These various classes of names are a valuable index of the varied and often remarkable conceptions held of the gods. To call a temple, for example, 'court of the world'[1410] may have been due originally to a haughty presumption on the part of some one deeply attached to some god; but such a name must also have led to regarding the god as not limited in his affections to a particular district. Whatever tendencies existed in Babylonia and Assyria towards universalistic conceptions of the divine beings were brought out in the temple names, and in part may have been advanced by these names. The custom still surviving in the Jewish Church of giving names to synagogues may be traced back to a Babylonian prototype.[1411]

The History of the Temples.

The history of the temples takes us back to the earliest period of Babylonian history, and the temples of Assyria likewise date from the small beginnings of the Assyrian power. The oldest inscriptions of Mesopotamian rulers commemorate their services as builders of temples. Naram-Sin and Sargon glory in the title 'builder of the temple of En-lil in Nippur.' Of the rulers of the first period of Babylonian history, it so happens that we know more of Gudea than of any other. We may feel certain that he but follows the example of his predecessors, in devoting so large a share of his energies to temple building. Hammurabi is an active builder of sanctuaries, and so on, through the period of Assyrian supremacy down to the closing days of the Babylonian monarchy, the thoughts of the rulers were directed towards honoring the gods by improving, restoring, rebuilding, or enlarging the sanctuaries, as well as by endowing them with rich gifts and votive offerings. The Assyrian kings, though perhaps more concerned with embellishing their palaces, do not neglect the seats of the gods. Anxious to maintain the connection between their kingdom and the old cities of the south, the Assyrian monarchs were fond of paying homage to the time-honored sanctuaries of Babylonia. This feeling, which is of course shared by the Babylonian rulers, results in bringing about the continuity of the Babylonian and Assyrian religion. If, despite the changes that the religious doctrines underwent, despite the new interpretations given to old myths and legends, despite the profound changes introduced into the relationship of the gods to one another through the systematization of the pantheon, if, despite all this, the Babylonians and Assyrians—leaders and people—continued to feel that they were following the religion of their forefathers, it was due to the maintenance of the old sanctuaries. We can actually trace the history of some of these sanctuaries for a period of over 3000 years. In their restorations, the later builders were careful not to offend the memory of their predecessors. They sought out the old dedicatory inscriptions, and took steps to preserve them. They rejoiced when they came upon the old foundation stones. In their restorations they were careful to follow original designs; and likewise in the cult, so far from deviating from established custom, they strongly emphasized their desire to restore the cult to its original character, wherever an interruption for one reason or the other had taken place. In all this, the rulers were acting in accord with the popular instincts, for the masses clung tenaciously to the old sanctuaries, as affording an unfailing means of protection against the ills and accidents of life.

To enumerate all the temples of Babylonia and Assyria would be both an impossible and a useless task. Besides those mentioned in the historical texts and in the legal literature, we have long lists of temples prepared by the pedagogues. Some of these lists have been published;[1412] others are to be found among the unpublished material in the British Museum collections.[1413] It is doubtful whether even these catalogues were exhaustive, or aimed at being so; moreover, a large number of gods are known to us only from the lists of the pedagogues.[1414] So, to mention some, taken from a valuable list[1415] which gives chiefly the names of foreign gods, together with the places where they were worshipped, we learn of such gods as Lagamal, Magarida, Lasimu, A-ishtu, Bulala, Katnu, Kannu, Kishshat, Kanishurra, Khiraitum. Knowing, as we do, that at various periods foreign deities were introduced into Babylonia and Assyria,[1416] it was necessary to make some provision for their cult; and, while no doubt most of these minor deities and foreign gods were represented only by statues placed in some temple or temple precinct, it is equally certain that some had a shrine or sanctuary of some kind specially erected in their honor. In hymns, too, deities are mentioned that are otherwise unknown. So in a litany, published by Craig,[1417] a long series of gods is introduced. Some are identical with those included in the list just referred to,[1418] others appear here for the first time, as Mishiru, Kilili Ishi-milku. Epithets also occur in lists and hymns, that appear to belong to deities otherwise unknown. We are safe, therefore, in estimating the number of temples, zikkurats, and smaller shrines in Babylonia and Assyria to have reached high into the hundreds. Sanctuaries must have covered the Euphrates Valley like a network. By virtue of the older culture of the south and the greater importance that Babylonia always enjoyed from a religious point of view, the sanctuaries of the south were much more numerous than those of the north. For our purposes, it is sufficient to indicate some of the most important of the temples of the south and north. The oldest known to us at present is the frequently mentioned temple of E-Kur at Nippur, sacred to En-lil or the older Bel. Its history can be carried back to a period beyond 4000 B.C.; how far beyond cannot be determined until the early chronology is better known than at present. We know, however, that from the time of Sargon[1419] and probably even much earlier, the rulers who had control of Nippur devoted themselves to the embellishment of the temple area. Climatic conditions necessitated frequent repairs. The temple also suffered occasionally through political tumults, but with each century the religious importance of E-Kur was increased. Ur-Bau, we have seen, about 2700 B.C., erected a zikkurat in the temple area. Some centuries later we find Bur-Sin repairing the zikkurat and adding a shrine near the main structure. As the political fortunes of Nippur varied, so E-Kur had its ups and downs. Under the Cassitic rule, an attempt was made to recover for Nippur the position which it formerly occupied, but which had now passed over to Babylon. It was of little avail. Bel had to yield to Marduk, and yet, despite the means that the priests of Marduk took to transfer Bel's prerogatives to the new head of the pantheon, the rulers would not risk the anger of Bel by a neglect of E-Kur. Kurigalzu, a king of the Cassite dynasty (c. 1400 B.C.) brings back from Elam[1420] a votive object which, originally deposited by Dungi in the Ishtar temple at Erech, was carried to Susa by an Elamitic conqueror about 900 years before Kurigalzu. The latter deposits this object not in Marduk's temple at Babylon, but in Bel's sanctuary at Nippur. During the entire Cassitic period, the kings continued to build or make repairs in the temple precinct, and almost every ruler is represented by more or less costly votive offerings made to Bel's sanctuary. In this way, we can follow the history of the temple down to the Assyrian period. In the twelfth century the religious supremacy of E-Kur yields permanently to E-Sagila. The temple is sacked, part of it is destroyed, and it was left to rulers of the north like Esarhaddon and Ashurbanabal to once more restore E-Kur and its dependencies to its former proportions. These kings, especially the latter, devote much time and energy in rebuilding the zikkurat and in erecting various buildings connected with the temple administration. Under the new Babylonian dynasty, however, E-Kur was again destroyed, and this time by the ruthless hands of southern rulers. Nebuchadnezzar, so devoted to Marduk and Nabu, appears to have regarded E-Kur as a serious rival to E-Sagila and E-Zida. Some traces of building operations at E-Kur appear to date from the Persian period, but, practically, the history of E-Kur comes to an end at the close of the seventh century. The sanctity of the place, however, remained; a portion of the old city becomes a favorite burial site, while other parts continue to be inhabited till the twelfth century of our era. The city of Bel becomes the seat of a Christian bishop, and Jewish schools take the place once occupied by the "star-gazers of Chaldea."

The history of E-Kur, so intimately bound up with political events, may be taken as an index of the fortunes that befell the other prominent sanctuaries of Babylonia.

The foundation of the Shamash temple at Sippar, and known as E-Babbara, 'the brilliant house,' can likewise be traced as far back as the days of Naram-Sin. At that time there was already a sanctuary to Anunit within the precincts of E-Babbara. Members of the Cassite dynasty devote themselves to the restoration of this sanctuary. Through a subsequent invasion of the nomads, the cult was interrupted and the great statue of Shamash destroyed. Several attempts are made to reorganize the cult, but it was left for Nabubaliddin in the tenth century to restore E-Babbara to its former prestige. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanabal, who pay homage to the old Bel at Nippur, also devote themselves to Shamash at Sippar. They restore such portions of it as had suffered from the lapse of time and from other causes. Nebuchadnezzar is obliged to rebuild parts of E-Babbara, and the last king of Babylonia, Nabonnedos, is so active in his building operations at Sippar that he arouses the anger of the priests of Babylon, who feel that their ruler is neglecting the sanctuaries of Marduk and Nabu. It is through Nabonnedos[1421] and Nabubaliddin,[1422] chiefly, that we learn many of the details of the history of E-Babbara during this long period.

Of the other important temples that date from the early period of Babylonian history, we must content ourselves with brief indications.

The temple to Shamash at Larsa, while not quite as old as that of Sippar, was quite as famous. Its name was likewise E-Babbara. It is first mentioned in the inscriptions of Ur-Bau (c. 2700 B.C.), and it continues to enjoy the favor of the rulers till the Persian conquest.[1423]

The two chief places for the moon-cult were Ur and Harran. The name of Sin's temple[1424] at the former place was E-Gish-shir-gal, 'the house of the great light'; at the latter, E-khulklul, 'the house of joys.' Around both sanctuaries, but particularly around the former, cluster sacred traditions. We have seen that the moon-cult at an early period enjoyed greater importance than sun-worship. The temples of Sin were centers of intellectual activity. It is in these places that we may expect some day to find elaborate astronomical and astrological records. Harran, indeed, does not appear at any time to have played any political role[1425] (though it was overrun occasionally by nomads), so that the significance of the place is due almost entirely to the presence of the great temple at the place. It is Nabonnedos,[1426] again, who endeavors to restore the ancient prestige of the sanctuary at Harran. E-anna, 'the lofty house,' was the name of Ishtar's famous temple at Erech. The mention of this temple in one of the creation narratives[1427] and the part played by Ishtar of Erech in the Gilgamesh epic are sufficient indications of the significance of this structure. Historical inscriptions from the earliest period to the days of Ashurbanabal and Nebuchadnezzar come to our further aid in illustrating the continued popularity of the Ishtar cult in E-anna. The Ishtar who survives in Babylonia and Assyria is practically the Ishtar of Erech,—that is, Nana.[1428]

