 |
But since Saxo has the Hroar-Helgi story substantially as it is in the Hrlfssaga, except for the changed names, the author of the Skjọldungasaga, or its source, whose version of the story occurs in the same place in the line of Danish kings as Saxo's, must also have known the story in the same version. This we shall find was actually the case, and that the story as it appears in the Skjọldungasaga is an attempt at reconciling conflicting elements in ancient tradition.
As already stated, according to the Grottasọngr (from about 950), Frothi is the brother of Halfdan and slays him. But according to an equally old tradition, the story on which the Ingjald lay in Saxo's sixth book is based, Frothi is Ingjald's father and is himself slain. The events that gave rise to this lay are also narrated in Saxo's sixth book and are as follows.
In Saxony were two kings, both of whom paid tribute to Frothi. They planned to throw off the foreign yoke. Hanef made the attempt first, but Frothi defeated and slew him. Swerting made the attempt later and slew Frothi, but met his own death at the same time. Swerting's sons, fearing that Ingjald would avenge his father's death, gave him their sister in marriage. Thus a reconciliation was effected, and Ingjald thenceforth devoted himself to pleasure. Starkad, the famous warrior, who was in Sweden, had been one of Frothi's men and had later been Ingjald's foster-father. When Starkad learned that Ingjald, instead of seeking revenge, had made friends with his enemies and had taken Swerting's daughter to wife and with her was leading a life of luxury, the old warrior hastened back to Denmark. When Starkad returned, Ingjald's wife, not knowing him on account of his shabby appearance, insulted him. Ingjald was away on a hunt at the time; but when he returned, he recognized Starkad and told his wife who the old man was. In the evening Ingjald sat down to a luxurious meal with Swerting's sons; and his wife did all she could to appease Starkad, who was also present. But Starkad could not forget the insult he had suffered, and became more and more angry with the effeminate way of living that Ingjald and his wife had introduced from Germany. In burning words, which are reproduced in the Ingjald lay, he condemned Ingjald's neglect of duty, his luxurious mode of life, and his living in friendship with those on whom he should have avenged his father's death. Ingjald was finally aroused, and he drew his sword and killed all of Swerting's sons. In regard to his future relation to his wife Saxo says nothing; but as Starkad advised him to drive the impudent woman (as he called her) from the land, the presumption is that Ingjald did so.
The Ingjald lay has its roots in Beowulf. Its relationship to the corresponding episode in the Anglo-Saxon poem is explained in the following by Olrik:—
"Kun et eneste af Starkad-digtningens mange optrin kan flges til ldre kilde end de nordiske. Det er den scene, hvor den gamle kriger opgger Ingjald til hvn og dermed afbryder forsoningen imellem de to fjendtlige slgter. I Bowulf findes dette optrin for frste gang, ganske afvigende i den politiske stilling, men med kendeligt slgtskab i det digterske indhold.
"Digtet fortller on det forsg der blev gjort p at stille den lange fejde, der var frt mellem Danernes folk og Hadbardernes, af Halvdan og Hrodgar imod Frode og Ingeld. Forsoningen skulde frembringes ved bryllup mellem Ingeld og Hrodgars datter Freyvar (Fraware). 'Hun blev lovet, ung og guldsmykt, til Frodes hulde sn; det bar tyktes Skjoldungers ven s, rigets vogter (i.e., Hrodgar) har fundet det rdeligt, at ved den viv skulde tvisten og ddsfejden stilles. Ofte, ej sjlden, hviler dog ddsspyddet kun fje tid efter mandefald, hvor gv s bruden er. Da m det mistykke Hadbardernes drot og hver thegn af det folk, nr ban gr med jomfruen i hallen, at en hirdsvend af Danerne sknked for skaren; ti p ham strler fdrenes eje, hrdt og ringlagt, Hadbardernes klenodier, slnge de ejede de vben (indtil de misted i skjoldelegen de kre fller og deres eget liv). Da mler ved llet en gammel spydkmpe, der ser skatten, og mindes al mndenes undergang; grum er hans hu. Fuld af harm begynder ban at friste en ung kmpes hu med hvad der bor i hans bryst: "Kender du, min ven, denne klinge, som din fader bar til svrdstvnet sidste gang—dette kostelige jrn—dengang Danerne slog ham; de beholdt valpladsen, de raske Skjoldunger; siden kom der aldrig oprejsning efter kmpernes fald. Nu gr her afkom af de banemnd her i hallen, pralende af skattene, bryster sig af drabet, brer det klenodie som du med ret skulde eje!"—Sledes maner og minder han atter og atter med srende ord, indtil den stund kommer, at jomfruens svend segner blodig ned for klingens bid, skilt ved livet for sin faders dd; men den anden (i.e., drabsmanden) undflyr levende, han kender vel landet. Da brydes fra begge sider dlingernes edspagt; i Ingeld koger ddshadet, men krligheden til hans viv klnes efter den harm. Derfor kalder jeg ikke Hadbardernes trofasthed, deres del i folkefreden, svigels mod Danerne, deres venskab ikke fast.'[176]
"Trods den antydende stil i digtets fremstilling, sledes som den lgges helten Beovulf i munden, er handlingens sammenhng nogenlunde tydelig. Der bar vret gammel fejde mellem Daner og Hadbarder; hvis man kan tro betydningen af et ikke helt sikkert ord, er ogs Hadbardernes konge (Frode) falden i striden. Ingeld, Frodes sn, slutter fred med Danernes konge Hrodgar og holder bryllup med hans datter. Under selve bryllupet blusser kampen op, idet en af brudesvendene bliver drbt af en af Hadbarderne, som en gammel kmpe bar gget op til at hvne sin faders dd. Bryllupet (og drabet) foregr—efter digtets fremstilling—snarest i Hadbardernes kongehal; ti det hedder, at drabsmanden undslap fordi ban kendte landet. Ingelds rolle er indskrasnket til at hans krlighed til kongedatteren 'klnes'; at hun er bleven forskudt eller selv er vendt hjem, fremgr deraf, at hun i digtet gr i den danske kongehal som ugift og sknker for kmperne.
"Kampen nvnes en gang til, i Bowulfs begyndelse, dr hvor det hedder on den danske kongehal Hjort: 'den opleved fjendske ildblger, hrjende lue; det var ikke lnge efter at kamphadet vgned efter [gammelt] ddsfjendskab mellem svigersn og svigerfader.'[177] Disse ord—der nppe stammer fra den egenlige Bowulfdigter—indeholder en afvigende fremstilling: bryllupskampen str i den danske kongehal, og synes at vre opfattet som strre og voldsommere end en enkelt mands mord og hans banemands undslipning. At sagnet vakler med hensyn til stedet, er ikke s underligt. Historiske forhold viser, at bryllup snart er holdt i svigersnnens, snart i svigerfaderens hjem.
"Ogs Wds-kvadet taler on en kamp 'i Hjort' (t Heorote), hvor Ingeld og hans Hadbarder skal have lidt et nederlag mod Hrodgar og hans brodersn Hrodulf. Det er rimeligst, at ogs dette er hentydning til det blodige bryllup, opfattet p lignende mde og henlagt til samme skueplads som i den nysnvnte antydning.
* * * * *
"Handlingen foregr i Ingelds kongehal, og indholdet er at en gammel kmpe bevger en ung til i selve hallen at drbe snnen af sin faders banemand, herved blusser det gamle fjendskab mellem folkene op, og Ingeld forskyder sin udenlandske hustru.
"Forskellen er den, at i Bowulf er faderhvneren en fra Ingeld forskellig person. Dette er sikkert det ldre, og Ingjaldskvadets det yngre. Det glder som en lov for episk udvikling, at man arbejder sig hen imod det enklere; hvis to personer udfrer beslgtede handlinger, vil den ene af dem forsvinde; og i kraft af digtningens midtpunktsgen, vil bifiguren g ud af spillet, hans rolle vil enten blive til intet eller overtages af hovedpersonen. Digtningen har gjort et stort skridt frem i episk ttning, da Ingeld blev bde faderhvner og den der forskd sin hustru; det hele drama udspilles nu imellem den unge konge og den gamle stridsmand.
