in the cult of the deity seems proved by the mysterious allusion to "virgineus cruor" in connection with her grove not far from this scene of revelry, in Martial iv. 64. 17 (cp. Pliny, N.H. xxviii. 78, and Columella x. 558). Tibullus describes something of the same kind at a rustic festival,[994] though he does not make it clear what time of year he is speaking of; a few lines before he had mentioned the drinking and leaping over the fire at the Parilia, the shepherd's festival in April, though I cannot feel sure that the following lines are also meant to refer to it:—

tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in herba, arboris antiquae qua levis umbra cadit, aut e veste sua tendent umbracula sertis vincta, coronatus stabit et ipse calix.

Here it is too much to suppose that the umbracula were contrived to make up for the want of shade in a country so covered with woodland as Italy was then; and the words "sertis vincta" show that there was some special meaning in the practice. I think we may guess that in both instances the extemporised huts had some forgotten religious meaning. Yet another passage of Tibullus, which also describes a rural festival, alludes to a similar custom.[995] I have given reasons in the Classical Review for thinking that this was a summer festival, accompanied as it was, like many midsummer rites all over Europe, by bonfires and revelry, though the usual interpretation ascribes it to the winter.[996]

tunc nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco, turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni, ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas.

The slaves can here hardly be playing at building houses of twigs, like the children in Horace's Satire,[997] unless we are to suppose that Tibullus is thinking of slave children only, which is indeed possible; but even if that were so, how are we to account for the popularity of this curious form of sport?

There was, however, at Rome a public summer festival, included in the calendar, in which we find this same custom. At the Neptunalia, on July 23, huts or booths were erected, made of the foliage of trees. "Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus casae frondeae pro tabernaculis," says Festus[998] (following Verrius Flaccus), where the last word is one in regular use for military tents. This is the only thing that is told us about this festival, and we may assume that even this would not have come down to us if it had not been a survival rigidly adhered to, i.e. the construction of shelters from the foliage of trees, instead of using tents, which could easily have been procured in the city. As the festival was in the hot month of July, we might suppose that shelter from the sun was the real object here; but we do not hear of it at other summer festivals, and the parallel practices I shall now mention make the rationalising explanation very doubtful. It is unlucky that we know hardly anything about the older and un-Graecised Neptunus, and nothing about his festival except this one fact; the comparative method is here our only hope.

The Jewish feast of tabernacles will, of course, occur at once to every one; this was in the heat of the summer, and the booths were here, as at the Neptunalia, made of the branches of trees;[999] the explanation given to the Israelites was not that they were thus to shelter themselves from the heat, but to be reminded of their homeless wanderings in the wilderness, plainly an aetiological account, as in the case of the passover. There are distinct examples in Greece of the same practice, e.g. the [Greek: skiades] at the Spartan Carneia,[1000] and tents ([Greek: skenai]) in several cases, as at the mysteries of Andania, where the peculiar regulations for the construction of the tents points to a ritualistic origin almost unmistakably.[1001] But perhaps the most striking parallel is to be found in the famous letter of Gregory the Great, preserved by Bede, about the British converts to Christianity, who were to be allowed to use their heathen temples as churches:

"Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere, debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die dedicationis, vel natalicii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic reliquiae ponuntur, tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant, et religiosis conviviis sollemnitatem celebrent: nec diabolo iam animalia immolent, et ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occident," etc.[1002]

Why should Gregory here take the trouble to describe the material out of which these huts were to be made? Surely because the custom was one which had been described to him by Augustine or Mellitus as part of the heathen practice, and one which he was willing to condone as harmless (possibly with a recollection of the Jewish feast), since the Britons set great store by it.

If these examples from Europe and Palestine are sufficient to suggest that there was originally a religious or mystic meaning in the custom, we must look for its explanation in anthropological research. Robertson Smith was,[1003] I think, the first to suggest a possible explanation of the Feast of Tabernacles, by comparing with it the rule, stated in Numbers xxxi. 19, that men might not enter their houses after bloodshed: "Do ye abide without the camp seven days: whosoever hath killed any person, and whosoever hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves and your captives on the third day and on the seventh day." He also pointed out that pilgrims are subject to the same rule, or taboo, in Syria and elsewhere. Since then an immense mass of evidence has been collected showing that all the world over persons in a holy or unclean state are placed under this or some similar restriction;[1004] and if this be the case with pilgrims and warriors after a battle, it may also have been so with worshippers at some particular festival, even if we are quite unable to recover the special character of the worship which produced the restriction.[1005] In the Feast of Tabernacles, which was a harvest festival, the cause seems to have been the great sanctity of the first-fruits, which are regarded with extreme veneration in many parts of the world. In the now famous festival of the first-fruits among the Natchez Indians of Louisiana, of which the details have been recorded with singular care and obvious accuracy,[1006] we find that the chief, the Great Sun, and all the celebrators, have to live in huts two miles from their village, while the corn, grown for the purpose in a particular spot, is sacramentally eaten. It is quite impossible, without further evidence, which is not likely ever to be forthcoming, to explain either the Greek, Roman, or British customs in this way; we must be content with the general principle that the holiness of human beings at particular times is liable to carry with it the practice of renouncing your own dwelling and living in an extemporised hut or booth. The tents that we hear of in the Greek rites I look upon as late developments of this primitive practice. The inscription of Andania, which is the best Greek evidence we possess, dates only from 91 B.C.; and by that time there would have been every opportunity for the rude huts to become civilised tents. The casae made by the vernae in Tibullus' poem were, I would suggest, a kind of unconscious survival of the same feeling and practice, the real religious meaning being almost entirely lost.

Lastly, I will venture to suggest that the casae of the Roman custom, made of branches at the Neptunalia and the feast of Anna Perenna, and of virgae by the slaves on the farm, are a reminiscence of the earliest form of Italian dwelling, which survived to historical times in the round temple of Vesta, and of which we have examples in the hut-urns discovered in the necropolis at Alba.[1007] The earliest form of all was probably a round structure made of branches of trees stuck into the ground, bent inwards at the top and tied together.[1008] Just as bronze instruments survived from an earlier stage of culture in some religious rites at Rome, so, I imagine, did this ancient form of dwelling, which really belongs to an age previous to that of permanent settlement and agricultural routine. The hut circles of the neolithic age, such as are abundant on Dartmoor, were probably roofed with branches supported by a central pole.[1009]

[993] Fasti, iii. 525 foll. See R.F. p. 50 foll.

[994] Tibull. ii. 5. 89 foll. Mr. Mackail has pointed out to me a passage in the Pervigilium Veneris, line 5, which seems to contain a hint of the same practice (cp. line 43).

[995] Tibull. ii. 1. 1-24.

[996] Classical Review, 1908, p. 36 foll. My conclusions were criticised by Dr. Postgate in the Classical Quarterly for 1909, p. 127.

[997] Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 247.

[998] Festus, ed. Mueller, p. 377.

[999] Leviticus xxiii. 40-42. Cp. Plutarch, Quaest. conviv. 4. 2. This was a feast of harvest and first-fruits (Exodus xxiii. 16). Nehemiah viii. 13 foll. gives a graphic account of the revival of this festival after the captivity.

[1000] Athenaeus iv. 41. 8 F. Cp. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, vol. iv., p. 260.

[1001] Dittenberger, Sylloge inscript. (ed. 2), 653, lines 34 foll. Cp. p. 200 (Teos).

[1002] Baeda, Hist. eccl. i. 30 (ed. Plummer). There is a curious case of isolation in a hut in a process by which the sacrificer of the soma in the Vedic religion becomes divine, quoted by Hubert et Mauss, Melanges, p. 34. This may possibly afford a clue to the mystery.

[1003] Religion of the Semites, notes K and N at the end of the volume.

[1004] See e.g. Frazer, G. B. ed. 2, index, s.v. "Seclusion."

[1005] It has occurred to me that the shedding of blood in animal sacrifice may possibly be the reason in some of these rites. The last words of the passage quoted above from Baeda suggest this explanation in the case of the Britons. In the first-fruits festivals the "killing of the corn" may be a parallel cause of taboo. See G. B. i. 372.

[1006] Du Pratz, translated in G. B. ii. 332 foll.