Passing by such sanctuaries as E-shid-lam, sacred to Nergal at Cuthah, and coming to E-Sagila and E-Zida, the two great temples of Babylon and Borsippa, respectively, it is of course evident from the close connection between political development and religious supremacy, that Marduk's seat of worship occupies a unique position from the days of Hammurabi to the downfall of Babylonia. While the history of E-Sagila and E-Zida cannot be traced back further than the reign of Hammurabi, the temples themselves are considerably older. Previous to the rise of the city of Babylon as the political center, the Nabu cult in E-Zida must have been more prominent than the worship of Marduk in E-Sagila. Marduk was merely one solar deity among several, and a minor one at that, whereas the attributes of wisdom given to Nabu point to the intellectual importance that Borsippa had acquired. The Nabu cult was combined with the worship of Marduk simply because it could not be suppressed. At various times, as we have seen,[1429] Nabu formed a serious rival to Marduk, and it will be recalled that up to a late period we find Nabu given the preference to Marduk in official documents.[1430] The inseparable association of E-Sagila and E-Zida is a tribute to Nabu which, we may feel certain, the priests of Marduk did not offer willingly. But this association becomes the leading feature in the history of the two temples. To pay homage to Marduk and Nabu meant something quite different from making a pilgrimage to the seat of Bel or presenting a gift to the Shamash sanctuary at Sippar. It was an acknowledgment of Babylonia's prestige. The Assyrian rulers regarded it as both a privilege and a solemn duty to come to Babylon and invoke the protection of Marduk and Nabu. In E-Sagila the installation of the rulers over Babylonia took place, and a visit to Marduk's temple was incomplete without a pilgrimage across the river to E-Zida. The influence exerted by these two temples upon the whole course of Babylonian history from the third millennium on, can hardly be overestimated. From the schools grouped around E-Sagila and E-Zida, went forth the decrees that shaped the doctrinal development of the religion of Babylonia and Assyria. In these schools, the ancient wisdom was molded into the shape in which we find it in the literary remains of the Euphrates Valley. Here the past was interpreted and the intellectual future of the country projected. The thought of E-Sagila and E-Zida must have stored up emotions in the breast of a Babylonian and Assyrian, that can only be compared to a pious Mohammedan's enthusiasm for Mecca, or the longing of an ardent Hebrew for Jerusalem. The hymns to Marduk and Nabu voice this emotion. There is a fervency in the prayers of Nebuchadnezzar which marks them off from the somewhat perfunctory invocations of the Assyrian kings to Ashur and Ishtar. An appreciation of the position of E-Sagila and E-Zida in Babylonian history is an essential condition to an understanding of the Babylonian-Assyrian religion. The priests of Marduk could view with equanimity the rise and growth of Assyria's power. The influence of E-Sagila and E-Zida was not affected by such a shifting of the political kaleidoscope. Babylon remained the religious center of the country. When one day, a Persian conqueror—Cyrus—entered the precincts of E-Sagila, his first step was to acknowledge Marduk and Nabu as the supreme powers in the world; and the successors of Alexander continue to glory in the title 'adorner of E-Sagila and E-Zida.'[1431] With the same zeal that distinguishes a good Babylonian, Antiochus Soter hastens to connect his reign with the two temples by busying himself with their enlargement and beautification. There was no better way in which he could indicate, at the same time, his political control over the country.

One more factor contributing to the general influence of the Babylonian temples remains to be noted. In the course of time, all the great temples in the large centers became large financial establishments. The sources whence the temples derived their wealth were various. The kings both of Babylonia and Assyria took frequent occasions to endow the sanctuaries with lands or other gifts. At times, the endowment took the form of certain quantities of wine, corn, oil, fruits, and the like, for which annual provision is made; at times, the harvest derived from a piece of property is set aside for the benefit of the temple. In other ways, too, the temples acquired large holdings, through purchases of land made from the income accruing to it, and from the tithes which it became customary to collect. This property was either farmed through the authorities of the temple for the direct benefit of the sanctuary, or was rented out to private parties under favorable conditions. We learn of large bodies of laborers indentured to temples, as well as of slaves owned or controlled by the temples. These workmen were engaged for various purposes,—for building operations, for service in the fields, for working raw material, such as wool, into finished products, and much more the like. But, more than this, the temples engaged directly in commercial affairs, lending sums of money and receiving interest. In some sanctuaries, a thriving business of barter and exchange was carried on. Crops are sold, houses are rented by the temple agents, and there was scarcely an avenue of commerce into which the temples did not enter. An active business was also carried on in the manufacture and sale of idols, votive offerings, amulets, and the like. A very large number of the legal documents found in the Babylonian mounds deal with the business affairs of the temples.[1432] Such a state of affairs naturally contributed towards making the temples important establishments and towards increasing the influence of the priests over the people.

The temples of Assyria play a minor part in the religious life of rulers and people. True, grand structures were reared in Ashur, Calah, Nineveh, and Arbela, and no important step was taken by the kings without consulting Ashur, Ishtar, or Ramman through the mediation of the priests. The great cities of Assyria also become intellectual centers. The priests of Arbela created a school of theological thought, but all these efforts were but weak imitations of the example furnished by the temples of the south. Even Ashurbanabal, whose ambition was to make Nineveh the center of religious and intellectual progress, failed of his purpose. His empire soon fell to decay, and with that decay Nineveh disappears from the stage of history. Babylon and Borsippa, however, remain, and continue to hand down to succeeding generations, the wisdom of the past.

The Sacred Objects in the Temples,—Altars, Vases, Images, Basins, Ships.

The earliest altars were made of the same material as the zikkurats and sanctuaries. One found at Nippur at an exceedingly low level was of sun-dried bricks.[1433] How early this material was replaced by stone, we are not in a position to say. Gudea, who imports diorite from the Sinai Peninsula to make statues[1434] of himself, presumably uses a similar material for the sacred furnishings of his temples, though custom and conventionality may have maintained the use of the older clay material for some time. In Assyria, altars of limestone and alabaster became the prevailing types. The shape and size of the altars varied considerably. The oldest known to us, the one found at Nippur, was about twelve feet long and half as wide. The upper surface was surrounded by a rim of bitumen.[1435] Assyrian altars now in the British museum are from two to three feet high. The ornamentation of the corners of the rim of the altar led to giving the altar the appearance of horns.[1436] The base of the altar was either a solid piece with a circular or oblong plate resting on it, or the table rested on a tripod.[1437] The latter species was well adapted for being transported from place to place by the Assyrian kings, who naturally were anxious to maintain the worship of Ashur and of other gods while on their military expeditions. Much care was spent upon the ornamentation of the altars, and, if we may believe Herodotus, the great altars at Babylon were made of gold.[1438] In front of the altars stood large vases or jars of terra cotta, used for ablutions and other purposes in connection with the sacrifices. Two such jars, one behind the other, were found at Nippur. They were ornamented with rope patterns, and the depth at which they were found is an indication of the antiquity and stability of the forms of worship in the Babylonian temples. It may be proper to recall that in the Solomonic temple, likewise, there were a series of jars that stood near the great altar in the large court.[1439]

A piece of furniture to which great religious importance was attached was a great basin known as 'apsu,'—the name, it will be recalled, for 'the deep.' The name indicates that it was a symbolical representation of the domain of Ea. In Gudea's days the symbol is already known,[1440] and it continues in use to the end of the Babylonian empire. The zikkurat itself being, as we saw, an attempt to reproduce the shape of the earth, the representation of the 'apsu' would suggest itself as a natural accessory to the temple. The zikkurat and the basin together would thus become living symbols of the current cosmological conceptions. Gudea already regards the zikkurat as a symbol. To make the ascent is a virtuous deed.[1441] The thought of adding a symbol of the apsu belongs, accordingly, to the period when this view of the zikkurat was generally recognized. The shape of the 'sea' was oblong or round. It was cut of large blocks of stone and was elaborately decorated. One of the oldest[1442] has a frieze of female figures on it, holding in their outstretched hands flagons from which they pour water. In Marduk's temple we learn that there were two basins,—a larger and a smaller one. The comparison with the great 'sea' that stood in the court of Solomon's temple naturally suggests itself, and there can be little doubt that the latter is an imitation of a Babylonian model.

Another sacred object in the construction of which much care was taken was the ship in which the deity was carried in solemn procession. It is again in the inscriptions of Gudea[1443] that we come across the first mention of this ship. This ruler tells us that he built the 'beloved ship' for Nin-girsu, and gave it the name Kar-nuna-ta-uddua, the ship of 'the one that rises up out of the dam of the deep.' The ship of Nabu is of considerable size, and is fitted out with a captain and crew, has masts and compartments.[1444] The ship resembled a moon's crescent, not differing much, therefore, from the ordinary flatbottomed Babylonian boat with upturned edges. Through Nebuchadnezzar[1445] we learn that these ships were brilliantly studded with precious stones, their compartments handsomely fitted out, and that in them the gods were carried in solemn procession on the festivals celebrated in their honor.[1446] A long list[1447] of such ships shows that it was a symbol that belonged to all the great gods. The ships of Nin-lil, Ea, Marduk, Sin, Shamash, Nabu, Ninib, Bau, Nin-gal, and of others are specially mentioned. A custom of this kind of carrying the gods in ships must have originated, of course, among a maritime people. We may trace it back, therefore, to the very early period when the sacred cities of Babylonia lay on the Persian Gulf. The use of the ships also suggests, that the solemn procession of the gods was originally on water and not on land, and it is likely that this excursion of the gods symbolized some homage to the chief water-deity, Ea. However this may be, the early significance became lost, but the custom survived in Babylonia of carrying the gods about in this way. In Assyria, less wedded to ancient tradition, we find statues of the gods seated on thrones or standing upright, carried directly on the shoulders of men.[1448] In Egypt sacred ships are very common, and it is interesting to note as a survival of the old Babylonian and Egyptian custom that an annual gift sent by the khedive of Egypt to Mecca consists of a tabernacle, known as Mahmal, that presents the outlines of a ship.[1449] The ark of the Hebrews appears, similarly, to have been originally a ship of some kind.