* * * * *
"Episk er omdannelsen naturlig nok; nationalt er den meget mrkeligere. Det er ikke s underligt, at den ldre form handler om Daner og Hadbarder, den yngre om Daner og Sakser. Men det overraskende er, at Hadbardernes parti gres til 'Daner' og de tidligere Daner til 'Saksere'; den danske heltetradition er her ganske vildfarende i, hvem der er folkets egne forfdre, og hvem der er dets bitreste fjender. Dog ogs dette bliver episk forklarligt. Bevidstheden om Hadbarderne, der engang havde fyldt Danerne med rdsel, svandt efterhnden bort, fordi stersegnenes hele tniske stilling forandredes. Ikke en eneste gang er deres navn overleveret i samtlige den nordiske literatur! Men hvor synskres og navne glemmes, drages personer og optrin nrmere til. Efter Vendernes indvandring til sterskysten bliver alle dens gamle sagnhelte opfattede som Danske: Anglernes Offa, Hadbardernes Ingeld, Holmrygernes Hagena. Senere i tiden flytter ogs andre af den gotiske verdens store sagnskikkelser nordp: minder om Hunnerslaget overfres p Danmarks sydgrnse (Dan, Fredfrode); Volsunger, Nibelunger, Didrikskmper—alle blev til en eller anden tid gjorte til vore landsmnd, efter ganske samme nrhedslov, hvormed Nordmndene gjorde danske kmper som Starkad og Bjarke til norske helte. I og for sig er der intet mrkeligere i, at Ingeld og den opggende gamle spydkmpe gres til Daner. Som Bjarkeml blev udgangspunkt for ganske uhistoriske forestillinger on Skjoldungtten, sker det ogs her—i endnu strre mlestok. Ingjaldsk vadet bar bortkastet alt det historiske stof, undtagen den gamle kmpes harmtale, og det skaber en ny episk sammenhng, som det gennemfrer paa glimrende mde.
"Nu forstaar vi Ingelds nationalitetsskifte. Det mrkelige er blot, at de oprindelige Daner blev gjorte til Saksere. Men ogs, dette flger af den episke udvikling. Nr den gamle kmpe er det punkt der tiltrkkes (fordi han er det poetiske tyngdepunkt), m hans modparti frastdes og gres til Danefolkets fjender. Nogen selvstndig betydning ejer denne part jo ikke.
"Udtalt i jvnere ord vil dette sige, at man i vikingetiden tog et gammelt sagnstof og deri fandt udtryk for sin tids store oplevelse, sammenstdet mellem Danmark og et mgtigt 'saksisk' rige.[178]
"Det eneste nye navn, vi mder, er betegnelsen 'Svertings snner.' I ldre digtning (Bowulf) er 'Svertings tling' Geaternes konge; men da bevidstheden on 'Geaterne' blegnede, er navnet vel sprunget over og er knyttet til en kendt folkestamme, Sakserne. Grunden dertil er muligvis kun, at det danner bogstavrim med Sakser, og at det sproglig har en biklang af sort, i.e., ond og listig, der gjorde det egnet til at bruges om Danernes fjender."[179]
The significance of this is, first, that in the Ingjald lay we are dealing with old material; secondly, that the account of the relationship in the Skjọldungasaga between Frothi and Swerting and their families is based on the Ingjald lay; thirdly, that when the nationality of Swerting and those associated with him is changed from Saxon to Swedish, it is merely another stage in the development of the story, quite in line with earlier changes made to keep the story in harmony with changing conditions.
Thus we have two stories, based on the same events (events first related in Beowulf and Widsith), that come down to posterity by two independent lines of transmission and suffer changes in the course of time that bring them into absolute conflict with each other. According to both stories, Frothi has become a Danish king. But in the story connected with the Ingjald lay, Frothi is slain, and is avenged by his son, Ingjald; while in the Hrlfssaga, Frothi is his brother's slayer, on whom vengeance is taken by the sons (Hroar and Helgi) of his victim (Halfdan). In the Skjọldungasaga, the conflict is obviated. It is done very deftly and with only such disturbances of the genealogical relations involved as seemed necessary to secure the desired result. As a consequence, the changes that have been made, for which, in most instances, the reasons are quite apparent, can be traced step by step. The story as we have it in the Skjọldungasaga is, therefore, plainly an artificial amalgamation designed principally to harmonize conflicting stories about Frothi.
The genealogy in the Skjọldungasaga is as follows:—
Swerting Frothi Jorund daughter _______ daughter Ingjald Sigrith Halfdan __ ___ _____ [180] Agnar Hrrik Frothi Eng. Lady Hroar Helgi Signy Svil __ __ Hrolf Kraki
Below is the same genealogy with the portions enclosed that, on the one hand, are taken from the Ingjald lay (Frothi, Swerting, etc.) and, on the other, from the Hrlfssaga (Halfdan, Sigrith, etc.). The names in italics are found in the Hrlfssaga, but, with the exception of gn, whose name is omitted altogether, are employed in another connection in the Skjọldungasaga (see the foregoing table):—
. -. Swerting Frothi Jorund daughter ________ . . daughter Ingjald Sigrith _Frothi_[181] Halfdan _ __ ___ _____ ' -' Agnar Hrrik Frothi Eng. Lady Hroar Helgi Signy Svil (_gn_) __ __ _Agnar_ Hrolf Kraki _Hrok_ ' '
It will be observed that the following changes have been made to produce the family relationship as we find it in the Skjọldungasaga. Frothi is removed as Halfdan's brother and becomes his father, a change suggested, probably, by the tradition related in Saxo's second book that Frothi was Halfdan's father, and facilitated by the fact that, in the Hrlfssaga, the father of Halfdan and Frothi is not mentioned, and, as a result, presents no impediment to the change. But to explain how Halfdan has become Frothi's son, a new relationship has to be invented, so Frothi is said to have the son Halfdan by the daughter of Jorund. According to the Hrlfssaga, Halfdan is slain by his brother. This idea, in the abstract, is retained. But, according to the new arrangement, Ingjald, Frothi's son, has become Halfdan's brother, i.e., half-brother; hence, Ingjald slays Halfdan. According to the Hrlfssaga, Halfdan's brother and slayer marries his widow, Sigrith.[182] This idea is also retained. In the Hrlfssaga, it is Frothi who slays his brother, Halfdan, and marries his widow, Sigrith. But, according to the new arrangement, Ingjald is Halfdan's brother and slayer; hence, it is now he who marries Sigrith. According to the Hrlfssaga, Agnar is Hroar's son; but this, apparently, is not according to current tradition. According to Saxo's second book, he is Ingjald's son and is slain by Bjarki. This conception of him occurs in the Hrlfssaga also, but towards the close, where Bjarki, in recounting his own achievements, mentions his having slain Agnar. This Agnar is not Hroar's son, but the Agnar of the Skjọldungasaga and of Saxo's second book. The Skjọldungasaga, therefore, properly retains him as Ingjald's son and omits him as Hroar's son. Hrok and Hrrik are the same person. According to the Hrlfssaga, he is the son of Svil and Signy. Olrik has about a page of comment on him,[183] in which he shows that he (Hrethric, Hrothgar's son, in Beowulf) was originally regarded as Hroar's son, but, for reasons that need not here be rehearsed, became a fluctuating character. The Skjọldungasaga has made him the son of Ingjald. In the Hrlfssaga, Hroar is said to have married an English lady named gn. The Skjọldungasaga also says that Hroar married an English lady, but omits her name. Finally, Ingjald is given another son, Frothi. He corresponds to Frothi V in Saxo. In Saxo, however, Frothi is the slayer of his brother and corresponds to the Frothi who appears in the Hrlfssaga as the slayer of Halfdan. As the Frothi who appears in the Hrlfssaga becomes, in the Skjọldungasaga, the father of Halfdan, and Ingjald becomes Halfdan's slayer, Frothi, Ingjald's son, is, as a consequence, assigned the rle of joining his brother Hrrik in slaying his half-brother Hroar. Thus the idea of Frothi (corresponding to Frothi V in Saxo) as a fratricide is retained. But as Ingjald is succeeded on the throne by Halfdan's sons, Hroar and Helgi, there is no opportunity for Ingjald's son Frothi to become king. It will also be remembered that Frothi IV in the Skjọldungasaga, who, like Frothi IV in Saxo, was slain by Swerting (or his sons), was himself a fratricide, having caused the death of his brother Ali. Frothi IV in the Skjọldungasaga corresponds to the Frothi mentioned in the Hrlfssaga. Thus, as a fratricide, Frothi IV in the Skjọldungasaga corresponds to the Frothi in the Hrlfssaga, and as the victim of Swerting, he corresponds to Frothi IV in Saxo; while the account of Frothi, Ingjald's son, as the slayer of his half-brother Hroar, preserves the idea that Frothi V (in Saxo) is his brother's slayer. The Skjọldungasaga has, therefore, amply retained the idea of Frothi as a fratricide, and contains an account that, in a way, embraces the essential features of the treatment of the same period in the Hrlfssaga, on the one hand, and in Saxo, on the other. The relationship in the Skjọldungasaga of Frothi (Ingjald's father), Swerting, Ingjald, and Swerting's daughter is identical with that in the Ingjald lay.