[1007] See e.g. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, p. 50 foll. Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 132. It is worth noting that in a passage quoted by Helbig, Plutarch (Numa 8) uses for some of the most ancient Roman attempts at temple building the same word by which he describes the booths at the feast of tabernacles ([Greek: kaliades]).

[1008] Whether there was in later days any special religious signification in the use of green foliage and branches I will not undertake to say, but I have been struck by the constant use of them in cases of religious seclusion, even where the person is secluded in some part of the house, and not outside it. See e.g. G. B. ii. pp. 205-214.

[1009] Prof. Anwyl, Celtic Religion (Constable's series), p. 10. Mr. Baring-Gould told Mr. Anwyl that he had seen in some of the Dartmoor circles central holes which seemed meant for the fixing of this pole. I will add here that it has occurred to me that these huts must, in one sense at least, be a survival (like other points of ritual), from the days of pastoral life, and of the migration of the Aryans. Temporary huts are characteristic of pastoral as contrasted with agricultural life, and must have been used during the wanderings, as by the Israelites. See Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples (Eng. Trans., London, 1890), p. 404.



APPENDIX II

PROF. DEUBNER'S THEORY OF THE LUPERCALIA (See pp. 34 and 106)

In the Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft, 1910, p. 481 foll., Prof. Deubner has published an interesting study of this puzzling festival, to which I wish to invite attention, though it has reached me too late for use in my earlier lectures.

It has long been clear to me that any attempt to explain the details of the Lupercalia on a single hypothesis must be a failure. If all the details belong to the same age and the same original festival, we cannot recover the key to the whole ceremonial, though we may succeed in interpreting certain features of it with some success. Is it, however, possible that these details belong to different periods,—that the whole rite, as we know it, with all the details put together from different sources of knowledge, was the result of an accretion of various features upon an original simple basis of ceremonial? Prof. Deubner answers this question in the affirmative, and works out his answer with much skill and learning.

He begins by explaining the word lupercus as derived from lupus and arceo, and meaning a "keeper off of wolves." The luperci were originally men chosen from two gentes or families to keep the wolves from the sheepfolds, in the days when the Palatine was a shepherd's settlement, and they did it by running round the base of the hill in a magical circle (if I understand him rightly). If that be so, we need not assume a deity Lupercus, nor in fact any deity at all, nor need we see in the runners a quasi-dramatic representation of wolves as vegetation-spirits, as Mannhardt proposed (see my Roman Festivals, p. 316 foll.). This view has the advantage of making the rite a simple and practical one, such as would be natural to primitive Latins; and the etymology is apparently unexceptionable, though it will doubtless be criticised, as in fact it has been long ago.

But in course of time, Prof. Deubner goes on, there came to be engrafted on this simple rite of circumambulation without reference to a deity, a festival of the rustic god Faunus; and now there was added a sacrifice of goats, which seem to have been his favourite victims (kids in Hor. Odes, iii. 18). The luperci, who had formerly run round the hill quite naked, as in many rites of the kind (see p. 491), now girt themselves with the skins of the goats, in order to increase their "religious force" in keeping away the wolves, with strength derived from the victims.

But the luperci also carried in their hands, in the festival as we know it, strips of the skins of the victims, with which they struck at women who offered themselves to the blows, in order to make them fertile. This, Prof. Deubner thinks, was a still later accretion. Life in a city had obliterated the original meaning of the rite—the keeping off wolves; but a new meaning becomes attached to it, presumably growing out of the use of the skins as magical instruments of additional force. Here, too, Juno first appears on the scene as the deity of women, for the strips were known as amicula Iunonis (R.F. 321 and note). The strips may have been substituted for something carried in the hand to drive away the wolves; the goat, it should be noted, is prominent in the cult of Juno, e.g. at Lanuvium. The mystical meaning of striking or flogging has been sufficiently explained in this instance by Mannhardt (R.F. p. 320), and is now familiar to anthropologists in other contexts.

In the period when the fertilisation of women became the leading feature of the rite, the State took up the popular festival, and it gained admittance to the religious calendar, which was drawn up for the city of the four regions (see above, Lect. IV., p. 106). The State was represented, as we learn from Ovid, by the Flamen Dialis (Fasti, ii. 282).

But we still have to account for some strange detail, which has never been satisfactorily explained in connection with the rest of the ceremony. The runners had their foreheads smeared with the blood of the victims, which was then wiped off with wool dipped in milk; after which, says Plutarch (Romulus, 21), they were obliged to laugh. These details, as Prof. Deubner remarks, seem very un-Roman; we have no parallel to them in Roman ritual, and I have remarked more than once in these lectures on the absence of the use of blood in Roman ceremonial. I have suggested that they were allowed to survive in the religion of the city-state, though actually belonging to that of a primitive population living on the site of Rome. Prof. Deubner's explanation is very different, and at first sight startling. These, he thinks, are Greek cathartic details added by Augustus when he re-organised the Lupercalia, as we may guess that he did from Suet. Aug. 31. They can all be paralleled from Greek religion. We know of them only from Plutarch, who quotes a certain Butas as writing Greek elegiacs in which they were mentioned; but of the date of this poet we know nothing. Ovid does not mention these details, nor hint at them in the stories he tells about the festival. (It is certainly possible that Augustus's revision may have been made after Ovid wrote the second book of the Fasti; it could not have been done until he became Pont. Max. in 12 B.C., and perhaps not till long after that, and the Fasti was written some time before Ovid's banishment in A.D. 9.) That Augustus should insert Greek cathartic details in the old Roman festival is certainly surprising, but not impossible. We know that in the ludi saeculares he took great pains to combine Greek with Roman ritual.

The above is a mere outline of Prof. Deubner's article, but enough, I hope, to attract the attention of English scholars to it. Whether or no it be accepted in whole or part by learned opinion, it will at least have the credit of suggesting a way in which not only the Lupercalia, but possibly other obscure rites, may be compelled ultimately to yield up their secrets.



APPENDIX III

THE PAIRS OF DEITIES IN GELLIUS xiii. 23 (see page 150)

The first paired deity mentioned by Gellius is Lua Saturni, also known as Lua Mater, of whom Dr. Frazer writes (p. 412), "In regard to Lua we know that she was spoken of as a mother, which makes it not improbable that she was also a wife." We are not surprised to find him claiming that because Vesta is addressed as Mater in the Acta Fratr. Arv. (Henzen, p. 147), that virgin deity was also married. This he does in his lectures on Kingship (p. 222), quoting Ennius and Lactantius as making Vesta mother of Saturnus and Titan. No comment on this is needed for any one conversant with Graeco-Roman religion and literature from Ennius onward. The title Mater here means simply that Vesta was to her worshippers in a maternal position: "quamvis virginem, indole tamen quadam materna praeditam fuisse nuper exposuit Preunerus," says Henzen, quoting Preuner's Hestia-Vesta, an old book but a good one (p. 333). But to return to Lua: I freely confess that I cannot explain why she was styled Mater. We only know of her, apart from the list in Gellius and one passage of Servius, from the two passages of Livy quoted without comment by Dr. Frazer. The first of these (viii. 1), which may be taken from the pontifical books, seems to let in a ray of light on her nature and function. In 338 B.C. the Volscians had been beaten, and "armorum magna vis" was found in their camp. "Ea Luae Matri se dare consul dixit, finesque hostium usque ad maritimam oram depopulatus est." That is, as I understand the words, he dedicated the enemy's spoils to the numen who was the enemy of his own crops.[1010] For if Lua be connected etymologically with lues, she may be the hurtful aspect of Saturnus, like Tursa Cerfia Cerfii Martii as Buecheler explains it (Umbrica, p. 98).