The ships of the Babylonian gods had names given to them, just as the towers and sanctuaries had their names. The name of Nin-girsu's ship has already been mentioned. Marduk's ship was appropriately known as Ma-ku-a, 'the ship of the dwelling.'[1450] Similarly, a ship of the god Sin was called 'ship of light,' reminding one of the name of the great temple to the moon-god at Ur, 'the house of the great luminary.' The ship of Nin-gal, the consort of Sin, was called 'the lesser light.' Bau's ship was described by an epithet of the goddess as 'the ship of the brilliant offspring,' the reference being to the descent of the goddess from father Anu.[1451] These illustrations will suffice to show the dependence of the names of the ships upon the names of the temples, with this important difference, however, that the names of the ships are chosen from a closer association with the gods to whom they belong. So a ship of En-lil was known simply as 'the ship of Bel,' and the ship of Naru,[1452] the river-god, was called 'the ship of the Malku (or royal) canal'[1453]—an indication, at the same time, of the place where the cult of Naru was carried on.

The Priests and Priestesses.

At a certain stage in the religious development of a people, the priesthood is closely linked to political leadership. The earliest form of government in the Euphrates Valley is theocratic, and we can still discern some of the steps in the process that led to the differentiation of the priest from the secular ruler. To the latest times, the kings retain among their titles some[1454] which have reference to the religious functions once exercised by them. The king who continued to be regarded as the representative of a god, nominated by some deity to a lofty position of trust and power, stood nearer to the gods than his subjects. In a certain sense, the king remained the priest par excellence. Hence the prominent part played by the ruler in the religious literature of the country. A large proportion of the hymns were composed for royalty. The most elaborate ritual dealt with the endeavor to secure oracles that might serve as a guide for the rulers. Astronomical reports were made and long series of omen tablets prepared for the use of the royal household. The calendars furnished regulations for the conduct of the kings. A ceremonial error, an offence against the gods on the part of the kings, was certain of being followed by disastrous consequences for the whole country.

But even the smallest sanctuaries required some service, and it was not long before the religious interests were entrusted into the hands of those who devoted themselves to administering the affairs of the temples. The guardians of the shrines became the priests in fact, long before the priesthood of the rulers became little more than a theory; and as the temples grew to larger proportions, the service was divided up among various classes of priests.

The general name for priests was shangu, which, by a plausible etymology suggested by Jensen,[1455] indicates the function of the priest as the one who presides over the sacrifices. But this function represents only one phase of the priestly office in Babylonia, and not the most important one, by any means. For the people, the priest was primarily the one who could drive evil demons out of the body of the person smitten with disease, who could thwart the power of wizards and witches, who could ward off the attacks of mischievous spirits, or who could prognosticate the future and determine the intention or the will of the gods. The offering of sacrifices was one of the means to accomplish this end, but it is significant that many of the names used to designate the priestly classes have reference to the priest's position as the exorciser of evil spirits or his power to secure a divine oracle or to foretell the future, and not to his function as sacrificer. Such names are mashmashu, the general term for 'the charmer'; kalu, so called, perhaps, as the 'restrainer' of the demons, the one who keeps them in check; lagaru, a synonym of kalu; makhkhu, 'soothsayer'; surru, a term which is still obscure; shailu, the 'inquirer,' who obtains an oracle through the dead or through the gods; mushelu, 'necromancer'; ashipu or ishippu, 'sorcerer.'[1456] These names probably do not exhaust the various kinds of 'magicians' that were to be found among the Babylonian priests. In the eighteenth chapter of Deuteronomy, no less than eleven classes of magic workers are enumerated, and there can be little doubt but that the Pentateuchal opposition against the necromancers, sorcerers, soothsayers, and the like is aimed chiefly against Babylonish customs. We have seen in previous chapters how largely the element of magic enters into the religious rites and literature of the Babylonian-Assyrian religion and how persistent an element it is. For the masses, the priest remained essentially a mashmashu. But we have also names like ramku and nisakku, 'libation pourer,' which emphasize the sacrificial functions of the priest; and in an interesting list of temple servitors,[1457] 'the dirge singers' are introduced as a special class, and appropriately designated as munambu, 'wailer,' and lallaru, 'howler.' Of some terms in this list, like asinnu, it is doubtful whether they indicate a special class of priests or are terms for servitors in general, attached to a temple; in the case of others, like nash pilakki, 'ax carrier,' we do not know exactly of what nature the service was.[1458] Lastly, priests in their capacity as scribes[1459] and as judges[1460] formed another distinct class, though it should be noted that in Assyria we meet with scribes occasionally who are not priests.[1461]

The range thus covered by the temple service,—magic, oracles, sacrifices, the lament for the dead, and the judiciary,—is exceedingly large. The subdivisions, no doubt, varied in each center. In the smaller sanctuaries, those who offered the sacrifices may also have served as soothsayers and dirge singers, and the judicial functions may likewise have been in the same hands as those who performed other services. On the other hand, in a temple like E-Sagila the classes and subclasses must have been very numerous. Of the details of the organization we as yet know very little. There was a high priest, known as the shangam-makhu,[1462] and from the existence of a title like sur-makhu,—that is, the chief surru,[1463]—we may conclude that each class of priests had its chief likewise. With the natural tendency in ancient civilizations for professions to become vested in families, the priests in the course of time became a caste; but there is no reason to believe that entrance into this caste was only possible through the accident of birth. That instruction in the reading and writing of the cuneiform characters, and hence the introduction into the literature, was open to others than the scions of priests is shown by the presence in the legal literature of formal contracts for instruction between teachers and pupils who belong to the 'laity.' These pupils could become scribes and judges, and their standing as 'priests' represented merely the Babylonian equivalent to a modern university degree. For such service as the bewailing of the dead and as musicians, persons were initiated who were taken from various classes and likewise for the menial duties of the temples, and it is only when we come to the more distinctive priestly functions, like the exorcising of evil spirits, securing an oracle, or performing sacrifices, that the rules limiting these privileges to certain families were iron bound. As among the Hebrews and other nations, stress was laid also upon freedom from physical blemishes in the case of the priests. The leper, we learn, was not fit for the priesthood.[1464] In the astronomical reports that were spoken of in a previous chapter,[1465] there are references to the 'watches' kept by the astronomers. These watches, however, were probably not observed for astronomical purposes alone, but represent the time division, as among the Hebrews, for the temple service. There were three night watches among the Babylonians,[1466] and, in all probability, therefore, three day watches likewise. Relays of priests were appointed in the large sanctuaries for service during the continuance of each watch, and we may some day find that the Hebrews obtained their number of twenty-four priests for each 'watch' from a custom prevailing in some Babylonian temple.

An interesting feature of the Babylonian priesthood is the position occupied by the woman. In the historical texts from the days of Hammurabi onward, the references to women attached to the service of temples are not infrequent. Gudea expressly mentions the 'wailing women,' and there is every reason to believe that the female wailers, like the male ones, belong to some priestly class. Again, examples of women as exorcisers and as furnishing oracles[1467] may be instanced in Babylonia as well as in Assyria, and we have also references to female musicians as late as the days of Ashurbanabal. A specially significant role was played by the priestesses in Ishtar's temple at Erech, and probably at other places where the cult of the great mother goddess was carried on. The Ishtar priestess was known by the general term of Kadishtu,—that is, 'the holy one,'—or Ishtaritum, 'devoted to Ishtar'; but, from the various other names for the sacred harlot that we come across,[1468] it would appear that the priestesses were divided into various classes, precisely like the priests. That in the ceremonies of initiation at Erech, and perhaps elsewhere, some rites were observed that on the surface appeared obscene is eminently likely; but there is no evidence that obscene rites, as instanced by Herodotus, formed part of the regular cult of the goddess. Except in the case of the Ishtar worship, the general observation may be made that the position of the priestess is more prominent in the early period of Babylonian history than in the days when the culture and power of Babylonia and Assyria reached its zenith.

Sacrifices and Votive Offerings.

The researches of Robertson Smith[1469] and of others have shown that the oldest Semitic view of sacrifice was that of a meal, shared by the worshipper with the deity to be honored or propitiated. Dependent as we are in the case of the Babylonian-Assyrian religion for our knowledge of sacrifices upon incidental references in historical or religious texts, it is not possible to say how far the Semitic dwellers of the Euphrates Valley were influenced by the primitive conception of sacrifice. Historical and votive inscriptions and a religious literature belong to a comparatively advanced stage of culture, and earlier views of sacrifice that may have existed were necessarily modified in the process of adaptation to later conditions. The organization of an elaborate cult with priests and numerous temple servitors changes the sacrifices into a means of income for the temple. The deity's representatives receive the share originally intended for the deity himself; and, instead of sanctifying the offering to a god by contact with the sacred element fire, the temple accepts the offering for its own use. It is likely, however, that among the Babylonians, as among the Hebrews, certain parts of the animal which were not fit to eat[1470] were burned as a symbolical homage to a god. No references have as yet been found pointing to any special sanctity that was attached to the blood; but it is eminently likely that the blood was regarded at all times as the special property of the gods, and was poured on the altar. The two kinds of sacrifice—animals and vegetable products—date from the earliest period of the Babylonian religion of which we have any knowledge. In a long list of offerings, Gudea[1471] includes oxen, sheep, goats, lambs, fish, birds (as eagles, cranes,[1472] etc.), and also such products as dates, milk, and greens. From other sources we may add gazelles, date wine, butter, cream, honey, garlic, corn, herbs, oil, spices, and incense. Stress is laid upon the quality of the sacrifice.[1473] The animals must be without blemish, and if well nurtured, they would be all the more pleasing in the sight of the gods. The omission of dogs and swine is not accidental. Under that double aspect of sanctity which we find among the Babylonians as among so many nations, certain animals were too sacred to be offered, and, on the other hand, they were regarded as unclean.[1474] In treating of the omen texts we already had occasion to speak of the peculiar ideas attached to the dog by the Babylonians,[1475] and there is sufficient evidence to show that the boar likewise was viewed as a sacred animal, at least in certain parts of Babylonia.[1476] No certain traces of human sacrifices have been found, either in Babylonian literature or in artistic representations.[1477] If the rite was ever practised among the Babylonians or Assyrians it must have been at a very early period—earlier than any of which we as yet have any knowledge. On the other hand, a trace of some primitive form of tree worship may be recognized in the representation, so frequent on seal cylinders and monuments, of curious figures, in part human, in part animal, standing in front of the palm tree.[1478] The symbol belongs to Assyria as well as to Babylonia. In some of the designs the figures—human heads and bodies but furnished with large wings—appear to be in the act of artificially fertilizing the palm tree by scattering the male blossom over the female palm. This plausible interpretation first suggested by E. B. Tylor[1479] carries with it the conclusion that the importance of palm culture in the Euphrates Valley not only gave the palm the character of a sacred tree, but lent to the symbol a wider significance to a more advanced age, as illustrating fertility and blessings in general. The scene, reproduced in almost endless variations in which both trees and figures become conventionalized, came to be regarded as a symbol of adoration and worship in general. As such, it survived in religious art and continued to be pictured on seal cylinders to a late age.