Thus we see how, at the most conspicuous and interesting juncture of the Danish royal line, the Skjọldungasaga harmonizes conflicting traditions.[184] This involves a train of consequences, among which are the following:—
1. "The short and chronicle-like form [i.e., of the Hroar-Helgi story] in the Skjọldungasaga, where the murderer is called Ingjald, not Frothi," is taken from the account that appears in the Hrlfssaga; this account must therefore be earlier than the corresponding account in the Skjọldungasaga.
2. As the story about Frothi, Halfdan, etc., in the Bjarkarmur is substantially the same as in the Skjọldungasaga, it must be derived from the same source as the story in the Skjọldungasaga. The Bjarkarmur are, therefore, at this point a later composition than the corresponding portion of the Hrlfssaga; and this fact affords further corroboration of the idea that the stories in the rmur of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later than the Hrlfssaga's account of Bjarki's slaying the winged monster.
3. When the Skjọldungasaga says that Hrolf Kraki met Hrani-Odin on the expedition to Sweden, though nothing is said about such a meeting in Snorri's Edda, the idea is probably taken from a version of the story essentially as we have it in the Hrlfssaga.[185]
4. Though the Hrlfssaga is made up of elements of varying degrees of antiquity and merit, it contains features worthy of more consideration than has generally been accorded them.
5. In discussing the genealogy of the Danish kings in Beowulf and comparing it with that of other documents,[186] it is to be remembered that the Skjọldungasaga has no independent value as an authority in this connection; its value lies in its recognition of a conflict between the Ingjald lay and the story in the Hrlfssaga, and its attempt to harmonize the two.
6. On the whole, as Olrik says, "Hvor vrdifuld den islandske Skjọldungasaga end er, den er selvflgelig ikke p alle punkter at foretrkke for enhver anden kilde."[187] When it disagrees with other documents, its statements should be scanned with care.
A little ought to be said about Saxo's treatment of the problem, the solution of which in the Skjọldungasaga has just been considered. The solution in the saga is based on the recognition of the fact that Frothi as a king who was slain (i.e., by Swerting) and later avenged by his son is irreconcilable with the idea that he slew his brother, whose sons later put Frothi to death and thus avenged their father's murder. Saxo solved the problem by employing two Frothi's,—namely Frothi IV, Ingjald's father, who was slain by Swerting and was avenged by his son, and Frothi V, Ingjald's successor, who slew his brother, Harald (i.e., Halfdan in the Hrlfssaga), and later was put to death by Harald's sons.
On the whole, Saxo's story presents something of an attempt to harmonize Danish and Old Norse tradition. The Danish tradition about the Hroar-Helgi group of kings Saxo preserves in his second book. The Old Norse tradition about them he utilizes in his seventh book, at a point where, in the line of Danish kings, it occurs according to the Old Norse conception of the matter.[188] In the latter connection he repeats certain features of the story as it appears in his second book. Ingjald who appears in the sixth book is really the same Ingjald (second book) whose son Agnar is slain by Bjarki; and Helgi (here called Halfdan) takes to sea, just as he does in the second book. All that concerns Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa, Bjarki, etc., Saxo omits from the seventh book; but he gives Halfdan (Helgi) a career in Sweden, something like Helgi's (second book). Halfdan dies, however, without leaving an heir to the Danish throne; and this solves another problem, for thus the necessity of introducing Hrolf Kraki, Helgi's son, again, or some substitute for him, is obviated, and the story of this royal family is brought to an end.
Conclusion.
We have, therefore, only two versions of the Hroar-Helgi story (Saxo's version and the one in the Hrlfssaga), and these have been subjected to a variety of influences and manipulations. The two versions do not, however, always employ the same features in just the same way, as is exemplified in the treatment of the insanity motive; nor have they always retained the same features present in the source of influence, as where the place of concealment of the boys in one instance is a cave and in the other a hollow tree. But the possession of the two versions is valuable in this respect, that they afford a double confirmation of the source of influence, as in the instances just cited and in Frothi's consulting the witch.
It is a great transformation that has taken place in the fortunes of Hrothgar (Hroar) from the time we become acquainted with him as the famous King of the Danes in Beowulf till we finally see him in the Hrlfssaga sitting on the throne of Northumberland in England. But the conception of him that excludes him from the list of ancient kings of Denmark seems to have been shared by Snorri Sturlason; for in Snorri's Ynglingasaga, where Frothi, Halfdan, Helgi, Hrolf Kraki, and other early Danish kings are mentioned, and where one would expect something to be said about Hroar also, his name does not occur and there is no reference to him whatever.
The foregoing explanation of how Hroar came to be regarded as King of Northumberland has a bearing on Beowulf-criticism. The name of Hroar's wife is given as gn. In Beowulf, Hrothgar's wife, Wealhtheow, is called a Helming and is supposed to be an English lady. In support of this idea, Sarrazin[189] and, following him, Thomas Arnold[190] have stated that perhaps we have a reminiscence of her nationality in that of gn. But, as we have seen, there is no connection between the two women.
Finally, let it be stated that not all has been said about the Hroar-Helgi story that one would like to say. One would like to be able to trace still more in detail the development of the story and account for all the variations between the two versions. Such knowledge is, however, vouchsafed in very few instances. But if what has been said is substantially correct, a little has been added to what was known before about this interesting story.
III
GENERAL SUMMARY.
From what has been said, it will be seen that the origin of the dragon in the Bọvarsttr of the Hrlfssaga has hitherto been unperceived and the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon has not been understood. Neither of the two has any connection with Beowulf. The Bjarkarmur throw no light on the Beowulf problem, for the story of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and that of Hjalti's slaying the bear are later than the story of Bjarki's slaying the dragon and were written by one who had the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon in mind. Moreover, the story told in the rmur in connection with Hjalti's slaying the bear is merely an adaptation of the story told in the Hrlfssaga about Bjarki's father.
The Frattr of the Hrlfssaga embodies an earlier form of the Hroar-Helgi story than is found in the Skjọldungasaga and the Bjarkarmur; and this confirms the idea that the story in the Hrlfssaga of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster is earlier than the corresponding stories in the Bjarkarmur. Aside from the influence exerted by the Hamlet story, the Frattr version and Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story are the result of influences emanating from the "exile-return" type of story in England, and, nore particularly, the Meriadoc story and the Macbeth story, which were well known to Scandinavians in Great Britain.
The version of the Hroar-Helgi story which we find in the Skjọldungasaga and the Bjarkarmur is the result of an attempt to harmonize conflicting traditions emanating from events about which we now find the first account in Beowulf and Widsith, as is also Saxo's treatment of the same matter in his sixth and seventh books.
The change of names in Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story is the result of arbitrary action on his part in order to conceal the fact that he introduces into his history the Hroar-Helgi group of kings a second time, namely in his seventh book, and gives an account of them that conflicts with the account already given of them in his second book.
INDEX
gesn, Svend, 65.
abbreviations, 5, 6.
Agnar, 17, 51, 52, 82, 83, 93, 96.
Ali, 81, 94.
"Angler," 90.
Anglo-Saxons, 80.
Arcadia, 67.
Arglud, 71.
Arngrim, 92, 95.
Arthur, King, 43, 71-73.
Arthurian romances, 46.
Athils, 83.
Balder-cult, 8.
"Baldersagn," 66.
Banquo, 79.
bear, 13, 16, 20, 23, 35, 49, 50, 55, 57.
bear in Bjark., 7, 10-12, 47-55, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
bear in Gest. Dan., bk. two, 7, 10, 19, 51, 52, 59, 60.
bear in Hrs., 55, 59.
bear-ancestry, 10, 14, 16, 19, 20, 56, 59.
Beaw, 9, 10.
Beorn, 14, 16.
Beowulf, 7-12, 30, 41, 43, 60, 89.
Beowulf (Danish king), 9, 10.
Beowulf, 3, 7-12, 34, 35, 38, 40, 41, 43, 58, 59, 61, 65-67, 88-91, 94, 96-98.
Bera, 16, 56.
Beresun, 14, 16.
Berki, 9.
Bern, 13.
Bernicia, 13, 78.
Bir, 11.
bibliography, 5, 6.
Birn, 13.
Bjarkarmur, 3, 7, 10-12, 16, 28, 35, 47, 49-60, 81-83, 94, 95, 98.
Bjarki, 7-12, 16-20, 23, 24, 27-31, 33-39, 41, 44-60, 67, 77, 83, 90, 93, 95, 96, 98.
Bjarki and the dragon in Hrs., Story of, 20 ff.