A curious passage of Servius may be quoted in support of this view, in which Luae is an almost certain correction for Lunae (see Jordan's edition of Preller's Rom. Mythol. vol. ii. p. 22). Commenting on Virgil's "Arboribusque satisque lues" (Aen. iii. 139), he writes: "quidam dicunt, diversis numinibus vel bene vel male faciendi potestatem dicatam, ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri divortia, Iunoni procreationem liberorum: sterilitatem horum tam Saturno quam Luae, hanc enim sicut Saturnum orbandi potestatem habere." Whatever Lua may originally have been, she seems to have been regarded as a power capable of working for evil in the crops and in women; if you could get her to work on your enemy's crops (cp. the excantatio, above p. 58), so much the better, and the better would her claim be to the title of Mater (but Dr. Frazer supplies us with examples of a hostile spirit being called by a family name, e.g., Grandfather Smallpox, G.B. iii. p. 98). When the consul had dedicated the spoils to her he proceeded to assist her in her functions by ravaging the crops of the enemy; thus she became later on a deity of spoils. In the Macedonian triumph of B.C. 167 we find her in company with Mars and Minerva as one of the deities to whom "spolia hostium dicare ius fasque est" (Livy xlv. 33).

I may add here that Dr. Frazer has another arrow in his quiver to prove that Saturnus was married: if Lua was not his wife (which no Roman asserts) certainly (he says) Ops was. He quotes a few words from Macrobius (i. 13. 19) in which these two are mentioned as husband and wife. If he had quoted the whole passage, his reader would have been better able to judge of the value of the writers of whom Macrobius says that they "crediderunt" that Ops was wife of Saturn. For it appears that some of them fancied that Saturnus was "a satu dictus cuius causa de caelo est"—(a desperate attempt to make the old spirit of the seed into a heaven-god), while Ops, whose name speaks for itself, was the earth. But the real companion deity to Ops was not Saturnus, but Consus. This has been placed beyond all reasonable doubt by Wissowa in his de Feriis (reprinted in Gesammelte Abhandlungen, p. 154 foll.). See also my R.F. p. 212. The names Ops and Consus obviously refer to stored corn, and everything in their cult points the same way. Saturnus' connection with Ops is a late and a mistaken one, derived from the Graecising tendency, which brought Cronos and Rhea to bear on them.

Next a word about Hora Quirini. As this coupling of names is followed by Virites Quirini, in the characteristic method explained in the text (cp. Cic. Nat. Deor. ii. 27 of Vesta, "vis eius ad aras et focos pertinet"), it is hardly necessary to comment on it. Hora is perhaps connected with Umbrian Heris (cp. Buecheler, Umbrica, index), which with kindred forms means will, willingness. Thus in "Nerienem Mavortis et Herem" (Ennius, fragm. 70, in Baehrens, Fragm. Poet. Lat.) we may see the strength and the will of Mars (cp. Herie Iunonis). Hora is also connected in legend with Hersilia (Ov. Met. 14. 829), and this helps to show how the Alexandrian erotic legend-making faculty got hold of her. But, says Dr. Frazer, Ennius regarded her as wife of Quirinus: "Teque Quirine pater veneror, Horamque Quirini" (fragm. 71 of the Annales). This is Dr. Frazer's interpretation of the words, but Ennius says nothing of conjugal relations; and even if he had, his evidence as to ancient Roman conceptions would be worthless. Ennius was not a Roman; he came from Magna Graecia; and if Dr. Frazer will read all that is said about him, e.g. in Schanz's history of Roman literature, he will allow that every statement of such a man about old Roman ideas of the divine must be regarded with suspicion and subjected to careful criticism.

Next we come to Salacia Neptuni. Of this couple Dr. Frazer says that Varro plainly implies that they were husband and wife, and that this is affirmed by Augustine, Seneca, and Servius. The accumulation of evidence seems strong; but Varro implies nothing of the kind (L.L. v. 72). He is indulging in fancy etymologies, and derives Neptunus from nubere, "quod mare terras obnubit ut nubes caelum, ab nuptu id est opertione ut antiqui, a quo nuptiae, nuptus dictus." If he had meant to make Salacia wife of Neptunus, this last sentence would surely have suggested it; but he goes on after a full stop, "Salacia Neptuni a salo." It is only the later writers, ignorant of the real nature of Roman religious ideas, who make Salacia into a wife. It is worth noting that Varro adds another feminine deity in his next sentence, Venilia, whom Virgil makes the mother of Turnus (Aen. x. 76); and Servius, commenting on this line, goes one better, and says she was identical with Salacia. Perhaps both were sea or water spirits, connected with Neptunus as famulae or anculae (see Wissowa, R.K. p. 19), but they are lost to us, and speculation is useless. In R.F. p. 186, I suggested an explanation of Salacia which I am disposed to withdraw. But for anyone wishing to study the treatment of old Roman numina by the mythologists and philosophers of the Graeco-Roman period, I would recommend an attentive reading of the whole chapter of Augustine from which Dr. Frazer quotes a few words (C.D. vii. 22); and further a careful study of the Graeco-Roman methods of fabricating myths about Roman divine names, for which he will do well to read the passages referred to by Wissowa in R.K. pp. 250 and 251, and notes.

Lastly, comes Maia Volcani. Here for once we get a fact of cult, which is a relief, after the loose and reckless statements of non-Roman and Christian writers. The flamen Volcanalis sacrificed to Maia on May 1st, which proves that there was a real and not a fancied connection between Volcanus and Maia, but certainly not that they were husband and wife. Dr. Frazer, however, quotes Cincius "on the Fasti" as (ap. Macrob. i. 12. 18) stating this, and refers us to Schanz's Gesch. der roem. Lit. for information about him. In the second edition of that work he will find a discussion of the very doubtful question as to whether the Cincius he quotes is the person whom he asserts him to be, viz., the annalist of the second Punic War. The writer of the article "Cincius" in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encycl. is very confident that the one who wrote on the Fasti lived as late as the age of Augustus. But putting that aside, what are we to make of the fact that another annalist, L. Calpurnius Piso (famous as the author of the first lex de repetundis, 149 B.C.), said that the wife of Volcanus was not Maia, but Maiestas? Piso was not a good authority (see above, p. 51), but he seems here to bring the "consort" of the fire-god into line with such expressions of activity as Moles, Virites, and so on; and it seems that as early as the second century B.C., sport and speculation with these names were beginning. I have quoted the whole pedantic passage from Macrobius in my Roman Festivals, p. 98, where the reader may enjoy it at leisure. I shall not be surprised if he comes to the conclusion that neither Macrobius nor his learned informers knew anything about Maia. When he reads that she was the mother of Mercurius, he will recollect that Mercurius was not a Roman deity of the earliest period, and did not belong to the di indigetes; and when he finds that she is identified with Bona Dea, he must not forget that that deity, as scholars are now pretty well agreed, was introduced at Rome from Tarentum in the age of the Punic Wars. The one fact we know is the sacrifice by the flamen Volcanalis on May 1. Someone went to work to explain this and another, viz. that the Ides of the month was the dedication day of the first temple of Mercurius (B.C. 495), and also the fact that the temple of the Bona Dea on the Aventine was dedicated on the Kalends. The result was an extraordinary jumble of fancy and myth, which has been recognised as such by those who have studied closely the methods of Graeco-Roman scholarship. The unwary, of course, are taken in. A student of these methods might do well to take as an exercise in criticism the three "specimens of Roman mythology" which Dr. Frazer says (p. 413) have "survived the wreck of antiquity"—the loves of Vertumnus and Pomona, of Jupiter and Juturna, of Janus and Cardea. In the last of these especially he will find one of the most audacious pieces of charming and wilful invention that a Latin poet could perpetrate, in imitation of Hellenistic love tales, and to suit the taste of a public whose education was mainly Greek.

The above lengthy note was written before I had seen von Domaszewski's paper on this subject ("Festschrift fuer O. Hirschfeld") reprinted in Abhandlungen zur roem. Religion, p. 104 foll. cp. p. 162.) His explanations are different in detail from mine, but rest on the same general principle that the names Salacia, etc., indicate functions or attributes of the male deity to whom they are attached.

[1010] For the taboo on such spoils, and their destruction, see M. S. Reinach's interesting paper "Tarpeia," in Cultes, mythes, et religions, iii. 221 foll.