The occasions on which sacrifices were brought were frequent. If the gods were to be consulted for the purpose of obtaining an oracle, elaborate offerings formed a necessary preliminary. In this case, the animals presented at the altar served a double purpose.[1480] They constituted a means of propitiating the god in favor of the petitioner, and at the same time the inspection of certain parts of the animal served as an omen in determining what was the will of the god appealed to. When the foundations were to be laid for a temple or a palace, it was especially important to secure the favor of the gods by suitable offerings, and, similarly, when a canal was to be built or any other work of a public character undertaken. Again, upon the dedication of a sacred edifice or of a palace, or upon completing the work of restoration of a temple, sheep and oxen in abundance were offered to the gods, as well as various kinds of birds and the produce of the orchards and fields. The Babylonian rulers appear to have accompanied their sacrifices on such occasions with prayers, and in a previous chapter we had occasion to discuss some of these dedicatory invocations.[1481] In the Assyrian inscriptions, prayers are specifically referred to only as being offered before setting out on an expedition, before a battle, or when the kings find themselves in distress,[1482] so that if the Babylonian custom likewise prevailed in Assyria, it did not form a necessary part of the sacrificial ritual. The sacrifice as a pure homage is illustrated by the zeal which the Assyrian kings manifest towards honoring the great temples of the south. The northern rulers were anxious at all times to reconcile the southern population to Assyrian control, and it was no doubt gratifying to the south to find Tiglathpileser II.,[1483] upon entering the ancient centers like Sippar, Nippur, Babylon, Borsippa, Cuthah, Kish, Dilbat, and Erech, proceeding to the temples in those places in order to offer his sacrifices. The example of Tiglathpileser is followed by his successors down through the time of Ashurbanabal. As often as the Assyrian monarchs may have had occasion to proceed to Babylonia—and the occasions were frequent, owing to the constant disposition of the south to throw off the hated yoke—they emphasized their devotion to Marduk, Nabu, En-lil, Shamash, and the other gods who had their seats in the south. Sargon[1484] goes so far in this homage as to pose as the reorganizer of the cults of Sippar, Nippur, Borsippa, and Babylon, and of restoring the income to temples in other places.[1485] But there was another side to this homage that must not be overlooked. By sacrificing in the Babylonian temples, the Assyrian rulers indicated their political control over the south. Such homage as they manifested was the exclusive privilege of legitimate rulers, and it was important for the Assyrians to legitimize their control over the south.

A phase of sacrifice is represented by the libations of oil and wine to which frequent references are found in the historical texts. It appears to have been customary to anoint the foundation stones of temples and palaces with oil and wine. Over the thresholds, too, and over the stones—bearing commemorative or votive inscriptions—libations of oil, honey, and wine were poured.

Nebopolassar[1486] speaks of placing sweet herbs under the walls, and Nabonnedos[1487] pours oil over the bolts and doors, as well as on the thresholds of the Shamash temple at Sippar, and fills the temple with the aroma of frankincense. Much importance was attached to this rite, and the kings take frequent occasion to adjure their successors who may in the course of restoring edifices come across stones bearing the record of former builders, to anoint these stones with oil and offer sacrifices.[1488] Thus, Nabonnedos,[1489] when he finds the inscription of Ashurbanabal in the Shamash temple at Sippar, carefully obeys the injunction. The rite bears all the marks of great antiquity. The instances of its occurrence in the Old Testament—notably in the case of Jacob's act of pouring oil over the holy stone at Bethel[1490]—confirm this view; and the interpretation for the rite suggested by Robertson Smith[1491] that the oil was originally the fat of the sacrificed animal smeared over an object or a person, as a means of investing them with sanctity, accounts satisfactorily for the invariable juxtaposition in the cuneiform texts of sacrificial offerings with the anointing of the inscribed stones.

We have no evidence that the rulers of Babylonia and Assyria were anointed with oil on their installation, though it is not improbable that such was the case. The use of the oil in this case is but a modification of the same rite, which, it is to be noted, loses some of its ancient force by the spread of the custom in the Orient of unguents as a part of the toilet.[1492] The use of odorous herbs, which, we have seen, were placed under the walls, and of honey and wine, which were poured over bolts,[1493] is also directly connected with the sacrificial cult.

The libation in its purer form appears in the custom of the Assyrian kings of pouring wine over the animal slain by them in the hunt. The act is intended to secure divine favor towards a deed which involved the destruction of something that by all ancient nations was held sacred, namely, life. Even a despot of Assyria felt that to wantonly destroy life could not be safely undertaken without making sure of the consent of the gods. Significantly enough, Ashurbanabal offers his libations after the lion or bull hunts to Ishtar as the "goddess of battle."[1494] The animal is sanctified by being devoted to a goddess, just as the victims in a battle constitute the conqueror's homage offered to the gods who came to his assistance.

Sacrifices with libations are so frequently represented on the seal cylinder that this testimony alone would suffice to vouch for the importance attached to this rite in the cult. One of the most archaic specimens of Babylonian art[1495] represents a worshipper, entirely naked, pouring a libation into a large cup which stands on an altar. Behind the altar sits a goddess who is probably A or Malkatu, the consort of the sun-god. The naked worshipper is by no means an uncommon figure in the early Babylonian art,[1496] and it would appear that at one time it was customary to remove one's garments preliminary to stepping into the god's presence, just as among the Arabs the cult of the Caaba in Mecca was conducted by the worshippers at an early period without their clothes.[1497] The custom so frequently referred to in the Old Testament to remove one's shoes upon entering sacred territory,—a custom still observed by the modern Muslim, who leaves his shoes outside of the Mosque,—may be regarded as an indication that at an earlier period people removed their garments as well as the sandals. It may be that the order to take off the sandal alone, as recorded in the Old Testament, is nothing but a euphemistic phrase (suggested by a more refined age) to strip oneself. Certainly, when we find that in the days of Saul, the seers went about naked, there can no longer be any doubt that there was a time when the Hebrews, too, like the Arabs and Babylonians, entered the holy presence naked.

The institution of daily sacrifices is vouched for in the case of the larger religious centers like Babylonia, Borsippa, Sippar, Cuthah, as well as Nineveh for the late periods. Nebuchadnezzar, for example, tells us[1498] that he provided for a sacrifice of six lambs daily in the temple E-shidlam at Cuthah, sacred to Nergal and Laz; while for Nabu's temple at Borsippa, the daily sacrifices were arranged on a still larger scale, and included two fattened bulls of perfect form, sixteen smaller animals, besides offerings of fish, birds, leek, various kinds of wine, honey, cream, and the finest oil,—all intended, as the king tells us, for the table of Nabu and his consort. No doubt the daily official sacrifices at Marduk's temple were even more elaborate. The custom of regular sacrifices in the larger temples may be traced back to an early period. The technical terms for such sacrifices are sattuku and ginu. Both terms convey the idea of being "fixed," perpetual,[1499] and suggest a comparison with the Pentateuchal institution of the tamid,[1500] i.e., the daily sacrifice. Whenever the kings in their inscriptions mention the regular sacrifices, it is in almost all cases with reference to their reinstitution of an old custom that had been allowed to fall into neglect (owing to political disturbances which always affected the temples), and not as an innovation. Innovations were limited to increasing the amounts of these regular sacrifices. So, for example, Nabubaliddin restores and increases the gine of the great temple E-babbara at Sippar.[1501] But regular sacrifices do not necessarily involve daily offerings. The same terms, ginu and sattuku, are applied frequently to monthly offerings, and except in the large religious centers, regular sacrifices were in all probabilities brought on certain days of each month, and not daily. The days thus singled out, as will be shown further on, differed for various sanctuaries. It would be important if we could determine the share in these regular sacrifices taken by the people at large, but the material at hand does not suffice for settling the question. There are frequent references to tithes in the clay tablets forming part of the archives of temples, and monthly tributes are also mentioned. We certainly may conclude from these references that the people were taxed in some way for the support of the temples. Ashurbanabal in one place speaks of reimposing upon the population of the south the provision for the sattuku and ginu due to Ashur and Belit[1502] and the gods of Assyria; but, for all that, it is not certain that the regular sacrifices at the temples partook of a popular character. One gains the impression that, except on the occasions when the people came to the sanctuaries for individual purposes, the masses as such had but comparatively little share in it. In this respect the cult of the Hebrews, which has so many points in common with the Babylonian ritual as to justify the hypothesis that the details of sacrificial regulations in the priestly code are largely derived from practices in Babylonian temples, was more democratic. Closely attached as the Babylonians were to their sanctuaries, the regular sacrifices do not appear to have been an active factor in maintaining this attachment. A more decidedly popular character is apparent in the votive offerings made to the temples. These offerings cover a wide range. Rulers and people alike felt prompted to make gifts to the sanctuaries on special occasions, either as a direct homage to the gods or with the avowed purpose and hope of securing divine favor or divine intercession.

The statues of themselves which the rulers from the days of Gudea[1503] on were fond of erecting were dedicated by them as offerings to the gods, and this avowed aim tempers, in a measure, the vanity which no doubt was the mainspring of their action. The statues were placed in the temples, and from Gudea[1504] we learn of the elaborate ceremonies connected with the dedication of one of the king's colossal blocks of diorite. For seven days all manual labor was interrupted in Lagash. Masters and slaves shared in the festivities. The temple of Nin-girsu is sanctified anew by purification rites, and the statue is formally presented to the god amidst sacrifices and offerings of rich gifts. The account given in the Book of Daniel[1505] of the dedication of Nebuchadnezzar's statue may be regarded as an equally authentic picture of a custom that survived to the closing days of the Babylonian monarchy, except that we have no proof that divine honors were paid to these statues.[1506] The front, sides, and back of Gudea's images were covered with inscriptions, partly of a commemorative character, but in part, also, conveying a dedication to Nin-girsu. Similarly, the steles of the Assyrian kings, set up by them either in the temples or on the highways beyond the confines of Assyria, and which had images of the rulers sculptured on them in high relief, were covered with inscriptions, devoted primarily to celebrating the deeds of the kings; but, since the victories of the armies were ascribed to the assistance furnished by the gods, an homage to Ashur or some other deity was involved in the recital. That the gods were accorded a minor share of the glory was but in keeping with the pride of the Assyrian rulers, who were less affected than the rulers of the south by the votive character of the statues.