Bjarki and the wolf in Bjark., Story of, 47 ff.
Bjrkman, 69.
Bjrn, 16, 56.
blood-drinking, 8, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28, 34, 49-52, 58-60.
Boduwar, 9.
Bothvar, 8, 10-12, 16, 19, 22, 23, 33, 41, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 67, 77.
"Bọvar," 8, 20-22, 47.
Bọvarsttr, 3, 7, 98.
British Isles, 70.
Bromton, 13.
Brunanburh, 80.
Canute, 13, 70, 80.
Caradoc, 71.
cattle-attacking monster, 30, 53.
Christianity, 26.
Christmas, 27, 46.
Christmas Eve, 25, 26, 31-35, 59.
Cuaran, 73.
Cumberland, 14.
Cumbria, 13, 80.
"Cymren," 70.
"cymrisch-skandinavische Sage," 70.
Dan, 90.
Danes, 13, 16, 43, 61, 65, 67, 70, 80, 88-91, 97.
Deira, 13.
Denmark, 7, 8, 14, 18, 19, 61, 63, 65, 67, 70, 76-78, 80-83, 87, 90-92, 97.
"Didrikskmper," 90.
Diere, 14.
Digera, 13.
dogs, herdsmen's, 48, 53, 54, 56.
dog's name in Hist. Mer., 74.
dogs' names in Gest. Dan., bk. seven, 64, 73, 74, 77.
dogs' names in Hrs., 61, 67, 73, 74, 77.
Dolfin, 71, 73, 74.
Donaldbane, 77, 78, 80.
dragon, 9, 14, 15, 19, 20, 23, 24, 27, 46, 55.
dragon in Beow., 7-10, 34, 60.
dragon in Hrs., 7, 10, 19, 20, 24, 27, 28, 30, 33, 34, 36-39, 44-46, 50, 51, 54-60, 98.
Drifa, 9.
Duncan, 13, 77, 78.
Dundee, 15.
Dunewal, 15.
Durendal, 43.
Eadwulf Cutel, 13.
Eagle Rock, 71.
Ealdred, 13, 78.
Ebbe, 25.
Eckhart, 68.
Edward the Confessor, 13, 14, 17.
Elgfrothi, 18.
England, 3, 9, 10, 13-16, 63, 67, 69, 70, 73, 77, 80, 82, 83, 97, 98.
Excalibur, 43.
"exile-return" story, 68, 69, 77, 81, 83, 98.
Favnir, 23, 28.
Firth of Clyde, 13.
Firth of Forth, 13.
Fleventanean forest, 71.
Florencius, 69.
folk-lore, 24, 28, 38.
Fordun, Johannes, 80.
"fornaldarsaga," 15.
Freawaru, 9, 88.
Frey-cult, 8.
Fridleif, 81, 86.
Fridleus, 86.
Frodas, 69.
Frothi, 9, 10, 43, 61-66, 68, 69, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81-97.
Froattr, 3, 61, 94, 98.
Fyen, 64.
Gaimar, Geffrei, 72.
Gautland, 63, 77.
Geats, 43, 91.
genealogy of Danish kings in Gest. Dan., 84, 85.
genealogy of Danish kings in Hrs., 92.
genealogy of Danish kings in Skjs., 84, 85, 92.
Germany, 87.
giants, 25, 26, 42, 46.
giant-sword in Beow., 11, 38.
Godwin, 13.
Great Britain, 98.
Grendel, 7, 9-12, 34, 35, 38, 58, 60.
Grendel's mother, 7, 11.
Grettir, 35.
Griffith, 71, 72.
Grim, 73.
Grmur, 31.
Gudmundur, 31-33.
Gullinhjalti, 11, 12, 22-24, 35, 36, 39-41, 44, 59.
Gyldenhilt, 11, 40, 42.
"gylden hilt," 11, 12, 35, 40-44, 59.
"Hadbarder," 65, 88-90.
Hagena, 90.
Halfdan, 61, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 75, 78, 81-84, 86-88, 91-97.
Halga, 61.
hall-attacking monster, 29-31, 34, 53.
Halvor, 38.
Hamlet, 67, 73, 80.
Hamlet story, 67, 72, 73, 76, 77, 98.
Hamur, 62, 74.
Hanef, 87.
Harald, 63, 75, 83, 86, 87, 96.
Hardecanute, 13.
Havelok, 80.
Heir, 66.
Helgi, 19, 61-64, 66, 67, 69, 73, 75, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 91, 92, 94, 96, 97, 99.
Helming, 97.
Heorot, 89.
Hereward, 60.
Hilda, 81.
Hildr, 56.
"Hitdlekmpe," 24.
Hjalti, 10-12, 22, 24, 28, 35, 39, 40, 44, 47-59, 95, 98.
Hjalti and the bear in Bjark., Story of, 47 ff.
"Hjort," 89.
Hleidargard, 48, 49, 53, 55.
Ho, 61, 74.
"Holmryger," 90.
Hondscio, 12.
Hopp, 61, 74.
Hott, 11, 12, 20-25, 27-30, 34, 36-40, 44-46, 53.
Hrani, 62, 74, 95.
Hrethel, 43.
Hrethric, 93.
Hring, 17, 55.
Hroar, 19, 61-67, 69, 75, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 91-94, 96, 97, 99.
Hroar-Helgi story, 61, 67-70, 72-74, 76-79, 81-84, 86, 87, 94, 95, 97, 98.
Hrok, 93.
Hrolf Kraki, 7, 9, 17-23, 27, 33, 35, 39, 40, 43, 46, 48-50, 52, 54, 55, 57, 66, 82-84, 86, 92, 95-97.
Hrlfssaga, 3, 7, 9-12, 16-20, 23, 33, 35, 39-41, 45, 46, 49, 50, 52-54, 57-60, 63, 65, 68, 72-74, 76-80, 82, 83, 87, 91-98.
Hrossjfr, 66.
Hrothgar, 9, 42, 43, 88, 89, 93, 96, 97.
Hrothulf, 89.
Hrunting, 11.
Hrrik, 65, 82, 93, 94.
"Hunnerslaget," 90.
Huntingdon, 13, 14.
Hygd, 43.
Hygelac, 43.
Iceland, 26, 65, 77, 84.
Icelanders, 67.
"ilex," 75, 76.
Ingjald, 81-84, 86-91, 93-96.
Ingjald lay, 87-92, 94, 96.
insanity in Gest. Dan., bk. seven, 64, 73, 77, 97.
insanity in Hamlet story, 67, 73.
insanity in Hrs., 73, 77, 97.
invulnerability, 29.
Ireland, 71, 78, 80.
"islndingasaga," 15.
Ivor, 71-75, 77.
Jorund, 81, 82, 93, 95.
Joseph, 76.
Karl, governor of Gautland, 63.
Kay, 71, 72.
Leofric, 13.
London, 14.
Lonkentus, 39.
Macbeth, 13, 78-80.
Macbeth story, 77-81, 98.
Macduffe, 79.
Malcolm, 13, 77, 80.
Margaret, 33.
Meriadoc, 72, 73.
Meriadoc story, 70-76, 78, 80, 98.
Merlin, 46.
Morwen, 71, 72.
New Year, 32.
"Niebelunger," 90.
"Nordmnd," 15, 90.
Norfolk, 70.
Northri, 63, 78.
Northumberland, 10, 13-15, 18, 63, 78, 80, 97.
Northumbria, 13, 78.
Norway, 7, 25, 26, 65, 77, 81.
Norwegians, 14, 16, 67.
Odin, 15, 17-19, 26, 95.
Offa, 90.
Olaf, 85, 87.
Orkney Islands, 14, 17-19.
Orwen, 72, 78.
Osbeorn, 13, 18.
Osbernum, 15.
Osbertum Bulax, 15.
Per Bakken, 25.
Per Gynt, 35.
Per Sandager, 29.
"quercus," 74.
Ragnar, 64.
Ragnar Lodbrok, 15.
Ravenlandeye, 14, 18.
Regin, 61-63, 68.
Remus, 67.
Roland, 43.
Romulus, 67.
Russia, 81.
"Sakser," 90, 91.
Scandinavians, 10, 70, 80, 98.
"Scania," 82.
Scioldus, 86.
Scotland, 13, 17, 71, 72, 78.
Scots, 13, 15.
Scyld, 9.
Scylding kings, 67, 69.
Seeland, 64, 77, 82.
"seid," 79.
"seikona," 79, 81.
Sigar, 73.
Signy, 61-63, 73, 77, 82, 83, 93, 95.
Sigrith, 63, 82, 83, 92, 93, 95.
Sigurd, 23, 28, 67.