APPENDIX IV

(LECTURE VIII., PAGE 169 FOLL.) IUS AND FAS

In historical times the two kinds of ius, divinum and humanum, were strongly distinguished (see Wissowa, R.K. p. 318, who quotes Gaius ii. 2: "summa itaque rerum divisio in duos articulos diducitur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani"). But it is almost certain that there was originally no such clear distinction. The general opinion of historians of Roman law is thus expressed by Cuq (Institutions juridiques des Romains, p. 54): "Le droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une portee fort restreinte. Peu a peu il a gagne du terrain, il a entrepris de reglementer des rapports qui autrefois etaient du domaine de la religion. Pendant longtemps a Rome le droit theocratique a coexiste avec le droit civil." (See also Muirhead, Introduction to Roman Law, ed. Goudy, p. 15.) Possibly the formation of an organised calendar, marking off the days belonging to the deities from those which were not so made over to them, first gave the opportunity for the gradual realisation of the thought that the set of rules under which the citizen was responsible to the divine beings was not exactly the same as that under which he was responsible to the civil authorities. The distinction took many ages to realise in all its aspects, and is not complete even under the XII. Tables or later, because the sanction for civil offences remained in great part a divine one; on this point Jhering is certainly wrong (Geist des roem. Rechts, i. 267 foll.). As Cuq remarks (p. 54, note 1), one institution of the ius divinum kept its force after the complete secularisation of law, and retains it to this day, viz. the oath.

If there was originally no distinction between religious and civil rules of law, it follows that there were originally no two distinguishing terms for them. The earliest passage in which they are distinguished as ius divinum and humanum (so far as I know) is Cicero's speech for Sestius (B.C. 56), sec. 91, quoted by Wissowa, p. 319: "domicilia coniuncta quas urbes dicimus, invento et divino iure et humano, moenibus cinxerunt." But by all British writers on Roman law, and by many foreign ones, the word fas is used as equivalent to the ius divinum, and sharply distinguished from ius. Thus the late Dr. Greenidge, in his useful work on Roman public life (p. 52 and elsewhere), makes this distinction; he writes of the rex as the chief expounder of the divine law (fas), and of the control exercised by fas over the citizen's life. Cp. Muirhead, ed. Goudy, p. 15 foll., where Mommsen is quoted thus: "Mommsen is probably near the mark when he describes the leges regiae as mostly rules of the fas." But Mommsen, like Wissowa in his Religion und Kultus, does not use the word fas, but speaks of "Sakralrecht." Sohm, on the other hand (Roman Law, trans. Ledlie, p. 15, note), compares fas with Sanscrit dharma and Greek themis, as meaning unwritten rules of divine origin, which eventually gave way before ius, as in Greece before [Greek: dikaion]. (Cp. Binder, Die Plebs, p. 501.) But it is safer in this case to leave etymology alone, and to try to discover what the Romans themselves understood by fas, which is indeed a peculiar and puzzling word. (For its possible connection with fari, effari (ager effatus), fanum, and profanum, etc., see H. Nettleship's Contributions to Latin Lexicography, s.v. "Fas.")

Fas was at all times indeclinable, and is rarely found even as an accusative, as in Virg. Aen. ix. 96:

mortaline manu factae immortale carinae fas habeant?

In the oldest examples of its use, i.e. in the ancient calendar QRCF, on March 24 and May 24, i.e. "quando rex comitiavit fas" (Varro, L.L. vi. 31), and QStDF on June 15, i.e. "Quando stercus delatum fas" (Varro, L.L. vi. 32), it is hard to say whether it is a substantive at all, and not rather an adverb like satis. So, too, in the antique language of the lex templi of Furfo (58 B.C.) we read, "Utii tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere mandare ferro oeti promovere referre fasque esto" (liceat should probably be inserted before fasque esto). See CIL. i. 603, line 7; Dessau, Inscript. Lat. selectae, ii. 1. 4906, p. 246. In these examples fas simply means that you may do certain acts without breaking religious law; it does not stand for the religious law itself. To me it looks like a technical word of the ius divinum, meaning that which it is lawful to do under it; thus a dies fastus is one on which it is lawful under that ius to perform certain acts of civil government, "sine piaculo" (Varro, L.L. vi. 29). Nefas is, therefore, in the same way a word which conveys a prohibition under the divine law. By constant juxtaposition with ius, fas came in course of time to take on the character of a substantive, and so too did its opposite nefas. The dictionaries supply many examples of its use as a substantive and as paralleled with ius, but the only one I can find that is earlier than Cicero is Terence, Hecyra, iii. 3. 27, i.e. in the work of a non-Roman.

I cannot find that it is so used by Varro, where we might naturally have expected it. Cicero does not call his imaginary ius divinum a fas, but iura religionum, constitutio religionum (de Legibus ii. 10-23, 17-32). Ius is the word always used technically of particular departments of the religious law, e.g. ius pontificium, ius augurale, and ius fetiale (CIL. i. p. 202, is preimus ius fetiale paravit). The notion that fas could mean a kind of code of religious law is probably due to Virgil's use of the word in "Quippe etiam festis quaeddam exercere diebus Fas et iura sinunt," Georg. i. 269, and to the comment of Servius, "id est, divina humanaque iura permittunt: nam ad religionem fas, ad homines iura pertinent."

It is strange to find it personified as a kind of deity in the formula of the fetiales, used when they announced the Roman demands at an enemy's frontier (Livy i. 32): "Audi Iuppiter, inquit, audite Fines (cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat), audiat Fas." Whence did Livy get this formula? We have no record of a book of the fetiales; if this came from those of the pontifices, as is probable, the formula need not be of ancient date, and the personification of Fines also suggests a doubt as to the genuineness of the whole formula.



APPENDIX V

THE WORSHIP OF SACRED UTENSILS (page 436)

There can be no doubt that some kind of worship was paid by the Arval Brethren to certain ollae, or primitive vessels of sun-baked clay used in their most ancient rites. This is attested by two inscriptions of different ages which are printed on pp. 26 and 27 of Henzen's Acta Fratrum Arvalium. After leaving their grove and entering the temple "in mensa sacrum fecerunt ollis"; and shortly afterwards, "in aedem intraverunt et ollas precati sunt." Then, to our astonishment, we read that the door of the temple was opened, and the ollae thrown down the slope in front of it. This last act seems inexplicable; but the worship finds a singular parallel in the dairy ritual of the Todas of the Nilghiri hills.

Dr. Rivers, in his work on the Todas (Macmillan, 1906, p. 453), in summing up his impressions of their worship, observes that "the attitude of worship which is undoubtedly present in the Toda mind is becoming transferred from the gods themselves to the material objects used in the service of the gods." "The religious attitude of worship is being transferred from the gods themselves to the objects round which centres the ritual of the dairy." These objects are mainly the bells of the buffaloes and the dairy vessels; and an explicit account of them, the reverence in which they are held, and the prayers in which they are mentioned, will be found in the fifth, sixth, and eighth chapters of Dr. Rivers' work, which, as an account of what seems to be a religion atrophied by over-development of ritual, is in many ways of great interest to the student of Roman religious experience. The following sentence will appeal to the readers of these Lectures:—

"The Todas seem to show us how the over-development of the ritual aspect of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas and beliefs through which the religion has been built up; and then how, in its turn, the ritual may suffer, and acts which are performed mechanically, with no living ideas behind them, may come to be performed carelessly and incompletely, while religious observances which involve trouble and discomfort may be evaded or completely neglected."

Whether the worship of the ollae was a part of the original ritual of the Brethren, or grew up after its revival by Augustus, it is impossible to determine. But if we can allow the dairy ritual of the Todas to help us in the matter, we may conclude that in any case it was not really primitive, and that it was a result of that process of over-ritualisation to which must also be ascribed the piacula caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the temple, and the three Sondergoetter Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda. (See above p. 161 foll., and Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. p. 147.)