Both Babylonians and Assyrians, however, unite in making images of the gods as a distinct homage, and in giving elaborate presents of gold, silver, precious stones, costly woods, and garments to the sanctuaries as votive offerings to the gods. These presents were used in the decoration of temples and shrines, as well as of the statues of the gods or as direct contributions to the temple treasury. Celebrations of victories were chosen as particularly appropriate occasions for making such votive offerings. So Agumkakrimi, upon bringing back to E-Sagila the statues of Marduk and Sarpanitum that had been taken away by ruthless hands, bestows rich gifts upon the temples and describes[1507] at great length the costly garments embroidered with gold and studded with precious stones that were hung on Marduk and his consort. Equally vivid is the description of the high, conical-shaped caps, made of lapis lazuli and gold, and decorated, furthermore, with various kinds of stones, that were placed on the heads of the deities. Garments for the statues of the gods appear to have been favorite votive offerings at all times. Nabubaliddin, in restoring the cult of Shamash at Sippar, makes provisions for an elaborate outfit of garments,[1508] specifying different garments for various periods of the year. It would appear from this that for the various festive occasions of the year, the garments of the gods were changed, much as in other religions—including the Catholic Church—the officiating priests are robed in different garments on the various festive or solemn occasions.

Votive tablets or discs of lapis lazuli, agate, turquoise, gold, silver, copper, antimony, and other metals with dedicatory inscriptions were deposited in the temples. What particular purpose they served we do not know. As a specimen of the more common formula on these tablets, a lapis lazuli tablet of Nippur may be chosen. It is offered by a Cassite king, and reads[1509] as follows:

To Bel His lord Kadashman-Turgu For his life Presented.

A knob-shaped object[1510] of fine limestone contains a dedication in similar phrases to Marduk. It is offered by Bel-epush, who is probably identical with a Babylonian ruler of this name in the seventh century,—a contemporary of Sennacherib:[1511]

To Marduk, his lord Bel-epush for the preservation of his life Made and presented.

Kings, however, do not appear to be the only ones for whom these votive offerings were prepared. A dedication to a personage otherwise unknown and to all appearances a layman reads:[1512]

To Ea,[1513] his lord, Bel-zir, Son of Ea-Ban, For the preservation of his life Made and presented.

The formulas are thus seen to be conventional ones, though occasionally the inscription is somewhat longer. So, for example, Nazi-Maruttash, another Cassite king, puts a little prayer on a votive offering:

[To Bel, his lord] Nazi-Maruttash, Son of Kurigalzu, To hearken to his supplication, To be favorable to his prayer, To accept his entreaty, To lengthen his days, [He made and presented].

This inscription appears, as Dr. Hilprecht informs us,[1514] on an ax made of imitation lapis lazuli.[1515] Other votive inscriptions are found on rings and on knobs of ivory or magnesite.[1516] These various designs no doubt all had some symbolical significance. The ring suggests some ultimate connection between votive offerings and amulets. The seal cylinders, we know, although put to practical use in impressing the design on a clay tablet as a substitute for a personal signature, were also regarded as amulets, and this accounts for the frequency with which scenes of religious worship were introduced as designs on the cylinders. The ring is distinctly an amulet in Babylonia as elsewhere, and hence it is by no means improbable that the custom of carrying little inscribed tablets, discs, or knobs about the person as a protection against mischances preceded the use of such tablets as votive offerings to be placed in a temple.

A very common votive object in Babylonia, especially in the earlier period, was the clay cone. Such cones were found in large numbers at Lagash, while at Nippur Peters came across what may be safely regarded as a magazine where such cones (and other votive objects) were manufactured in large numbers.[1517] The cones of Gudea bear conventional inscriptions of a votive character addressed to Nin-girsu. In other temples, other gods were similarly remembered. It has been customary to regard these cones as phallic symbols;[1518] but it should be noted that not only is the evidence for this lacking, but that what we know of the popular practices of the Babylonians does not warrant us in assuming any widespread phallic symbolism. The point of the cones suggests rather that the objects were intended to be stuck into the ground or into walls. At Lagash De Sarzec found, besides cones, a large number of copper statuettes[1519] of gods and goddesses and of animals,—chiefly bulls,—all terminating in a sharp point or attached to a cone-shaped object. Others again are clearly human figures, either male personages holding the cone in their hands,[1520] or females holding baskets on their heads,—the customary attitude of making an offering. These curious statuettes frequently bear inscriptions of a votive character, and there can be no doubt that they were used to be stuck into some substance. At one place, De Sarzec found a series set up in concentric circles[1521] in the corners of an edifice and under the floor. Heuzey is of the opinion that these statuettes thus arranged were to serve as a warning for the demons, but it is more in keeping with the general character of the Babylonian religion to look upon these objects simply as votive offerings placed at various parts of a building as a means of securing the favor of the gods. The cone, I venture to think, is merely the conventionalized shape of a votive object originally intended to be stuck into some part of a sacred building. The large quantity of cones that have been found at Lagash, Nippur, and elsewhere is an indication of their popular use. It is not improbable that at one time, and, at all events, in certain temples, the cones and statuettes represented the common votive offerings with which worshippers provided themselves upon entering the sacred precinct. To facilitate the reproduction of the statuettes, moulds were used,—another indication of the widespread use of these objects. Clay figures of gods and goddesses were also made in moulds or modelled by hand and served as votive offerings. At Nippur, the images represent chiefly Bel and Belit,[1522] either separately or in combination; but figurines of Ishtar have also been found.[1523] In some the goddess is represented as suckling a child. Often she is pictured as naked, clasping her breasts or her womb. The attitude which was suggested by the character of the goddess as the promoter of fertility appears to have been too obscene to a more refined age, and, accordingly, we find in later times the sexual parts suppressed or the figure properly clothed. The character of these figurines varied naturally with each religious center, and even in the same center modifications were introduced.

Whether these clay figurines, cones, and metallic statuettes were also placed by individuals in their dwellings, like the "plague" tablets,[1524] we cannot as yet definitely say, but it is more than likely that such was the case. The teraphim familiar to us from the references in the Old Testament,[1525] and evidently used as talismans, belong to the class of votive offerings under consideration. The figurines and cones, and also (though to a smaller degree) the copper statuettes, thus introduce us to the popular phases of the cult. As symbols of homage they appear to have survived to a late period, and their use as talismans did not materially affect their character as offerings, made by the people upon seeking the sanctuaries. The more costly objects, as vases,[1526] artistically worked weapons, handsome "seas" bowls, altars, and statues of the gods and other furniture for the temples were left to the rulers. Such offerings were made with great pomp. They were formally dedicated by large processions of priests, with the accompaniment of hymns and music. The kings of Assyria presented the captured gods as votive gifts pleasing to their deity.[1527] They bring back with them from their campaigns the beams of the edifices that they destroyed and offer them to Ishtar.[1528] Upon coming to Babylonia, they do not fail to bring presents of gold, silver, precious stones, copper, iron, purple, precious garments, and scented woods to Marduk and Sarpanitum, to Nabu and Tashmitum, and the other great gods.[1529] The first fruits of extensive groves are offered by Ashurnasirbal to Ashur and the temples of his land.[1530] The rulers of Assyria vie with the kings of Babylonia in presenting gardens[1531] and lands to the gods as votive offerings; but for all that, in ancient Babylonia and Assyria, as among other peoples of antiquity, the more fervent religious spirit was manifested in the small tokens of the masses, whose attachment to the temples was of a different order from that which prompted the rulers of the north and south to a display, in which vanity and the desire to manifest their power play a larger part as one generation succeeds the other.

Festivals.

We have seen[1532] that in the developed system of the Babylonian religion, every day of the year had some significance, and that certain days in each month—so, e.g., the 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st, and 28th—had a special significance. It has also been pointed out that in different religious centers, the days singled out for special significance differed. In view of this, we must be prepared to find that the festival days were not the same in all parts of Babylonia, nor necessarily identical in the various periods of Babylonian and Assyrian history.

The common name for festival was isinnu. If we may judge from the use of assinnu as a general name for priest,[1533]—a servant of a deity,—the underlying stem appears to signify simply 'to serve.' Another name that reveals more as to the character of the Babylonian festivals is tashiltu, which is used as a synonym for 'joy, delight.' The festivals were indeed joyous occasions, marked by abundance of offerings and merry-making, though, as we shall see, the somber note in the rejoicings was not absent. The kings dedicate their temples and palaces amidst manifestation of rejoicing. They pray that the gods may occupy the dwellings prepared for them "in joy and jubilance,"[1534] and the reference to festivals in the historical texts are all of such a character as to make us feel that the Babylonian could appreciate the Biblical injunction to "rejoice"[1535] in the divine presence, on the occasions set apart as, in a peculiar sense, sacred.

Defective as our knowledge of the ancient Babylonian festivals still is, the material at our disposal shows that at a comparatively early period, there was one day in the year on which a festival was celebrated in honor of a god or goddess that had a more important character than any other. In the developed zodiacal system of Babylonia each month is sacred to a deity.[1536] This system was perfected under the direct influence of the theological schools of Babylonia, but so much of it, at all events, rests upon ancient traditions which assigns a month to each god; and since Marduk is not accorded the first place, but takes his position in a group of solar deities, and since, moreover, these solar deities have a position in the calendar which accords with their specific solar character,[1537] we may proceed a step further and assume with some confidence that the Babylonian scholars were guided—in large part, at least—by ancient traditions in parceling out the months as they did. Anu, Bel, and Ea, it is true, may have been assigned to the first three months because of the preeminent position of these three gods as a special triad; but even here the antiquity of the triad furnishes a guarantee that the association of some month with some deity belongs to a very ancient period of Babylonian history. This being the case, it would be natural that the first day of the month sacred to a deity would be regarded as his or her festival par excellence, and in the case of the cult of a deity spreading beyond its original limits, this festival would assume a more general character. On this day the people would come from all parts of the district within which the cult was carried on, to pay their homage to the god or goddess. In the days of Gudea, we find Bau occupying this superior rank. Her festival had assumed such importance as to serve for reckoning the commencement of the year.