Sigurdur, 31-33.
Silfrnarstadir, 31.
Siward, 10, 13-20, 23, 24, 56, 59, 63, 77, 78, 80.
Sjvarborg, 31.
Skne, 82.
Skagafjrdur, 31.
Skjọldungasaga, 18, 65, 81-84, 86, 87, 91-96, 98.
"Skjoldunger," 65, 88.
"Skjoldungsagaer," 67.
"Skjoldungsagn," 64, 66.
"Skjoldungslgt," 84.
"Skjoldungt," 65, 90.
Skofnung, 39, 40.
Sleipnir, 19.
Snowdon, Mount, 72.
soothsayers, 61, 79.
Spratlingus, 14.
Starkad, 81, 82, 87, 88, 90.
Sweden, 8, 17-19, 63, 77, 81, 82, 87, 95, 97.
Swedes, 81.
Swerting, 81, 82, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 94-96.
Svar, 78.
Svil, 61-63, 73, 78, 82, 83, 93, 95.
Thames, 14.
Thebes, 67.
Thessaly, 67.
Tosti, 14, 17.
troll, 7, 9, 11, 16, 21, 22, 24-28, 30-35, 38, 52, 53, 59.
troll-animal, 29.
troll-bird, 29.
troll-dragon, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 49, 50, 53, 55, 58, 59.
troll-hare, 29.
troll-wife, 35, 66.
Ulf, 16, 55, 56.
Ulfius, 14.
Ulsius, 14.
Uplands in Norway, 81.
Urien, 71-73.
Ursus, 14.
Uther Pendragon, 71.
Valhalla, 19.
Valsleit, 17.
"Vender," 90.
Vifil, 61, 62, 73, 74, 76, 79.
Vitholphus, 66.
Violfi, 66.
"Volsunger," 90.
Waldar, 92, 93.
Waldef story, 69.
Wales, 71.
Wealhtheow, 97.
Weder-Geats, 41.
Welsh, 70.
werewolf myth, 12.
Westminster, 14.
Westmoreland, 14.
Widsith, 61, 89, 91, 98.
winged monster in Hrs., 7-12, 20-22, 25, 55, 95, 98.
witch, 26, 61, 62, 64, 78, 79, 97.
wizard, 26, 79.
wolf in Bjark., 7, 10-12, 28, 47, 49-52, 54, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
wolves in Gest. Dan., bk. seven, 63, 64.
wolves in Hist. Mer., 71, 75, 76.
Worcestershire, 13.
York, 13.
Young Siward, 13.
Yrsa, 66, 69, 83, 96.
Yule, 25.
Yule Eve, 22, 25, 30.
Yule-feast, 22, 25.
Yule-tide, 27.
lfld, 13, 78.
sir, 26.
gn, 63, 78, 92, 94, 97.
"stersen," 90.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: For these portions of the Bjarkarmur, see pp. 47-48.]
[Footnote 2: For the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster, see pp. 20-22.]
[Footnote 3: See p. 51.]
[Footnote 4: Ant. Tid., 1852-54, p. 130.]
[Footnote 5: Ang., 1886, IX, pp. 198-201.]
[Footnote 6: P.B.B., 1887, XII, pp. 55-57.]
[Footnote 7: Beow. Stud., 1888, pp. 62-63.]
[Footnote 8: Beow. Unt. Ang., 1889, p. 55.]
[Footnote 9: Beow. Unt., 1888, pp. 185-88.]
[Footnote 10: Eng. Stud., 1892, XVI, p. 80.]
[Footnote 11: The list is "Osbern Thruwin Aeskitil Riculf Aeskyl Rikui Boduwar Berki Esel Petre Osbern."]
[Footnote 12: P.B.B., 1895, XX, pp. 157-58.]
[Footnote 13: Eng. Stud., 1897, XXIII, pp. 243-46.]
[Footnote 14: Notes, Beow., 1898, p. 96.]
[Footnote 15: Grundr., 1898, III, p. 649.]
[Footnote 16: Ark., 1903 (the article is dated 1901), XIX, pp. 19 ff.]
[Footnote 17: Oldn. Lit. Hist., II, 1901, p. 832.]
[Footnote 18: Helt., I, 1903, pp. 135-36.]
[Footnote 19: Helt., I, p. 135.]
[Footnote 20: Helt., I, pp. 139-41.]
[Footnote 21: Helt., pp. 215-17.]
[Footnote 22: Helt., I, p. 248.]
[Footnote 23: Hrs. Bjark., 1904, Introd., p. 22.]
[Footnote 24: Eng. Stud., 1905, XXXV, pp. 19 ff. The similarity between "Gullinhjalti," in the Hrlfssaga, and "gylden hilt," in Beowulf, was first pointed out by Friedrich Kluge in Englische Studien, 1896, XXII, p. 145. Sarrazin would write "gylden hilt," the form in which the words appear in Beowulf, in one word and capitalize it (i.e., Gyldenhilt). This manner of writing the words brings them nearer in form to "Gullinhjalti," as this word is written in the Hrlfssaga. Holthausen in his latest edition (1909) of Beowulf also uses the form "Gyldenhilt." Lawrence, likewise, identifies "gylden hilt" with Gullinhjalti (see p. 12), as does also Panzer (see p. 12).]
[Footnote 25: St. Sag. Eng., 1906, pp. 249 ff.]
[Footnote 26: Camb. Hist. Lit., I, 1907, pp. 29-30.]
[Footnote 27: Gesch. Alteng. Lit., 1908, p. 993.]
[Footnote 28: P. M. L. A., 1909, XXIV, p. 237.]
[Footnote 29: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 239.]
[Footnote 30: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 231.]
[Footnote 31: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 231.]
[Footnote 32: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 224.]
[Footnote 33: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 223.]
[Footnote 34: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 224.]
[Footnote 35: St. germ. Sag., 1910, pp. 366 ff.]
[Footnote 36: St. germ. Sag., pp. 372-73.]
[Footnote 37: St. germ. Sag., p. 383.]
[Footnote 38: XVIII, pp. 318-19.]
[Footnote 39: See the legendary life of Siward in the following.]
[Footnote 40: Ark., XIX, p. 199.]
[Footnote 41: Olrik, Ark., XIX, p. 205.]
[Footnote 42: Ark., XIX, pp. 212-13.]
[Footnote 43: Ark., XIX, pp. 205-07. See also Helt., I, pp. 215-17. In his St. germ. Sag., p. 378, n., Panzer calls in question the connection that Olrik makes between Bjarki's bear-ancestry and that of Siward. But Olrik's theory furnishes the only satisfactory explanation of all the phenomena involved, and is so extremely probable that it must be regarded as correct.]
[Footnote 44: Hrs. Bjark., pp. 59-60.]
[Footnote 45: Sn. Ed., pp. 107-10.]
[Footnote 46: See p. 95, 3 and note.]
[Footnote 47: Ark., XIX, p. 211]
[Footnote 48: Helt., I, p. 136.]
[Footnote 49: St. germ. Sag., p. 367.]
[Footnote 50: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 239.]
[Footnote 51: Hrs. Bjark., pp. 68-71. Lawrence's translation of the above is as follows:—
"And as the Yule-feast approached, the men grew depressed. Bothvar asked Hott the reason; he told him that a beast had already come two successive winters, a great and terrible one,—'and it has wings on its back and flies about continually; two autumns it has already sought us here, and it does great damage; no weapon wounds it, but the king's champions, the best warriors of all, don't come home at this time.' Bothvar said, 'The hall isn't so well defended as I thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the king.' Hott answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest of monsters.' (at er ekki dr, heldr er at hit mesta trọll). Now came the Yule-even; and the king said, 'Now I desire that the men be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all to run any risk on account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills (sem aunar); my men I do not wish to lose.' All promised to act as the king commanded. But Bothvar crept secretly out in the night; he made Hott go with him, but Hott only went because he was forced to, crying out that it would surely be the death of him. Bothvar told him it would turn out better. They went out of the hall, and Bothvar had to carry him, so full of fear was he. Now they saw the beast, and Hott shrieked as loud as he could, and cried that the beast was going to swallow him. Bothvar commanded the dog (bikkjuna hans, i.e. Hott) to keep still, and threw him down in the moss, and there he lay in unspeakable terror, and didn't even dare to run home. Then Bothvar attacked the beast, but it chanced that the sword stuck in the sheath when he wanted to draw it; then he pulled so hard at the sword that it flew out of the sheath, and he plunged (leggr) it immediately with such force under the shoulder of the beast that it penetrated the heart, and hard and heavily fell the beast down on the ground dead. Then Bothvar went over to where Hott was lying. He took him up and carried him over to the place where the beast lay dead. Hott trembled frightfully. Bothvar said, 'Now you must drink the blood of the beast.' For a long time he was loth to do this, but he finally didn't dare to do otherwise. Bothvar made him drink two big gulps, and eat some of the beast's heart; then Bothvar grappled with him, and they struggled long with each other. Bothvar said, 'Now you have become very strong, and I don't believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any longer.' Hott answered, 'I shall not fear them any more, nor shall I be afraid of you henceforth.' 'That is well, comrade Hott,' [said Bothvar] 'and now will we set up the beast, and arrange it so that the others will think it alive.' They did so. Then they went in and were quiet; no one knew what they had done.