INDEX

Acca Larentia, 67

Acolytes, 177

Adolenda, 162

Addenda Commolenda Deferunda, 162, 490

Aedes Vestae: see Vesta

Aediles, plebeian, 255

Aemilius Paulus, 340, 362, 433

Aeneid, the, 119, 206, 230, 250, 251; as a means of understanding the spirit of the Roman religion, 254; a poem of religion and morals, 409-425

Aesculapius, 260

Ager paganus: lustration, 80, 213 Romanus: lustration, 78, 100

Agriculture, the economic basis of Roman life, 99; festivals, see Festivals

Agrippa, 442, 443

Alba Longa, 109, 128

Alban Mount: Latin festival, 172; temple of Jupiter Latiaris, 237, 238, 245

Alexander, Archibald, on faith, 472

Ambarvalia, procession of the, 214, 218, 442

Amburbium, 214, 218, 332

Amulets, 42, 59, 60, 74, 84

Ancilia, 97; lustration, 96, 217; moving, 36

Angerona, 117

Animism, 65, 122, 148, 164, 287

Anna Perenna: festival, 65, 105, 346; Ovid's account of, 473

Antoninus Pius, 429

Apollo, 257, 449; cult of, 268; associated with Diana, 443, 446; with Latona, 262; the Pythian, 323; temple, 443-445; institution of Apolline games, 326

Appius Claudius, 300

Aquaelicium, ceremony of the, 50, 52

Ara, meaning of, 146

Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium 29, 230

Ara Pacis of Augustus, 177, 437, 448

Argei: festival, 36, 65; puppets thrown into the Tiber, 54, 105, 321, 322; chapels called, 321, 322

Armilustrium, 97

Army: lustration of, 96, 100, 215, 217

Arnobius, 51, 52, 459, 461, 465

Artemis, 235, 443

Arval Brethren: see Fratres Arvales

Asclepios, 260

Astrology, 396-398, 401

Ateius Capito, 441

Athene Polias, 234

Attalus, king of Pergamus, 330

Atticus, Cicero's letters to, 385

Attus Navius, soothsayer, 297

Augurium canarium, 310

Augurs, 174-176, 193, 271, 276; and the art of divination, 292-309; in relation to the Rex, 301; art strictly secret, 301; compared with pontifices, 303 lore preserved in books, 303; political importance, 305

Augustus, 35, 133, 213, 344; revival of religion, 428-447; his connection with Virgil, 428; pontifex maximus, 433; restoration of temples, 433-434; revival of ancient ritual, 434-436; restorer of the pax deorum, 438

Aurelius, Marcus, 456

Auspicia, 175, 214; in life of family, 299; in State operations, 300; indissolubly connected with imperuim, 301

Aust, on religion of the family, 68; on Roman deities, 157; on prayer, 198; on reaction against the ius divinum, 349

Aventine: plebeian quarter, 255; temples, 95, 147, 233, 234, 237, 244, 484

Axtell, Harold L., on Fortuna, 245

Bacchic rites, introduction of, 344-348

Bailey, Cyril, cited, 400

Beans, used to get rid of ghosts, 85, 107; taboo on eating, 91, 98

Bellona, connection with Mars, 166

Bibulus, 305

Binder, Dr., on the plebs, 23, 86, 242, 289, 393

Birds, used in augury, 293, 296, 299, 302

Birth, spirits invoked at, 83, 84, 164

Blood: taboo on, 33; mystic use of, 33, 34, 82; not prominent in Roman ritual, 180-181; consecration through, 194; wine as substitute for, 196

Boissier, G., 391; on the Aeneid, 414, 427

Bona Dea, 484

Bouche-Leclercq, M., on divination, 310

Boundary festivals: see Terminalia

Boundary stones, 81-82, 212; sprinkled with blood of victims, 34, 82, 196

Bulla worn by children, 60, 74

Burial places loca religiosa, 37, 385

Bussell, F. W., cited, 366, 367

Caesar, Julius: belief in spells, 59; calendar, 95; pontifex maximus, 305; and the priesthood, 343

Caesar-worship, 437, 438, 456

Caird, Professor, 357; on Reason in man, 368, 373

Cakes: honey, 82; sacred, 83, 130, 141, 180, 183, 184, 274, 449; see also Salt-cake

Calendar, the ancient religious, 12, 14, 34, 38, 55, 65, 217, 225; described, 94-109; in relation to agricultural life, 100-102, 282, 295; festivals necessarily fixed, 102; a matter of routine, 103; its psychological result, 104-105; a document of religious law, 106; exclusion of the barbarous and grotesque, 107; attributed to Numa Pompilius, 108 Julian, 95

Calpurnius Piso, L.: see Piso

Camilli and camillae, 177, 195

Campus Martius, 34, 447; lustrum of censors, 203, 210, 215, 219

Cannae, religious panic after the battle of, 319

Cantorelli, on the annales maximi, 290

Capitolium, 238, 239, 246, 339; Carmen saeculare sung, 444-445; temples, 95, 115, 146, 203, 239, 242, 245, 254, 266, 433, 443, 447

Caprotinae, Nonae, 143

Cardea, 76; connection with Janus, 485

Caristia, 418, 457

Carmen, meaning of, 186; used at siege of Carthage, 206, 219 Arvale, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436 used by Attiedii, 187 saeculare, 431, 432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451 Saliare, 186

Carmenta, 36, 122, 297

Carmentalia, 98

Carna, 117

Carter, J. B., on cult-titles, 153; on the Latins, 229-230; on Castor-cult, 232, 244; on Diana, 236; on Fortuna, 245; on Hercules, 231; on Janus, 141; on Juno, 144; on the Manes, 386; on Mars, 133; on Poseidon-Neptune, 260

Cassius Hemina, 349, 356

Castor and Pollux, 231, 244; temple, 231, 244

Cato, the Censor, 121, 132, 182-184, 251, 296, 298, 340

Catullus, on death, 387

Censors, lustrum of the, 203, 210, 215, 219

Census, 215, 218

Cerealia, 100, 121, 269

Ceres, 100, 121, 139, 161, 162, 260, 435, 446; temple, 255, 269

Cerfius, or Cerus, 158

Chaldeans, 296; expelled from Rome, 397, 402

Charms, 59-62; see also Amulets

Chickens, sacred, as omens, 314, 315

Children: purificatory rites, 28; naming of, 28-29, 42; amulets and bulla worn by, 42, 60, 74, 84; dedication of, 204-205

Christianity, early: contributions from the Roman religion, 452-467; the Greek and Latin fathers compared, 458-459; its relation to morality, 471

Cicero, 58, 178, 296, 309; on religiousness of the Romans, 249-250; on Titus Coruncanius, 281-282; on divination, 299, 312; on interest of the gods in human affairs, 360; on Stoicism, 365-368, 377; on relation of man to God, 370; affected by revival of Pythagoreanism, 381, 383, 389; turns to mysticism, 384, 388; his letters to Atticus, 385; his Somnium Scipionis, 383, 386, 412; belief in a future life, 389; definition of religio, 460

Claudius, Emperor, 309, 438

Claudius Pulcher, P., 315 Quadrigarius, 39

Cleanthes, hymn of, 368, 377

Clusius (or Clusivius), cult-title of Janus, 126

Coinquenda, 162

Colonia, religious rites at founding of, 170

Compitalia, 61, 78, 81, 88, 102

Concordia, 285

Conditor, 161

Confarreatio, marriage by, 83, 130, 274

Coniuratio, 347, 348, 356

Consolatio, 388

Constantius, 430

Consualia, 101, 139

Consuls, annual ceremony at the Capitoline temple, 203, 219, 239-240

Consus, 285; connection with Ops, 482

Convector, 161

Conway, Professor, on Quirinus and Quirites, 143

Cook, A. B., on Jupiter, 128, 141; on Janus, 140; on Quirinus and Quirites, 143

Corn deities, Greek, 255, 259

Corpus Inscriptionum, 13, 201

Coruncanius, Titus, 271, 279, 281, 290

Coulanges, Fustel de, on the Lar, 77

Crawley, Mr., on the fatherhood of gods, 157; on religion and morality, 227, 242

Cremation, 382, 395, 398, 401

Crooke, Mr., on luck in odd numbers, 98

Cult-titles, invention of, 153

Cumont, Professor, on the religion of the Romans, 2; on Jupiter, 246

Cunina, 159

Cuq, on civil and religious law, 486

Cura et caerimonia, Cicero's expression, 81, 104, 106, 108, 145, 162, 170, 270, 282, 343, 434, 460

Curia, 138

Curiatius, 126

Cynics, the, 372

Days, lucky and unlucky, 38-41; see also Dies

De Marchi, on votive offerings, 201, 202

Dea Dia, 146; description of rites, 435-436; veneration for utensils used, 436; temple, 161, 436