Hence it became known simply as the day of zag-muku,[1538] that is, the New Year's Day.[1539] Whether this festival of Bau was recognized as the New Year's Day throughout Babylonia, we do not know, but it must have been observed in a considerably extensive district, or Gudea would have made the attempt to give some festival connected with his favorite deity Nin-girsu this character. As it is, he can only combine Bau's festival with the cult of Nin-girsu, by making the New Year's Day the occasion of a symbolical marriage between the god and the goddess. Nin-girsu is represented as offering marriage gifts to Bau,[1540] on the Zagmuku. How early Bau came to occupy so significant a rank has not been ascertained. It is her quality as the 'great mother,' as the goddess of fertility and abundance,[1541] rather than any political supremacy of the district in which she was worshipped, that constitutes the chief factor in giving Bau this preeminence, just as we have found in the case of the other great goddesses of Babylonia,—Nina, Nana, Ishtar,—specific traits and not political importance lending them the significance they acquired.

At one time we may well suppose that the festival of En-lil at Nippur, which brought worshippers from all parts of Babylonia, was recognized as a 'New Year's Day,' and we may some day find evidence that at a still earlier period the first day of a month sacred to some other god,—Sin or Shamash or Nana-Ishtar of Erech,—was recognized in some districts as the starting-point for the year; but to an agricultural community, the spring, when the seeds are sown, or the fall, after the harvest has been gathered, are the two most natural periods for reckoning the beginning of the year. Since we know that at the time when Babylon acquired her supremacy the year began in the spring, the conservatism attaching to religious observances makes it more than probable that Bau's festival also fell in the spring.

After the ancient religious and political centers of the south yielded their privileges to Babylon, it was natural for the priests of Marduk to covet the honor of the New Year's festival for the new head of the pantheon. Accordingly, we find the Zagmuku transformed into a Marduk festival. That it did not originally belong to Marduk follows from the fact that it was celebrated in the month of Nisan,—the first month,—whereas the month sacred to Marduk was Arakh-shamna (or Marcheshwan),—the eighth month. The deliberate transfer of the Zagmuku to Marduk is also indicated by the fact that the festival of Nisan has another name by which it is more commonly designated,—Akitu.[1542] The name seems to have been originally a general term for a festival, and it is natural that Marduk's festival should have come to be known as the festival, just as among the Hebrews the annual fall pilgrimage to the sanctuary at Jerusalem became known as the Hag,—the pilgrimage par excellence. To distinguish it from other festivals, Marduk's festival is sometimes spoken of as the "great" or the "lofty" Akitu. The first day was properly the Zagmuku, whereas the Akitu itself extended at least over the first eleven days of Nisan[1543] and may indeed have lasted the entire month; but Zagmuku was also used for the festival period. The New Year's Day was marked by a solemn procession. The union of Nabu and Marduk was symbolized by a visit which the former paid to his father, the chief of the Babylonian pantheon. In his ship, magnificently fitted out,[1544] Nabu was carried along the street known as Ai-ibur-shabu,[1545] leading from Borsippa across the Euphrates to Babylon.

The street was handsomely paved,[1546] and everything was done to heighten the impressiveness of the ceremony. The visit of Nabu marked the homage of the gods to Marduk; and Nabu set the example for other gods, who were all supposed to assemble in E-Sagila during the great festival. We have already pointed out that the cult of Nabu at Borsippa at one time was regarded with greater sanctity than the Marduk worship in Babylon. As a concession to the former supremacy of Nabu, the priests of E-Sagila, carrying the statue of Marduk, escorted Nabu back to Borsippa. The return visit raises the suspicion that it was originally Marduk who was obliged to pay an annual homage to Nabu.

However this may be, the double ceremony became to such an extent the noteworthy feature of the Zagmuku or Akitu that when the chroniclers wish to indicate that, because of political disturbances, the festival was not celebrated, they use the simple formula:

Nabu did not come to Babylon. Bel [i.e., Marduk] did not march out.[1547]

The Akitu festival brought worshippers from all parts of Babylonia and Assyria to the capitol. Kings and subjects alike paid their devotions to Marduk. The former approached the divine presence directly, and, seizing hold of the hands of Marduk's statue, were admitted into a kind of covenant with the god. The ceremony became the formal rite of royal installation in Babylonia. "To seize the hands of Bel" was equivalent to legitimizing one's claim to the throne of Babylonia, and the chroniclers of the south consistently decline to recognize Assyrian rulers as kings of Babylonia until they have come to Babylon and "seized the hands of Bel."[1548] That this ceremony was annually performed by the kings of Babylonia after the union of the southern states is quite certain. It marked a renewal of the pledge between the king and his god. The Assyrian kings, however, contented themselves with a single visit. Of Tiglathpileser II.[1549] and Sargon,[1550] we know that they came to Babylonia for the purpose of performing the old ceremony; and others did the same.

The eighth and eleventh days of the festival month were invested with special sanctity. On these days all the gods were brought together in the "chamber of fates" of Marduk's temple. In symbolical imitation of the assembly of the gods in Ubshu-kenna,[1551] Marduk sits on his throne and the gods are represented as standing in humble submission before him, while he decrees the fates of mankind for the coming year. The Zagmuku festival in its developed form has striking points of resemblance to the Jewish New Year's Day. On this day, according to the popular Jewish tradition, God sits in judgment with a book before Him in which He inscribes the fate of mankind. Nine days of probation are allowed, and on the tenth day—the Day of Atonement—the fates are sealed. The Jewish New Year is known as Rosh-hash-shana,[1552] which is an exact equivalent of the Babylonian resh shatti (or zag-muku). A difference, however, between the Babylonian and the Jewish festival is that the latter is celebrated in the seventh month. It is not correct, therefore, to assume that the Hebrews borrowed their Rosh-hash-shana from the Babylonians. Even after they adopted the Babylonian calendar,[1553] they continued to regard the seventh month—the harvest month—as the beginning of the year. That among the Babylonians the seventh month also had a sacred character may be concluded from the meaning of the ideographs with which the name is written.[1554] The question may, therefore, be raised whether at an earlier period and in some religious center—Nippur, Sippar, or perhaps Ur—the seventh month may not have been celebrated as the Zagmuku. At all events, we must for the present assume that the Hebrews developed their New Year's Day, which they may have originally received from Babylonia, independently of Marduk's festival, though, since the Rosh-hash-shana does not come into prominence among the Jews until the period of the so-called Babylonian exile, the possibility of a direct Babylonian influence in the later conceptions connected with the day cannot be denied.[1555]

Of the other festivals of the Babylonians and Assyrians but few details are known. Several references have already been made to the Tammuz festival.[1556] Originally a solar festival, celebrated in the fourth month at the approach of the summer solstice, it became through the association of ideas suggested by the mourning of Ishtar for her lost consort Tammuz a kind of 'All Souls' Day,' on which the people remembered their dead. Dirges were sung by the wailing women to the accompaniment of musical instruments; offerings were made to the dead, and it is plausible to assume that visits were paid to the graves. The mourning was followed by a festival of rejoicing, symbolizing the return of the solar-god. The Tammuz festival appears to have had a strong hold upon the masses, by reason of the popularity of the Tammuz myth; nor was it limited to the Babylonians. Among the Phoenicians the cult of Tammuz, known by his title Adon (whence Adonis), was maintained to a late period, and the Hebrews, likewise, as late as the days of Ezekiel,[1557] commemorated with rites of mourning the lost Tammuz. The calendar of the Jewish Church still marks the 17th day of Tammuz as a fast, and Houtsma has shown[1558] that the association of the day with the capture of Jerusalem by the Romans represents merely the attempt to give an ancient festival a worthier interpretation. The day was originally connected with the Tammuz cult. Eerdmans[1559] has recently endeavored to show that the festival of Hosein, celebrated by the Shiitic sect of Mohammedanism in memory of the tragic death of the son of Ali, is in reality a survival of the Babylonian-Phoenician Tammuz festival. The spread of the Tammuz-Adonis myth and cult to the Greeks[1560] is but another indication of the popularity of this ancient Semitic festival.

The old Zagmuku festival in honor of Bau and the Tammuz festival, celebrated in spring and summer, respectively, are also closely associated with agricultural life. The spring as the seedtime is, as we have seen, a natural period for beginning the calculation of the New Year, while a first harvest of the wheat and barley is reaped in Babylonia at the time of the summer solstice. We should expect, therefore, to find a third festival in the fall, at the close of the harvest and just before the winter rains set in. The seventh month—Tishri—was a sacred month among the ancient Hebrews as well as among the Babylonians, but up to the present no distinct traces of a festival period in Tishri have been found in Babylonian texts. We must content ourselves, therefore, with the conjecture, above thrown out, that an Akitu was originally celebrated in this month at some ancient religious center of the Euphrates Valley. Further publications of cuneiform texts may throw light upon this point. The unpublished material in European and American museums harbors many surprises.

In Ashurbanabal's annals[1561] there is an interesting reference to a festival celebrated in honor of the goddess Gula, the goddess of healing,[1562] on the twelfth day of Iyyar, the second month. The festival is described ideographically as Si-gar,[1563] but from the fact that the same ideographs are used elsewhere to describe a day sacred to Sin and Shamash,[1564] it would appear that Si-gar is not a specific appellation, but a general name again for festival. This month Iyyar and this particular day, as a "favorable one," is chosen by Ashurbanabal for his installation as king of Assyria. The same month is selected for a formal pilgrimage to Babylonia for the purpose of restoring to E-Sagila a statue of Marduk that a previous Assyrian king had taken from its place,[1565] and Lehmann is probably correct in concluding[1566] that this month of Iyyar was a particularly sacred one in Assyria, emphasized with intent perhaps by the kings, as an offset against the sacredness of Nisan in Babylonia.