"The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast; whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him the cattle were all safe and sound in the folds. The king bade his men see if they couldn't find any indication that it had come thither. The warders obeyed, came quickly back again and told the king that the beast was advancing rapidly to attack the town (borginn). The king bade his men be courageous, [and said] each one should help, according as he had courage for it, and proceed against this monster. It was done as the king commanded; they made themselves ready for it. The king looked at the beast and said, 'I don't see that the beast moves; but who will undertake the task and attack it?' Bothvar answered, 'A brave man might be able to satisfy his curiosity about this! (at vri nsta hrausts manns forvitnisbt.) Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,—men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and kill the beast!—you see nobody else wants to.' 'Yes,' said Hott,'I will undertake it.' The king said. 'I don't know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed marvellously in a short time.' Hott said, 'Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in the attempt.' King Hrolf said, 'This sword can only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring.' Hott answered, 'You shall be convinced that I am such a man.' The king said, 'Who knows whether your character hasn't changed more than appearances show? Take the sword and may you have good fortune!' Then Hott attacked the beast and struck at it as soon as he was near enough so that he could hit it, and the beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, 'Look, lord, what he has done!' The king replied, 'Truly he has changed much, but Hott alone didn't kill the beast, you were the man who did it.' Bothvar said, 'It may be so.' The king said, 'I knew as soon as you came here that only few men could compare with you, but this seems to me your most illustrious deed, that you have made a warrior out of Hott, who appeared little born to great good fortune. And now I wish him called Hott no longer, he shall from this day be named Hjalti,—thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti.'"—P.M.L.A., XXIV, pp. 226-27.]
[Footnote 52: Ark., XIX, pp. 207-08.]
[Footnote 53: See p. 7.]
[Footnote 54: Gratis., p. 92.]
[Footnote 55: Sc. Folkl.., p. 65.]
[Footnote 56: Sc. Folkl.., p. 66.]
[Footnote 57: Sc. Folkl.., p. 108.]
[Footnote 58: Sagn., p. 34.]
[Footnote 59: Event. Sagn.., p. 10.]
[Footnote 60: Event. Sagn.., pp. 52-53.]
[Footnote 61: "Ebbe svarede, at trolde kmpede ved nar."—Helt.., I, p. 126. The sunlight is represented as being invariably fatal to trolls.]
[Footnote 62: George Webbe Dasent says (Pop. Tales, Introd., pp. 57-58): "The trolls, or, the other hand [i.e., in comparison with the Giants], with whom mankind had more to do, were supposed to be less easy tempered, and more systematically malignant, than the Giants, and with the term were bound up notions of sorcery and unholy power.... But when Christianity came in, and heathendom fell; when the godlike race of sir became evil demons instead of good genial powers, then all the objects of the old popular belief, whether sir, Giants, or Trolls, were mingled together in one superstition, as 'no canny.' They were all trolls; all malignant; and thus it is that, in these tales, the traditions about Odin and his underlings, about the Frost Giants, and about sorcerers and wizards, are confused and garbled; and all supernatural agency that plots man's ill is the work of Trolls, whether the agent be the arch enemy himself, or giant, or witch, or wizard."
It is quite impossible to characterize trolls in detail with unqualified words or phrases. They are usually malignant, though there are instances of their doing men a good turn. They are always very powerful, and are usually very large. It is told of one troll that, had she not made a misstep, she would have succeeded in wading from Norway to Iceland; and of another, that the thumb of his glove held four bushels, good measure. In some instances, however, it is possible for many trolls to enter one room of an ordinary dwelling house. There are trolls with three heads, with six heads, with nine heads, and with twelve heads. Sometimes they are one-eyed, and sometimes they have other characteristics that differentiate them from human beings. In fact, anything with supernatural qualities is apt to be called a troll. As a rule, it is impossible for human beings to cope with trolls except by outwitting them, which often is done. They are inimical to Christianity; and, though their depredations may occur on any day of the year, between sunset and sunrise, adventures with trolls, as stated above, are frequently represented as occurring Christmas Eve; and that is the time when particular precaution must be taken to avoid them. Usually it is taken for granted that trolls will not attack the inmates of a house, and people feel perfectly safe so long as they do not venture out. In another type of troll story, however, people expect trolls to invade the house Christmas Eve and attack them; and to avoid injury, the inmates vacate the house for the night, before sunset. Illustrations of these statements are found in such well known collections of fairy tales as Sc. Folkl., Nor. Tales, Folk. Huld. Even., Event. Sagn.]
[Footnote 63: This story is in print and was related to the present writer by one who had read it; and, though diligent search has failed to locate it again, the writer ventures to reproduce it, for he is certain that it is in existence.]
[Footnote 64: Folk. Huld. Even., Pt. I, pp. 66ff.]
[Footnote 65: St. germ. Sag., pp. 367-68.]
[Footnote 66: "Dette hallen hjemsgende uhyre."—Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.]
[Footnote 67: Icel. Leg., pp. 140 ff.]
[Footnote 68: That it was the cattle of King Hrolf that the dragon attacked has been recognized by others, Mllenhoff (Beow. Unt. Ang., p. 55) and Chadwick (Camb. Hist. Lit., I, p. 29), for instance; but they make no more of the matter than to state it correctly.]
[Footnote 69: Grettis., pp 92 ff.]
[Footnote 70: Folk. Huld. Even., Pt. II, pp. 53 ff.]
[Footnote 71: Helt., I, pp. 117-18.]
[Footnote 72: P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 239.]
[Footnote 73: St. germ. Sag., p. 366.]
[Footnote 74: St. germ. Sag., p. 368.]
[Footnote 75: St. germ. Sag., p. 372.]
[Footnote 76: See pp. 11-12.]
[Footnote 77: Beow. Unt. Ang., p. 55.]
[Footnote 78: Beow. Unt., p. 187.]
[Footnote 79: Helt., I, p. 135.]
[Footnote 80: Nor. Tales, p. 366. The sword here in question is just like the sword in Grendel's cave in Beowulf, except that it is not said to have a golden hilt.]
[Footnote 81: Other tales which contain the motive that a strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword that has supernatural qualities are: The Big Bird Dan and The Seven Foals (Nor. Tales, pp. 266 and 449); The Three Brothers (Polish, Yel. Fair. Bk., p. 144); and Lonkenlus (Event. Sagn, p. 268). It may be urged that in all these instances the drinking imparts strength, not bravery. But the two qualities are closely related; and the saga-man makes it plain that, by means of the drink, Hott has acquired both. Bothvar says, "Now you have become very strong, and I don't believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any longer." Hott answers, "I shall not fear them any more." Later Bothvar says, referring to the proposed attack on the propped-up dragon, "A brave man might be able to satisfy his curiosity about this! Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,—men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and kill the beast!" "Yes," says Hott, "I will undertake it." The king says, "I don't know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed marvellously in a short time." From the foregoing and what is said about Hott's wrestling with Bothvar, it is plain that the author has taken particular pains to emphasize the fact that, by partaking of the heart and blood of the dragon, Hott has acquired great strength, the lack of which seems to have been the cause of his cowardice. It seems equally plain that when Hott knocks over the dead propped-up dragon by means of the sword Gullinhjalti, which the king explicitly says "can only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring," the purpose is to call particular attention to the fact that it is by wielding the sword that Hott gives proof of the change that has come over him. Regardless of the deceit that has been practiced in connection with the dead dragon, the king is compelled, if he believes what he has said about Gullinhjalti, to recognize that Hott has demonstrated by his ability to wield the sword that he is now "a man who is both brave and daring." And the king does recognize it, for he says to Bothvar, "You have made a warrior out of Hott."]
[Footnote 82: Hrs. Bjark., p. 100.]
[Footnote 83: Ll. 1557, 1567, 1607, 1666.]
[Footnote 84: Ll. 1558, 1569, 1605, 1615, 1663, 1696.]
[Footnote 85: Ll. 1559, 1573.]