Dead: disposal of the, 45, 84, 121, 395, 401; cult, 91, 102, 457, 470; festivals, 40, 112, 418; contrast between Lemuria and Parentalia, 107, 393-395

Decemviri, 259, 317, 318, 326

Decius Mus, self-sacrifice of, 206-207, 220, 286, 320

Deities, Roman: see also Numen and Spirits; sources of our knowledge of, 114-115; mental conception of the Romans regarding, 115-117, 122-123, 139-140, 145, 147, 157, 224-225; di indigetes, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214; functional spirits with will-power, 119; the four great gods, 124-134; epithets of Pater and Mater applied to, 137, 155-157; the question of marriage, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485; fluctuation between male and female, 148-149; nomenclature, 118, 149-156, 163; compared with Greek gods, 158; presence of, at meals, 172-173, 193; introduction of new, 96, 229-242, 255-262; women's, see Women

Delphic oracle consulted during Hannibalic war, 323-324, 326

Demeter, 255; supersession of Ceres by, 100

Deubner, Professor, his theory of the Lupercalia, 138, 478-480

Devotio, 206-209, 219-221; formula, 207-208, 220; sacrificial nature, 207, 220

Di Manes: see Manes

Di Penates: see Penates

Diana: associated with Janus, 76, 125, 166; connection with Artemis, 235, 443; with Apollo, 443, 446; with Hercules, 262; functions, 234-236; temples, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244

Dies comitiales, 103 endotercisi, 181 fasti, 98, 103, 181 lustricus, 28, 42, 90 nefasti, 38, 40, 98, 103, 181 postriduani, 39, 40 religiosi, 38-40, 105

Dieterich, on disposal of the dead, 401

Dill, Professor, on Roman worship, 200

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 130, 193, 215, 234, 250

Dionysus: identified with Liber, 255, 344; ritual, in Greece, 344-345; outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy, 344

Dis, black victims sacrificed to, 440

Dius Fidius, connection with Jupiter, 130, 142

Divination, 56, 180; a universal instinct of human nature, 292, 306; connection with magic, 293, 310; views on the origin of, 293; formalised by State authorities, 295, 300; private, 295; quack diviners, 296-298; auspicia of family religion, 298-300; public, 301; duties of the Rex, 302; lore preserved in books, 303; divination by lightning, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309; no lasting value in sphere of religion, 306; a clog on progress, 307; sinister influence of Etruscan divination on Rome, 307

Dobschuetz, on Christianity, 455

Dogs: sacrifices: see Sacrifices

Dolabella, Cornelius, 342

Doellinger, Dr., on the Flamen Dialis, 112; on prayer, 468

Domaszewski, von, cited, 99, 110, 154, 167; definition of numen, 119; on the cult epithets of Janus, 140; on Juno, 144; on evolution of dei out of functional numina, 165

Duhn, Professor von, cited, 31, 89

Dynamic theory of sacrifice, 177, 184, 190, 194

Earthquakes, expiation of, 339

Eilithyia, Greek deity of childbirth, 442, 446, 449

Ennius, cited, 65, 152, 183, 298, 322, 350, 351, 356

Epictetus, 369, 372

Epicurism, 352, 358, 360, 361, 375, 376, 381, 404, 453

Epicurus, 359

Epulum Iovis: see Jupiter

Equirria, 96, 99, 217

Eschatology, Christian: preparation of the Roman mind for, 454

Esquiline, 87, 395

Etruscans, 17; domination in Rome, 237, 239, 245, 258; art of divination, 299, 304; sinister influence on Rome, 307, 346, 347, 391

Evil spirits, 11, 29, 75, 76, 84, 93; wolf's fat as a charm against, 90

Evocatio, 58, 206

Excantatio, 58, 482

Extipicina, Etruscan rite of, 180

Fabius Pictor, 161, 261, 318, 320, 323, 326

Falacer, 122

Family (familia): origin and meaning of, 70, 86; religion in the, 68, 70, 73, 92, 116, 224, 226-228, 251, 270, 274, 298-300; description of the house, 72-73, 87; its holy places, 73; spirits of the household: see Spirits; the Lar familiaris, 77; position of slaves, 78; religio terminorum, 82; marriage, 83; childbirth, 83; burial of the dead, 73, 92; maintenance of the sacra, 274-275

Fanum, meaning of, 146

Far, sacred cakes of, 45, 83, 130, 141, 180, 274

Farnell, Dr., cited, 19, 27, 160, 161, 205; on the vow of the ver sacrum, 219; on Dionysiac ritual, 345, 355

Farreus, connection with Jupiter, 130

Fas, early usage of, 487-488

Fasti: see Calendar

Faunalia, 137

Faunus, 81, 89, 297, 479; connection with Lupercalia, 117

Februum, meaning of, 210, 222

Feretrius, cult-title of Jupiter: see Jupiter

Feriae Iovis, 129 Latinae, 40, 61, 172

Feronia, 284, 318

Ferrero, on the Carmen saeculare, 431, 450; on the ludi saeculares, 440

Fertility, customs to produce, 100, 106, 143, 210, 222, 479

Festivals, 78-81, 97, 105; agricultural, 34, 82, 98, 100, 120; harvest, 98, 101, 121; vintage, 100, 129; of the dead: see Dead; Latin festival on Alban mount, 172; in calendar, necessarily fixed, 95, 99, 102; women's: see Women

Festus, 33, 61, 141, 217

Fetiales, 31, 130, 143, 157, 251, 434, 488

Fides, 154, 446, 450; connection with Jupiter, 167

Fig-tree: sprouting of, on roof of temple, 162; piacula offered to various deities, 436, 490

Flamen Cerealis, 161, 163 Dialis, 32, 112, 124, 129, 193, 239, 246, 327, 342, 479; insignia, 177; taboos on, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343 Martialis, 124, 131, 142, 341 Quirinalis, 124, 131, 134, 139, 142, 181, 197, 342, 434 Volcanalis, 484

Flamines, 113, 122, 123, 175, 193, 280, 341, 434; insignia, 177; personal purity essential, 178, 195

Flaminica Dialis, 135, 144; insignia, 177; taboos on, 35-36

Flaminius, 315, 317, 338, 340

Flora, 122

Fons, 117, 285

Forculus, the door spirit, 76

Fordicidia, 100, 120, 121

Fornacalia, 173

Fortuna (Fors Fortuna), 201, 235, 245, 284, 297, 396, 401

Forum Boarium, human sacrifices, 112, 320

Fratres Arvales: Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 161, 213, 435; altar, 164; carmen, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436; ritual of, 35, 100, 146, 149, 157, 162, 182, 191, 195, 213; revived by Augustus, 434; duties of the Brethren, 435; worship of sacred utensils, 489-490 Attiedii, 157, 187, 215

Frazer, Dr. J. G., his definition of religion, 8; his theory of divine kingship, 19, 20, 49, 51, 52, 115, 128, 140; on totemism, 25, 26; on taboo, 30, 34, 47; on oscilla, 61, 62, 67; on the Parilia, 100, 222; on marriage of gods, 144, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 165, 350, 481-485; on cult of Jupiter, 167; on appointment of camillae, 177, 195; on Diana, 235; on superstition, 264

Fulgur, cult-title of Jupiter, 129

Furrina, 18, 117, 122

Gallus, Aelius, on religiosum, 37

Games instituted to divert attention in times of trouble, 262-263; Apolline, 326; see also Ludi

Gardner, Professor E., cited, 355

Gardner, Professor P., on Christianity, 452; on prayers for the dead, 457; cited, 465

Gellius, Aulus, on the conjunction of divine names, 150-152; story of Scipio, 240; on religiousness of the Romans, 250

Genius: the male principle of life, 30, 92, 154, 317, 332; of the paterfamilias, 30; doubtful identification of Hercules with, 30; in combination with Hercules and Juventas, 332; Juno the feminine counterpart of, 87

Gennep, M. van, on taboo, 42, 44; on religious ceremonies, 65, 90, 442; on lustrations, 211, 212