Festivals in honor of Ninib were celebrated in Calah in the months of Elul—the sixth month—and Shabat—the eleventh month.[1567] The sixth month, it will be recalled, is sacred to Ishtar.[1568] Ninib being a solar deity, his festival in Elul was evidently of a solar character. From Ashurbanabal,[1569] again, we learn that the 25th day of Siwan—the third month—was sacred to Belit of Babylon, and on that day a procession took place in her honor. The Belit meant is Sarpanitum in her original and independent role as a goddess of fertility. The statue of the goddess, carried about, presumably in her ship, formed the chief feature of the procession. Ashurbanabal chooses this "favorable" day as the one on which to break up camp in the course of one of his military expeditions. We would naturally expect to find a festival month devoted to the god Ashur in Assyria. This month was Elul—the sixth month.[1570] The choice of this month lends weight to the supposition that Ashur was originally a solar deity.[1571] The honors once paid to Ninib in Calah in this month could thus easily be transferred to the head of the Assyrian pantheon. Although in the calendar the sixth month is sacred to Ishtar, her festival was celebrated in the fifth month, known as Ab.[1572] This lack of correspondence between the calendar and the festivals is an indication of the greater antiquity of the latter.

In the great temple to Shamash at Sippar, there appear to have been several days that were marked by religious observances. Nabubaliddin[1573] (ninth century) emphasizes that he presented rich garments to the temple for use on six days of the year,—the 7th day of Nisan (first month), 10th of Iyyar (second month), 3rd of Elul (sixth month), 7th of Tishri (seventh month), 15th of Arakh-shamna (or Marcheshwan, eighth month), and the 15th of Adar (twelfth month). These garments are given to Shamash, to his consort Malkatu, and to Bunene.[1574] Since from a passage in a Babylonian chronicle[1575] it appears that it was customary for Shamash on his festival to leave his temple, we may conclude that the garments were put on Shamash and his associates, for the solemn procession on the six days in question.

The festivals in Nisan and Elul are distinctly of a solar character. The choice of two other months immediately following Nisan and Elul cannot be accidental. The interval of thirty-three days between the Nisan and Iyyar festivals and thirty-four days between the Elul and Tishri festivals may represent a sacred period.[1576] Tishri, moreover, as has been pointed out, is a sacred month in a peculiar sense. Marcheshwan, it may be well to bear in mind, is sacred to Marduk,—a solar deity,—while the 15th of Adar, curiously enough, is an old solar festival that, modified and connected with historical reminiscences, became popular among the Jews of Persia and Babylonia during the Persian supremacy in the Semitic Orient, and survives to this day under the name of the Purim festival.[1577] At all events, the six days may be safely regarded as connected in some way, direct or indirect, with solar worships, and it is natural to find that in so prominent a center of sun-worship as Sippar, all the solar festivals were properly and solemnly observed.

It is disappointing that up to the present so little has been ascertained of the details of the moon-cult—the great rival to Shamash worship—in the old cities of Ur and Harran. In the Babylonian calendar, the third month—Siwan—is sacred to Sin, but since, as we have found, the festivals in honor of the gods do not always correspond to the assignment of the months, we cannot be certain that in this month a special festival in honor of Sin was observed. Lastly, besides the regular and fixed festivals, the kings, and more especially the Assyrian rulers, did not hesitate to institute special festivals in memory of some event that contributed to their glory. Agumkakrimi[1578] instituted a festival upon restoring the statues of Marduk and Sarpanitum to Babylon, and Sargon does the same upon restoring the palace at Calah.[1579] Dedications of temples and palaces were in general marked by festivities, and so when the kings return in triumph from their wars, laden with spoils and captives, popular rejoicings were instituted. But such festivals were merely sporadic, and, while marked by religious ceremonies, were chiefly occasions of general jollification combined with homage to the rulers. Such a festival was not called an isinnu, but a nigatu,[1580]—a 'merrymaking.'[1581] More directly connected with the cult was a ceremony observed in Assyria upon the installation of an official, known as the limmu, who during his year of service enjoyed the privilege of having official documents dated with his name.[1582] The ceremony involved a running[1583] of some kind, and reminds one of the running between the two hills Marwa and Safa in Mekka that forms part of the religious observances in connection with a visit to the Kaaba.[1584] The name of the ceremony appears to have been puru (or buru). To connect this word with the Jewish festival of Purim, as Sayce proposes,[1585] is wholly unwarranted. The character of the Puru ceremony points to its being an ancient custom, the real significance of which in the course of time became lost. Fast days instituted for periods of distress might also be added to the cult, but these, too, like the special festivals, were not permanent institutions. For such occasions many of the penitential psalms which were discussed in a previous chapter[1586] were composed. To conciliate angered gods whose temples had been devastated in days of turmoil, atonement and purification rites were observed. So Ashurbanabal[1587] upon his conquest of Babylonian cities tells us that he pacified the gods of the south with penitential psalms and purified the temples by magic rites; and Nabubaliddin,[1588] incidental to his restoration of the Shamash cult at Sippar, refers to an interesting ceremony of purification, which consisted in his taking water and washing his mouth according to the purification ritual of Ea and Marduk,[1589] preliminary to bringing sacrifices to Shamash in his shrine. Sippar had been overrun by nomads,[1590] the temple had been defiled, and before sacrifices could again be offered, the sacred edifice and sacred quarter had to be purified. The king's action was a symbol of this purification. Many such customs must have been in vogue in Babylonia and Assyria. Some—and these were the oldest—were of popular origin. On the seal cylinders there is frequently represented a pole or a conventionalized form of a tree, generally in connection with a design illustrating the worship of a deity.[1591] This symbol is clearly a survival of some tree worship[1592] that was once popular. The comparison with the ashera or pole worship among Phoenicians and Hebrews[1593] is fully justified, and is a proof of the great antiquity of the symbol, which, without becoming a formal part of the later cult, retained in some measure a hold upon the popular mind. Other symbols and customs were introduced under the influence of the doctrines unfolded in the schools of thought in the various intellectual centers, and as an expression of the teachings of the priests. The cult of Babylonia, even more so than the literature, is a compound of these two factors,—popular beliefs and the theological elaboration and systematization of these beliefs. In the course of this elaboration, many new ideas and new rites were introduced. The official cult passed in some important particulars far beyond popular practices.

FOOTNOTES:

[1311] Vorgeschichte der Indo-Europaer, pp. 126-141.

[1312] Gen. xi. 4.

[1313] E.g., Tiglathpileser I., col. vii. ll. 102, 103; Meissner, Altbabylonisches Privatrecht, no. 46; Nebopolassar Cylinder (Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 1, pls. 32, 33), col. i. l. 38. Or 'as high as mountains'; e.g., Nebuchadnezzar II., IR. 58, col. viii. ll. 61-63; and so frequently the Neo-Babylonian kings.

[1314] Kosmologie, pp. 185-195.

[1315] Or Kharsag-gal-kurkura; see p. 558.

[1316] See p. 458.

[1317] Ekurrati; Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwoerterbuch, p. 718b.

[1318] IR. 35, no. 3, 22.

[1319] See below.

[1320] Hebrew Bamoth. Through the opposition of the Hebrew prophets, the term acquires distasteful associations that were originally foreign to it.

[1321] See Peters' Nippur, ii. 124 seq.

[1322] IIR. 50, obverse.

[1323] Perhaps, however, these several names all designate a single zikkurat.

[1324] Peters' Nippur, i. 246; ii. 120.

[1325] For the meaning of this phrase, see Winckler's Altorientalische Forschungen, iii. 208-222, and Jensen's Kosmologie, p. 167.

[1326] From Heuzey's note in De Sarzec, Decourveries en Chaldee, p. 31, it would appear that at Lagash there was a zikkurat of modest proportions, but Dr. Peters informs me that from his observations at Telloh, he questions whether the building in question represents a zikkurat at all, though, as we know from other sources, a zikkurat existed there in the days of Gudea.

[1327] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xviii.

[1328] Of Sargon's zikkurat at Khorsabad, also, only four stories have been found. Perrot and Chiplez (History of Art in Chaldaea and Assyria, i. 388) suppose that there may have been seven.

[1329] E.g. Perrot and Chiplez, ib. p. 128. Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 19.

[1330] Peters (Nippur, i. 214) found many yellow-colored bricks at Borsippa.

[1331] Book I, Sec. 98.

[1332] See a paper by E. W. Hopkins on The Holy Numbers of the Rig-Veda (Oriental Studies, Boston, 1894, pp. 141-147).

[1333] Written ideographically, as the names of the zikkurats and of all sacred edifices invariably are.

[1334] See above, p. 459.

[1335] Inscription G, col. i. l. 14; D, col. ii. l. 11.

[1336] IIR. 50; obverse 20. See p. 472.

[1337] Kosmologie, pp. 171-174.

[1338] The suggestion is worthy of consideration whether the name 'seven directions of heaven and earth' may not also point to a conception of seven zones dividing the heavens as well as the earth. One is reminded of the 'seven' heavens of Arabic theology.

[1339] So e.g., Kaulen, Assyrien und Babylonien (3d edition), p. 58; Vigouroux, La Bible et les Decouvertes Modernes (4th edition), i. 358.

[1340] Lit., 'house to be seen,' Igi-e-nir. See, e.g., VR. 29, no. 4, 40, and Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwoerterbuch, p. 262.

[1341] So at Babylon, at least, according to Herodotus. Traces of such a room were also found in connection with the zikkurat at Nippur (Peters, Nippur, ii. 122.)

[1342] Bit pirishti. IIR. 50, obverse, 6. Another name (or perhaps the name of a second zikkurat at Nippur; see p. 616, note 2) is Im-kharsag, i.e., 'mountain of awe.' Peters' rendering (Nippur, ii. 122) of the names is inaccurate.

[1343] Peters' Nippur, ii. chapter vi.

[1344] Schick, Die Stiftschuette, der Tempel, und der Tempelplatz der Jetztzeit, pp. 8, 9.

[1345] Snouck-Hurgronje Mekka (Atlas, pl. 1). The present structure, though comparatively modern, is built after ancient models.

[1346] Schick, ib. pp. 125-131.