[Footnote 86: Ll. 1564, 1616, 1667.]
[Footnote 87: L. 1697.]
[Footnote 88: Eng. Stud., XXXV, p. 22.]
[Footnote 89: L. 1697.]
[Footnote 90: Ll. 1573-74.]
[Footnote 91: "The chief of the Weder-Geats took no more of the treasure-holdings in the dwelling, though he saw many there, but only the head, and with it, the sword's hilt, brave with gold; the sword had already melted" (ll. 1612-15).—Beow., Child.]
[Footnote 92: "I bore the hilt thence away from my enemies" (ll. 1668-69).]
[Footnote 93: "Then the golden hilt, the work of giants long ago, was given into the hand of the old prince, the white-haired battle-leader" (ll. 1677-79).—Beow., Child.]
[Footnote 94: "Hrothgar spake, looked on the hilt, the old heirloom, on which was written the beginning of that far-off strife, when the flood, the streaming ocean slew the giant kind—they had borne themselves lawlessly. The people were estranged from the Eternal Lord; the Wielder, therefore, gave them their requital through the whelming of the waters. So was it duly lined in rimed staves on the guard of gleaming gold, set down and told for them for whom that sword was wrought, choicest of blades, with twisted hilt and decked with dragon-shapes." (LI. 1687-93).—Beow., Child.]
[Footnote 95: L. 1687.]
[Footnote 96: L. 1698.]
[Footnote 97: "He gave the guardian of the boat a sword ornamented with gold" (ll. 1900-1901).]
[Footnote 98: "Then the shield of earls, the king stout in battle, bade fetch Hrethel's sword, mounted in gold; there was not then among the Geats a better treasure in the like of a sword. He laid it on Beowulf's lap." (ll. 2190-94).—Beow., Child.]
[Footnote 99: Mort. d'Arth., p. 480.]
[Footnote 100: "En l'orie pont assez i at reliques."—Ext. Ch. Rol., p. 103.]
[Footnote 101: "Preditum auro capulum."—Gest. Dan., p. 118.]
[Footnote 102: See pp. 31 ff.]
[Footnote 103: St. germ. Sag., p. 370.]
[Footnote 104: St. germ. Sag., p. 372.]
[Footnote 105: Eng. Nov., p. 2.]
[Footnote 106: Hrs. Bjark., pp. 139-40 and 141-42. Lawrence's translation of the above selections from the rmur is as follows:—
"Most of the men insulted Hjalti; he was not clever in speech. One day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of the hall, so that the king's men did not know of it. Hjalti was afraid, and cried, 'Let us not go near this wood; there is a she-wolf here, which eats men; she will soon kill us both.' The she-wolf burst out of a thicket, frightful, with gaping jaws. Hjalti thought this terrible; his legs and all his limbs trembled. Undaunted Bjarki advanced upon her, struck deep with his axe; fearful blood streamed from the she-wolf. 'Between two things,' said Bothvar, 'shall you choose, Hjalti,—drink this blood, or I will kill you, no courage seems to be in you.' Angrily answered Hjalti, 'I don t dare to drink blood; (but) it is best to do it if I must; now I have no better choice.' He lay down to drink the blood; then he drank three swallows,—enough for fighting with one man! His courage increased, his strength waxed, he became very strong, mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open. So he became courageous at heart, he feared not the flight of steel, the name of coward he feared no more, he was equal to Bothvar in courage." (IV, 58-66.)
"He (Hjalti) has gained a brave heart and a courageous disposition; he has got strength and valor from the blood of the she-wolf. The folds at Hleidargard were attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had killed the herdmen's dogs; it was not much used to contending with men. Hrolf and all his men prepared to hunt the bear—'he shall be greatest in my hall, who faces the beast!' Roaring the bear ran from its lair and shook its baleful paws, so that the men fled. Hjalti looked on when the combat began; he had nothing in his hands. Hrolf tossed to Hjalti his sword; the warrior stretched forth his hand and grasped it. Then he plunged it into the bear's right shoulder, and the bear fell down dead. That was his first heroic deed, many others followed; his heart was ever brave in the battle. From this exploit he got the name of Hjalti the brave, and was the equal of Bjarki." (V, 4-13.)—P. M. L. A., XXIV, pp. 229-30.]
[Footnote 107: Helt., I, p. 118.]
[Footnote 108: When, here and elsewhere in this discussion, the Hrlfssaga is referred to as an earlier composition than the Bjarkarmur, the implication is not intended that the version of the saga which we now have was earlier committed to writing.]
[Footnote 109: See p. 51.]
[Footnote 110: St. germ. Sag., p. 367.]
[Footnote 111: Beow. Unt. Ang., p. 55.]
[Footnote 112: Beow. Unt., p. 186.]
[Footnote 113: Helt., I, p. 116.]
[Footnote 114: St. Sag. Eng., p. 250.]
[Footnote 115: Gest. Dan., p. 56. Elton's translation of the passage is as follows: "When he was triumphing in these deeds of prowess, a beast of the forest furnished him fresh laurels. For he met a huge bear in a thicket, and slew it with a javelin; and then bade his companion Hjalti put his lips to the beast and drink the blood that came out, that he might be the stronger afterwards. For it was believed that a draught of this sort caused an increase of bodily strength."—Elton's Saxo, p. 69.]
[Footnote 116: See pp. 36 ff.]
[Footnote 117: See, for instance, Sc. Folkl., p. 253, where dragons are said to have been pierced "under their shoulders to the heart."]
[Footnote 118: Finnur Jnsson has also been struck by the similarity between the story connected with Bjarki's birth and the second story in the rmur, in which Hjalti slays a bear. He says, "I rimerne (V, 5-14) er der endnu tale om en 'grbjrn.'"—Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.]
[Footnote 119: Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 18.]
[Footnote 120: See p. 16.]
[Footnote 121: The dogs are here said to be the herdsmen's dogs, in conformity with the spirit of the story in its new setting and to differentiate the story from what it is in the place whence the author of the rmur took it.]
[Footnote 122: Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.]
[Footnote 123: See pp. 50 ff.]
[Footnote 124: For further proof of this, see pp. 81 ff.]
[Footnote 125: See p. 11.]
[Footnote 126: In the foregoing no implication is intended as to the identity of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and Saxo's story of Bjarki's slaying the bear. The result, however, of the discussion is to establish the priority of Saxo's story to that in the Hrlfssaga; hence, an attempt to identify Bjarki's exploit with Beowulf's exploit must consist principally in an attempt to identify the Grendel story with Saxo's version of the corresponding story told about Bjarki.]
[Footnote 127: I, pp. 175-78.]
[Footnote 128: "Det ldste vidnesbyrd om sagnet bar vi i den skaldte Vọlusp in skamma; det hedder her: 'eru vọlur allar fr Violfi.' Denne troldkvindernes stamfader er identisk med troldmanden Vit[h]olphus i Sakses norske saga; og nr vi ser, hvorledes digtets troldmandsremser nvner kendte sagnfigurer—Heir i Volusp; Hrossjfr i Sakses norske Baldersagn—, tr vi ogs i Violfr se hentydning til en bestemt digtning, i.e., til dette norske Skjoldungsagn. Desvrre kendes digtets alder ikke videre nje; det er efterhedensk og er digtet som et tillg til Volusp, sikkert efter at dette digt var blevet udvidet med dvrgremserne. (F. Jnsson, Oldn. lit. hist., I, 204, gr det til islandsk og stter det til 2. halvdel af 12te rh.)."—Olrik's note.]
[Footnote 129: See pp. 9, 15, 24.]
[Footnote 130: St. Sag. Eng., pp. 120-21.]
[Footnote 131: See R. Imelmann's edition, pp. 45 ff.]
[Footnote 132: "Hroarr-Helgi. Frodas, der Florencius gegenbersteht und Waldeus zu beseitigen sucht, hat zwar als Usurpator in einem ganzen Typus seine Verwandten, aber eine in formeller Hinsicht auffallende in der nordischen Sage von Hroarr und Helgi. Hier stellt Froi zwei Neffen nach, die aber durch ihren Erzieher in Sicherheit gebracht werden. Sie rchen sich spter an dem Usurpator in seiner Halle. Bei seinen Nachstellungen lsst Froi sich tuschen. Fr diese Zge bietet der Waldeus eine genaue parallele (S. 45-60). Seine Vorlage konnte die Sage kennen, da sie in England entstanden und beliebt war; und ihre Benutzung msste angenommen werden, sobald man die Namensgleichheit Froi—Froda (Frode) fr nicht zufllig hlt. Der Name Froi scheint in England sonst zu fehlen; er steht nicht bei Bjrkman."—Hist. Reg. Wald., Introd., p. 52.]