Gentes, 69, 259

Georgics, the religious spirit of the, 407

Ghosts, 75, 85, 91, 92, 107

Gilds, trade, 230

Glover, Mr., on Christianity, 456

God, as represented in the Aeneid, 426

Gods: see Deities

Gratitude, not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, 252, 267

Greek comedy, influence on Roman religion, 351-353 gods, compared with Roman, 158; introduced into Rome, 230-242 literature, 296 philosophy, influence on Roman religion, 357-375

Greenidge, Dr., on the auspicia and the imperium, 301

Gregory the Great, 475

Gwatkin, Professor, on Augustine, 469; on the relation of early Christianity to morality, 471

Haddon, Professor, on supernaturalism, 21

Hades, 390, 391

Hannibalic War: revival of religio, 315, 317; Sibylline books consulted, 316-319, 329; sacrifices and offerings made to deities, 318; religious panic after battle of Cannae, 319; human sacrifices, 320; Delphic oracle consulted, 323, 324, 326; outbreak of lascivia, 324; institutio$1 $2 Apolline games, 326; religious history of last years, 327-329; gratitude to deities, 329; the Magna Mater of Pessinus brought to Rome, 330

Hardie, Professor, and the double altar in connection with funeral rites, 425

Hariolus, 297, 298, 311

Harrison, Miss, on covering the head at sacrifices, 195

Haruspices, 296, 313, 337, 338, 397; history of the, 307-309

Hebe, 332

Heinze, on the Aeneid, 413-415, 419, 426, 427

Heitland, Mr., on Bacchanalia, 346, 356

Heracleitus, 257

Hercules: associated with Diana, 262; with Juno, 17; in combination with Juventas and Genius, 317, 332; doubtful identification with Genius, 30; identified with the Greek Heracles, 230, 243; Victor or Invictus, 230, 231, 236, 243, 244; cult of, 231, 244; festival, 243; worship confined to men, 29

Hermes, 260

Hirtzel, Mr., cited, 426

Homer, religion of, compared with that of Roman patricians, 392

Honey cakes, 82

Honos et Virtus, 285, 446; temple, 328

Horace, 81, 299, 403, 405; Carmen saeculare, 431-432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451

Hora Quirini, 482-483

Horses: lustrations, 96, 215; races, 97; sacrifice of, see Sacrifices

Howerth, Ira W., his definition of religion, 8

Hubert et Mauss, on magic, 64, 65; on sacrifice, 190, 194, 195, 198

Human sacrifice, 33, 44, 107, 112, 226, 320, 440

Hut-urns, sepulchral, 87, 477

Huts or booths, use of, in religious ritual, 473-477

Huvelin, M., on magic, 64

Ides, 39, 65, 95, 251, 484; sacred to Jupiter, 129

Iguvium: ritual, 22, 138, 181, 197; lustration of the arx, 187, 214, 215; of the people, 31, 208, 215-216

Images and statues of gods, 146, 147, 165, 239, 262, 264, 336, 337; statue of Athene, 355

Immortality, belief in, 69, 386-387, 389, 424

Imporcitor, 161

Inauguratio of the priest-king Numa, 174-175, 193

Incense, 164, 180, 330, 458

Indigetes, di, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214

Indigitamenta, 76, 84, 88, 130, 138, 153, 159-161, 163, 165, 168, 281, 286, 291

Individualism, growth of, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456

Innocent, Bishop of Rome, 309

Iron, tabooed in religious ceremonies, 32, 35, 45, 214

Isis: religion, 455, 456; temple, 433

Ius, early usage of, 486-487 augurale, 296 civile, 5, 169; and the ius divinum, 58, 276-279 divinum, 13, 24, 33, 38, 49, 68, 104, 106, 107, 128, 146, 227, 228, 241, 271-273, 286, 287, 296, 345; and the ius civile, 58, 276-279; ritual, 169-191, 467; the pontifical books the pharmacopoeia of, 286; decay and neglect, 203, 314, 327, 352, 353; reaction against, 324, 340-344, 348; Augustan revival, 429 hospitii, 31, 32 Manium, 387

Janus: the door spirit, 76, 127, 146; bifrons of the Forum, 77; speculations regarding, 125, 140, 141; cult-titles, 126; worship, 183, 212; connection with Cardea, 485; with Diana, 76, 125, 166; with Juno, 126, 135; with Vesta, 140, 145; temple, 126

Jebb, Professor, on poetry of the Greeks, 424

Jevons, Dr., 19; on totemism, 26; on taboo, 28, 41; on magic, 48, 186; on priests, 176

Jews, proselytising, expelled from Rome, 139 B.C., 397, 402

Jhering, von, on origin of Roman divination, 293, 294, 311

Jordan, H., 13; on pairing of deities, 152

Junius, 315

Juno, 121, 479; Caprotina, 143; Curitis, 144; Moneta, 135; Populonia, 144; Regina, (of Ardea) 318, (of the Aventine) 318, 329, (of Veii) 135, 206, 284; Sospita, 318, 354; connection with Hercules, 17; with Janus, 126, 135; with Jupiter, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446; one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237; representative of female principle, 17, 87, 135, 144; temples, 135, 172, 237, 328, 329, 354

Junonius, cult-title of Janus, 126

Jupiter, 115, 118, 124, 127, 128, 141, 143, 147, 159, 183, 212; difference between Jupiter and Zeus, 141; connection with Diana, 76; with Dius Fidius, 130, 142, 167, 450; with Juno, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446; with Juturna, 485; with Tellus, 121; with Terminus, 82; Capitolinus, 120, 129, 204, 205, 237, 238, 240, 241, 318, 319, 333, 367; Dapalis, 141; Elicius, 36, 50-52, 129, 137; Fagutalis, 141; Farreus, 130; Feretrius, 129, 433; Fulgur, 129; Grabovius, 187; Latiaris, 237, 238; Lucetius, 129; Sabazius, 402; Summanus, 129; one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 172, 237, 336; cult at Praeneste, 167; cult-titles Optimus Maximus, 129, 238; Ides sacred to, 129; worshipped on Alban Mount, 109, 128, 172; epulum Iovis, 172, 263, 268, 336, 338, 353; temples, 95, 115, 129, 146, 172, 237-238, 241, 245, 246, 254, 266, 433, 443

Juturna, 284, 285; connection with Jupiter, 485

Juventas, in combination with Genius and Hercules, 317, 332

Kalends, 39, 95, 126, 135, 251, 484

Kobbert, Maximilianus, on religio, 46

Kronos, identified with Saturnus, 118

Lactantius, 156, 165, 388, 459, 461, 462, 469

Lang, Mr., 19; cited in connection with the calendar of Numa, 105

Lapis: see Stones

Laralia: see Compitalia

Larentia, Acca, 67

Lar familiaris, 77, 78, 92, 251

Lares compitales, 61, 117, 132, 186

Latin Festival: see Feriae Latinae

Latins, the, 10, 23, 25, 86, 123, 130, 172, 193, 229

Latona, associated with Apollo, 262

Laughing, in ritual of Lupercalia, 106, 111

Laurel branches carried in procession, 265

Lawson, J. C., on burial and cremation, 91, 400, 401

Leather, tabooed in the worship of Carmenta, 36

Lecky, Mr., on Stoicism, 362, 377

Lectisternium, 263-266, 268, 317-319, 327

Leges regiae, connection with the ius divinum, 272

Leland, C. G., 67

Lemuria, 40, 85, 98, 107, 401; compared with the Parentalia, 393-395

Lepidus, pontifex maximus, 433, 438

Liber, 158, 260, 332; identified with Dionysus, 255, 344; temple, 255

Libera, 260; identified with Persephone, 255

Liberalia, 332

Libitina, 159

Licinius Imbrex, 151

Licinius, P., pontifex maximus, 342

Lightning, divination by, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309

Limentinus, spirit of the threshold, 76

Livius Andronicus, 328

Livy, cited, 170, 174, 204, 205, 216, 217, 252, 261, 264, 269, 280, 300, 316, 324, 405; on Bacchanalia, 346-348

Lua, 165, 481, 482

Lucaria, 98

Lucetius, cult-title of Jupiter, 129

Lucilius, 156, 183

Lucretius, cited, 352, 359, 360, 376, 387, 394, 396, 403-406, 453; his contempt for superstitio, 361, 367; on Roman belief in Hades, 390; his use of religio, 460