[1347] Die Stiftshuette, der Tempel, und der Tempelplatz der Jeiztzeit, p. 82.

[1348] On the significance of the gate in sacred edifices, see Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant, pp. 102-108.

[1349] Dr. Peters is of the opinion that at the entrance to the temple area proper at Nippur there also stood two large columns.

[1350] Decouvertes en Chaldee, pp. 62-64. Heuzey, in a valuable note, already suggests the comparison with the two columns of Solomon's which is here maintained on the basis of the excavations at Nippur.

[1351] Ib. p. 64.

[1352] The best example for Assyria is furnished by the magnificent bronze gates of Balawat, now in The British Museum. See Birch and Pinches, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat (London, 1881).

[1353] See the illustrations in Perrot and Chiplez, History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria, i. 142, 143.

[1354] So Puchstein and Friedrich, but see Meissner-Rost, Noch einmal das Bithillani und die Assyrische Saeule (Leipzig, 1893).

[1355] Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, plan 2.

[1356] Papakhu for Pakhpakhu, from the stem pakhu, "to close." Parakku, from Paraku, "to shut off, to lock."

[1357] Inscription D, col. ii. l. 9.

[1358] V. Rawlinson, pl. 60.

[1359] Book i. sec. 183.

[1360] See the chief passage, IR. 54, col. ii, ll. 54-65; another name is E-Kua, 'dwelling.'

[1361] See p. 423.

[1362] VR. 50, col. i. l. 5.

[1363] VR. 41, No. 1, Rev. 18.

[1364] IVR. 57, 24a. Jensen's suggestion (Kosmologie, p. 242) to read Mar-duku is out of the question.

[1365] What Jensen says (Kosmologie, p. 10) of the temple at Sippar would apply to the papakhu in the temple, rather than to the whole structure.

[1366] De Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee, pls. 24, 25 bis, etc.

[1367] See p. 537.

[1368] De Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee, pls. 4, 4 bis and 43 bis. On the latter, bulls, lions, and eagle in combination.

[1369] See p. 653.

[1370] See the plan in Schick, Die Stiftshuette, pl. 5. Layard (Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 642-648) points out some analogies between the constructions at Nimrod and Solomon's buildings, but what he says applies chiefly to the palaces.

[1371] Herodotus, book i. sec. 183, speaks of two altars outside of the temple of Marduk in Babylon. In the case of so important a structure, the number of altars was naturally more numerous.

[1372] See Heuzey's note in De Sarzec's Decouvertes en Chaldee, p. 65.

[1373] See pp. 109 seq.

[1374] See p. 106.

[1375] Recueil des Travaux, etc., xvii. 39.

[1376] See pp. 140 seq.

[1377] The date of this king has recently been pushed down by Thureau-Dangin, considerably later than the date assigned to him by Hilprecht (Revue Semitique, v. 265-269).

[1378] See p. 110.

[1379] Nebuchadnezzar, IR. 65, col. i. ll. 34, 35.

[1380] This is to be concluded from Nebuchadnezzar, ib. l. 32.

[1381] See Tiele's note, Zeitschrift fuer Assyriologie, ii. 184, note.

[1382] IR. 55, col. iv. ll. 54-57.

[1383] See Tiele, Zeitschrift fuer Assyriologie, ii. 190.

[1384] III Rawlinson, pl. 66. The list also contains objects in the temples used for the cult.

[1385] IIIR. 66. obverse, col. ii. ll. 2-25.

[1386] See p. 207.

[1387] The sign for image occurs in connection with some of the gods.

[1388] The term can hardly be used here in the strict sense of 'towers,' but appears to have become a general word for a sacred structure.

[1389] Ib. col. iii. ll. 22-34.

[1390] Meissner-Rost, Bauinschriften Sanherib's, p. 7.

[1391] See, e.g., the list IIIR. 66. An exception is formed by the temple to Ramman in the city of Asshur, which has a special name. See the following note.

[1392] Including the one to Ramman in Asshur.

[1393] IR. 2. nos. 11, 2.

[1394] IIR, 50, obverse 13.

[1395] Lge-e-nir = zikkurat; Kidur = shubtu (dwelling); Makh = rabu (great).

[1396] The name approaches closely to the conception of a zikkurat in the Book of Genesis, as a 'ladder' connecting heaven and earth. Gen. xxviii. 12.

[1397] See above, p. 619.

[1398] The ideas 'true, fixed, established, eternal' are all expressed by the element Zida.

[1399] I adopt this reading as the one generally used.

[1400] See above, p. 242.

[1401] Or tush. Cf. Bruennow, Sign List, no. 10523.

[1402] Or ab. See Jensen, Keils Bibl. 3, i. pp. 15, 173.

[1403] See above, p. 57.

[1404] Compare the name 'Belit-seri,' 'mistress of the fields,' as the name of a goddess who belongs to the pantheon of the lower world. See p. 588.

[1405] IIR. 61, nos. 1, 2, 6.

[1406] Text, Kar, i.e., 'dam,' 'wall,' or 'quay.'

[1407] IIR. 50, l. 8.

[1408] Bezold Catalogue, etc., p. 1776.

[1409] One is reminded of Isaiah's sentiment (lvi. 7) regarding the temple of Yahwe, which is to be called 'a house of prayer for the world.'

[1410] Lit., 'enclosure.'

[1411] The synagogue is called a 'house' just as the Babylonian temple is, and among names of synagogues (or of congregations) in modern times that form close parallels to the names of Babylonian temples may be instanced 'house of prayer,' 'glory of Israel,' 'tree of life.' The custom of naming Christian churches after the apostles represents a further development along the order of ideas current in Babylonia.

[1412] E.g., IIR. 50 (zikkurats); IIR. 61; IIIR. 66.

[1413] See Bezold Catalogue, etc., p. 1776 and elsewhere.

[1414] E.g., IIR. 54-60; IIIR. 67-69; VR. 43, 46.

[1415] IIR. 60, no. 1, obverse.

[1416] See p. 172. Some of the gods invoked by Sennacherib (see p. 238), as Gaga, Sherua, and perhaps also Khani, are foreign deities.

[1417] Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts, i. 56-59.

[1418] As Lagamal, Kanishurra.

[1419] See Peters' Nippur, ii. chapter x, "The History of Nippur."

[1420] Ib. ll. 260. (Published in Hilprecht's Old Babylonian Inscriptions, I. 1. pl. 21, no. 43. See also pl. 8, no. 15.)

[1421] VR. 63.

[1422] VR. pls. 60, 61.

[1423] So, e.g., as late as the days of Nebopolassar (Scheil, Recueil des Travaux, xviii. 16).

[1424] Besides this temple, there were two others, perhaps only chapels, dedicated to Sin at Ur: (a) E-te-im-ila (mentioned first by Ur-Bau, IR. pl. 1, no. 4), and (b) E-Kharsag (mentioned first by Dungi, IR. 2, II. no. 2). The zikkurat at Ur had, of course, a special name (IIR. 50, obverse 18).

[1425] See Noeldeke, Zeitschrift fuer Assyriologie, xi. 107-109. Hilprecht's theory (Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2, 55) has not been accepted by scholars.

[1426] VR. 64, col. i. 3-9; col. ii. 46.

[1427] See p. 444.

[1428] See p. 81.

[1429] See pp. 126 seq.

[1430] See p. 129.

[1431] So Antiochus Soter, VR. 66, col. i. l. 3.

[1432] For a further account of the financial side of the temple establishments, see Peiser's excellent remarks in his Babylonische Vertraege des Berliner Museums, pp. xvii-xxix.

[1433] Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2, p. 24.

[1434] Nine magnificent diorite statues of Gudea were found by De Sarzec at Telloh.

[1435] Ashes—the trace of sacrifices—were also found on the altar.

[1436] See the illustrations in Perrot and Chiplez, History of Art in Chaldea, etc., i. 143, 255. Similar horns existed on the Hebrew and Ph[oe]nician altars.

[1437] See the illustrations in Perrot and Chiplez, ib., i. 194, 256, 257. On seal cylinders altar titles are frequently represented.

[1438] Book i. sec. 183.

[1439] See Schick, Die Stiftshuette, etc., pp. 119 seq.

[1440] Keils Bibl. 3, 1, p. 13; see also p. 89.

[1441] Inscription G, col 1. ll. 15-17. See p. 621.

[1442] Described in De Sarzec's Decouvertes en Chaldee, pp. 216, 217. For other specimens, see ib. pp. 106, 171; and see also Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2. p. 39, note.

[1443] Inscription D, col. iii, 1-12.

[1444] See Winckler's note, Keils Bibl. 3, 2, p. 16.

[1445] IR. 54, col. iii. l. 10.

[1446] Ib. 55, col. iv. l. 1, 2.

[1447] IIR. 61. no. 2, obverse.

[1448] See Perrot and Chiplez, History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria, i. 75, 76.

[1449] See the illustration in Snouck-Hurgronje Mekka, pl. V.

[1450] I.e., of the god, E-Kua being the name of the sacred chamber in Marduk's temple at Babylon. See p. 629, note 1.

[1451] See p. 60.

[1452] See p. 282.

[1453] The largest canal in Babylonia.

[1454] E.g., ishakku.

[1455] Sha and naku, i.e., 'the one over the sacrifice.' Zeitschrift fuer Assyriologie, vii., 174, note.

[1456] That these terms represent classes of priests is indicated by the fact that the abstract derivatives shangutu, kalutu, ishipputu, and also ramkutu (see below) are used as general terms for priesthood.

[1457] IIR. 32, no. 3.

[1458] 'A spear carrier of Marduk' occurs in contract tablets.

[1459] Dupsharru.

[1460] Daianu.

[1461] E.g., IIIR. 48, no. 6, ll. 26, 27.

[1462] Shangu = priest; makhu = great.

[1463] See above, p. 657.

[1464] Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwoerterbuch, p. 149b.

[1465] See pp. 356 seq.

[1466] On these night watches, see Delitzsch's article in the Zeitschrift fuer Keilschriftforschung, ll. 284-294.

[1467] See above, pp. 267, 343.

[1468] Kharimtu, Kisritu, Ukhatu, Shamuktu. See IIR, 32, no. 2, ll. 31-36, and above, pp. 475, 484.