[Footnote 133: St. Sag. Eng., pp. 103 ff.]
[Footnote 134: St. Sag. Eng., p. 134.]
[Footnote 135: Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 30.]
[Footnote 136: St. Sag. Eng., p. 139.]
[Footnote 137: See, for instance, Dan. Nor. Rig.]
[Footnote 138: Hist. Mer., Introd., pp. 65-67.]
[Footnote 139: The version of the Havelok story here referred to is that contained in Geffrei Gaimar's Estorie des Engles and summarized in St. Sag. Eng., pp. 98-100.]
[Footnote 140: Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 30, n.]
[Footnote 141: See Helt., I, pp. 22-23.]
[Footnote 142: Hist. Mer., p. 8.]
[Footnote 143: Hist. Mer., p. 9.]
[Footnote 144: Hist. Mer., p. 8.]
[Footnote 145: Hist. Mer., p. 9.]
[Footnote 146: Gest. Dan., p. 218.]
[Footnote 147: St. Sag. Eng., p. 129.]
[Footnote 148: Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 31.]
[Footnote 149: See pp. 86 ff.]
[Footnote 150: A variant of "Svil" in the manuscripts is "Svar." See Hrs. Bjark., pp. 3, n. and 5, n.]
[Footnote 151: Chron., V, p. 269.]
[Footnote 152: Chron., V, p. 269.]
[Footnote 153: There is something similar to this in Meriadoc. Orwen, the princess, marries the King of Scotland. This feature of Meriadoc, besides being in line with Hroar's marrying Northri's daughter, points toward Scotland also.]
[Footnote 154: Siward married lfld, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of Bernicia in Northumbria (see p. 13).]
[Footnote 155: Nor. Hist., I, pp. 180-81.]
[Footnote 156: Macb., Introd., p. 15.]
[Footnote 157: Chron., V, p. 274.]
[Footnote 168: Quoted by Langebek in Sc. Rer. Dan., III. p. 291, n.]
[Footnote 159: Olrik; see p. 65.]
[Footnote 160: Skjs. (Aarb., pp. 110 ff.).]
[Footnote 161: Oldn. Lit. Hist., II, p. 665.]
[Footnote 162: See pp. 64 ff., where Olrik's explanation of the development in the relations between Frothi and Halfdan, from the earliest to the latest account, is given in full.]
[Footnote 163: See p. 69.]
[Footnote 164: "Vi finder Skjoldungasagas kongerkke bekrftet i de andre skrifter. Langfegatal stemmer helt igennem i kongersekken og—p et enkelt punkt nr—ogs i slgstskabs-forholdene. Rolv krakes saga stemmer ligeledes; kun gr den sin konge Frode til Halvdans broder, ikke til hans brodersn som de to andre kilder. Hervararsaga bar forvansket nogle af de mindre vigtige konge-og dronningnavne, men har i det hele samme bygning af Skjoldungslgten. De p Island bevarede oldkvad (Grottesangen, Bjarkeml, Brvallakvadet og Hyndlulj) stemmer belt med prosaskrifterne."—Olrik, Aarb., p. 157.]
[Footnote 165: Son and successor of Scioldus.]
[Footnote 166: Said to have been king when Christ was born.]
[Footnote 167: Brothers, sons of Leifus.]
[Footnote 168: Married to Olafa, daughter of Vermundus.]
[Footnote 169: Chosen king upon the death of Frotho III, when Fridleus II was absent from the kingdom.]
[Footnote 170: Son and successor of Frotho III. He defeated Hiarnus and later slew him.]
[Footnote 171: Olaf appears here in a disturbing manner; but that Saxo had no clear conception of him is plain from the way he introduces his seventh book. He says: "Ingello quatuor filios fuisse, ex iisdemque, tribus bello consumptis, Olauum solum post patrem regnasse, perita rerum prodit antiquitas: quem quidam Ingelli sorore editum incerto opinionis arbitrio perhibent. Huius actus uetustatis squalore conspersos parum iusta noticia posteritatis apprehendit; extremum duntaxat prudencie eius monitum memoria uendicauit. Quippe cum supremis fati uiribus arctaretur, Frothoni et Haraldo filiis consulturus, alterum terris, alterum aquis regia dicione preesse, eamque potestatis differenciam non diutina usurpacione, sed annua uicissitudine sortini iubet."—Gest. Dan., p. 216.]
[Footnote 172: Son of Ingjald, but not his successor on the throne.]
[Footnote 173: Halfdan in Hrs. and Skjs.]
[Footnote 174: Hroar in Hrs. and Skjs.]
[Footnote 175: Helgi in Hrs. and Skjs.]
[Footnote 176: Beow., ll. 2024-69.]
[Footnote 177: Beow., ll. 82-85.]
[Footnote 178: "Dette forhold, at det egenlige vikingeliv ligger forud for digtet, frer os hen til 10de rh. som dets tilblivelsestid."—Helt., II, p. 36.]
[Footnote 179: Helt., II, pp. 37-41. Olrik's notes, of which there are a number, have been omitted.]
[Footnote 180: Later, the statement is made that Hroar had a son called Waldar; but the statement causes no difficulty in this connection. First, we observe that when Hroar, who is older than Helgi, is slain, Helgi's son, Hrolf Kraki, becomes sole King of Denmark with no competitor for the throne. Secondly, Arngrim says: "Roas. Hujus posteros etsi non repperi in compendio unde Regum Dani Fragmenta descripsi; tamen genealogiam hanc alibi sic oblatam integre ut sequitur visum est contexere. Valderus cogn. munificus, Ro prdicti filius."—Aarb., p. 139, n.]
[Footnote 181: Halfdan's brother, who, after Halfdan's death, married his widow, Sigrith.]
[Footnote 182: This is not expressly stated; but her appearance and action in the last scene admit of no other conclusion. This is Finnur Jnsson's opinion also; see p. 95, n.]
[Footnote 183: Helt., I, pp. 173-74.]
[Footnote 184: Finnur Jnsson, in his comment on the Frattr, regards the version of the Hroar-Helgi story contained in the Skjọldungasaga and the Bjarkarmur as earlier than the version contained in the Hrlfssaga. His most significant statements bearing on the matter are as follows: "I Skjọldungasaga, der blandt de islandske kilder har strst betydning, har vi herfor [i.e., instead of Halfdan and Frothi] Hlfdan og Ingjaldr, der er halvbrdre, bgge snner af kong Fri froekni; Halvdans moder er en datter af kong Jrund i Sverrig, Ingjalds moder er en datter af Sverting og Frodes virkelige hustru; herom ved vor saga alts intet. Halvdan er ifg. Skj. gift med en Sigrr (sledes ogs i Hrs., hvor hun pludselig dukker op). Deres brn er de samme som i sagaen; ogs her er Sign gift med Svil. Ingjald drber sin broder Halvdan og gifter sig med hans enke (heri finder vi motivet til at hun lader sig indebrnde med Frode i Hrs., hvilket dr str ganske umotiveret)."—Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 9.
The Skjọldungasaga does not, however, say that Ingjald's mother was a daughter of Swerting. It says, "Postea ducta alia, Ingialldum filium legitimum hredem suscepit" (Aarb., p. 111). And later it says that Ingjald married Swerting's daughter. The words of the saga are, "Ingialldus Frodonis filius Svertingi baronis paulo ante commemorati filiam in uxorem accepit firmioris grati, ut omnibus visum, conciliand ergo" (Aarb., p. 112). This would indicate that Ingjald was not the son of a daughter of Swerting.]
[Footnote 185: "Arngrim tilfjer, at natten efter var de hos en bonde, i.e., Hrane, hvis gaver de afslog. (Footnote. Her trffer vi sikkert det oprindelige forhold, kun t mode med Odin.) Hvorledes Rolv rejste videre, siges ikke i nogen af kilderne. Det er klart heraf, at Arngrims fremstilling str sagaen nrmere end Skj., hvilket nppe kommer af, at Snorre skulde have udeladt det som Arngrim har; det har vret den yngre bearbejdelse af Skj., som A. Olrik vistnok med rette har ment at kunne pvise, som Arngrims fremstilling beror p."—Finnur Jnsson, Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 25.]
[Footnote 186: See, for instance, Sarrazin's Knig Hrodhgeirr und seine familie; Eng. Stud., XXIII, pp. 221 ff.]
[Footnote 187: Aarb., pp. 164.]
[Footnote 188: See p. 85.]
[Footnote 189: Beow.-Stud., pp. 41 ff., and Eng. Stud., XXIII, p. 228.]
[Footnote 190: Notes, Beow., pp. 43.]
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