Lucus, meaning of, 146

Ludi, 44, 95, 122, 204: see also Games magni, vowed to Jupiter during Hannibalic war, 319, 333 saeculares, 34, 431, 480; prayers used in, 198, 468; ritual described, 438-447; discovery of inscriptions, 439 scenici, 261, 263, 350

Lupercalia, 20, 34, 53, 65, 106, 118, 179, 194, 210, 393; whipping to produce fertility, 54, 479; Prof. Deubner's theory, 137, 478-480

Luperci, 34, 54, 106, 434, 479

Lupercus, 478

Lustrations: meaning of lustrare, 209-210; lustration of the ager paganus, 80, 213; of the ager Romanus, 78, 100; of ancilia, 96, 217; of the army, 96, 100, 215, 217; of the arx of Iguvium, 187, 199; of cattle and sheep, 100; of the city, 214, 317; of the farm, 132, 212; of horses, 96, 215; of people, 31, 216; of trumpets, 96, 215; animistic conception of, 211; ultimately adapted by Roman Church to its own ritual, 211, 218, 457

Luthard, on Roman religion, 288

Macrobius, cited, 28, 196, 206, 208, 219, 220, 484

Macte esto, meaning of the phrase, 182, 183, 197, 442

Magic: allied to taboo, 27, 47; contagious and homoeopathic, 48; and divination, 293, 309; harmless, 59; prayers and incantations, 185, 186, 198; private, 57, 68; in purificatory processes, 210; and religion, 47-49, 56, 224, 253; rigorously excluded from State ritual, 49, 57, 105, 107, 224; sympathetic, 50, 55

Magna Mater of Pessinus, brought to Rome, 330, 344, 348

Maia, 165, 166; connection with Volcanus, 151, 484

Maiestas, 151, 484

Mana, the positive aspect of taboo, 27, 30, 42, 48, 60

Manes, 39, 50, 75, 85, 92, 102, 106, 121, 208, 320, 341, 391, 392; individualisation of, 386; Di Manes, 341, 386

Mania, mother of the Lares, 61

Manilius, his poem on astrology, 396

Mannhardt, his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, 19-20, 478; on laughing in ritual of the Lupercalia, 111-112

Marcellus, 315, 328

Marcius, Latin oracles supposed to be written by, 326

Marcius Rex, praetor, 339

Marcus Aurelius, 369, 429

Marett, Mr., on taboo, 42, 45; on sacrificium, 192; on divination, 310

Marquardt, on Roman religion, 13, 16; on naming of children, 42

Marriage: a religious ceremony, 83, 177, 274, 279; Tellus an object of worship at, 121; among deities, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485

Mars, 124, 129, 147, 204, 208, 215, 246, 319; various forms of his name, 131; as a married god, 150-152, 166; invocations to, 186, 212; connection with Bellona, 166; with Nerio, 150-151, 166; with Quirinus, 134, 150; pater, 212; Silvanus, 29, 132, 142; cult of, 132-134; festival, 96-97; temple, 133

Martianus Capella, 308

Masson, Dr., 357, 395; on Roman fear of future torments, 391

Mastarna, Etruscan name of Servius Tullus, 237, 246

Masurius Sabinus, 90

Matutinus, cult-title of Janus, 126

Meals, sacrificial, 172, 173, 193, 436; epulum Iovis: see under Jupiter

Megalesia, 330

Mens, 285

Mercurius (Hermes), 260, 262, 268, 484

Messor, 161

Mildew, spirit of the: see Robigus

Minerva, one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237; name Italian, not Etruscan, 234, 245; associated with trade gilds, 233, 234, 236; Capta, 284; temples, 172, 233, 234, 244

Minium, faces painted with, 82, 115, 336

Minucius Felix, 461

Mithras, religion of, 455, 456, 464

Moirae (Parcae), 442, 446

Mola salsa: see Salt-cake

Moles, 150, 154, 158

Mommsen, cited, 200, 440; and the religion of the Romans, 2; on the Fasti anni Romani, 95, 96, 111; on Carmen saeculare, 444

Mucius Scaevola: see Scaevola

Murus, 94

Mysticism, 380-398, 404; in the form of astrology, 396, 401; not native to the Roman, 454

Neo-Pythagoreanism: see Mysticism

Neptunalia, 474

Neptunus, 117; identified with Poseidon, 118, 260; connection with Salacia, 150, 483; with Mercurius, 262

Nerio: connection with Mars, 150-151, 166; meaning of Nerio Martis, 150, 154

Nettleship, Professor, on the phrase macte esto, 197; on the character of Aeneas, 410, 427; on sanctus, 470

Nigidius Figulus, 299, 384, 397

Nones, 39, 95, 251; Nonae Caprotinae, 143

Numa Pompilius, priest-king: Livy's account of his inauguratio, 174-175; legends, 108, 115, 170, 180, 233, 322; Calendar described, 92-109; spurious books found in stone coffin, 349, 381

Numbers, mystic, 98, 328, 334, 441, 449

Numen, 34, 111, 250, 264, 364, 365, 367, 407; meaning of the word, 118; von Domaszewski's definition of, 119; evolution of dei out of functional numina, 165; see also Spirits and Deities

Oak-gods, 125, 129, 141, 143

Oaths: connection of Castor and Pollux with, 232; of Hercules, 231; of Jupiter, 130; taken in open air, 141-142; the religious, in public life, 358, 375; used by women, 244; taboo on, 343, 355

Oberator, 161

October horse, 20, 34, 65, 106; sacrifice of, 45, 105, 179

Odd numbers, luck in, 98

Ollae, worship of, 489-490

Opalia, 101

Opiconsiva, 101

Ops, 156; connection with Consus, 482; with Saturnus, 482

Oracles, 339, 354; see also Delphic oracle

Orcus, 166; the old name for the abode of the Manes, 391, 392; sacrifice of captives to, 44

Orosius, 333

Orphic doctrine, 381; tablets, 398

Oscilla, 61, 67; Dr. Frazer's theory, 61; see also Puppets

Otto, W., on connection of religio with practice of taboo, 46

Ovid, on Roman gods, 22; his picture of the Sementivae, 79, 80; rite of pagus, 82; on the Lemuria, 107, 112, 394; on Janus, 125; on images of gods, 147; on the Robigalia, 181, 196, 197, 434; on meals at sacrifices, 193; on the word februum, 210; on annual ceremony by consuls, 219; on the festival of Anna Perenna, 346, 473

Paganalia, 61, 62, 67, 102

Pagus: the familia in relation to, 71; meaning of the word, 87; festival of the Lar, 78; other festivals, 79; the religio terminorum, 81-82; lustrations of the, 213, 214

Pais, on Acca Larentia, 67; on the Tarquinii and Mastarna, 245

Palatine: Carmen saeculare sung on the, 443-447, 450; temple of Apollo, 443-445

Pales, 122, 149

Panaetius: and the Scipionic circle, 363-364, 453; his theology, 365; and Platonic psychology, 382, 398

Pantheism, Stoic, 366-368

Papirius, the consul, 314, 315, 331

Parentalia, 40, 107, 387, 401, 418, 457; compared with the Lemuria, 393-395

Parilia, 100, 120, 193, 222, 474

Pater and Mater, as applied to deities, 155-157

Patricians, 259, 304; religious system a monopoly of, 229

Patulcius, cult-title of Janus, 126

Pax (deity), 446, 451

Pax deorum, 169, 224, 261, 264, 272, 276, 286, 302, 328, 329; means towards maintenance of, 171, 180, 273, 300; violation of, 320; re-established by Augustus, 429, 431, 433

Pebble-rain, 316, 329, 332

Penates, 73, 74, 86, 92, 116, 193

Persephone, 255

Peter, R., on Indigitamenta, 160

Petronius, on ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64

Philodemus, 359, 375

Picus, 297

Pietas, 174, 227, 250, 254, 387, 405, 409-412, 466; meaning of, 462-463; Virgil's word for religion, 412

Piso, L. Calpurnius, 51-53, 484

Pius, 63, 462; see Pietas

Plague, Sibylline books consulted at outbreak of, 261

Plato, 258, 381

Plautus, 151, 351-352

Playwrights, their influence on Roman religion, 240, 351, 353