 |
A law should be passed by Congress forbidding the publication or circulation of any paper, magazine or book which advocates the unlawful destruction of our present form of government. The officers of the army and navy should take precautions for preventing the spread of such publications among soldiers and sailors.
So far we have spoken only of the negative measures that the United States Government should adopt for its defence. It remains to add a few words concerning a positive campaign against the conspirators. If the Government neglects to stem the rising tide of Socialism it will not be long before a disastrous insurrections[23] will be upon us. Millions of dollars a day would then be spent in defraying the expenses of what might turn out to be an unsuccessful campaign. Congress should now appropriate the sums of money necessary to suppress the Marxian uprising and entirely uproot Socialism out of the United States.
The American people as a body will never tolerate Socialism, once they have been made to realize its full meaning and ruinous consequences. This knowledge could be brought home to them most effectively by means of anti-Socialist information issued periodically under the direction of one of the departments of the Government and furnished to the press of the country. Such material should also be distributed to all labor organizations and every public library in the country, and to clubs, societies, clergymen, legislators, judges, and men and women of influence. If such a plan were adopted, the forces arrayed in the line of battle against the Socialists would become tremendously strong and the danger now seriously threatening our nation would presently disappear. Surely the Government could afford to spend a few million dollars a year against revolutionists who are already undermining its very foundations and whose activities, if unopposed, will bring upon us evils incomparably greater than those coming from a foreign foe.
Orators attacking Socialism could be recruited by the Government to speak all over the country for five or ten minutes at a time, after the fashion of the Four Minute Men.
Those who have read this book have seen that the principles of the revolutionists are logically unsound and would deluge the land we love with rivers of blood and plunge us into an abyss of discontent, strife, crime and chaos. It has been shown that the Socialist Party is an organization controlled by bosses and politicians with the avowed object of gaining votes by the most unscrupulous methods. Notwithstanding their pretentions to honesty and sincerity, evidence has been cited time and again of the deceitfulness of their propaganda, and of their plottings to overthrow our constitutional form of government, destroy religion and ruin family life.
We, however, who sincerely love America, will never tear down the Star-Spangled Banner and in its place fling to the breezes the blood-stained flag of Karl Marx.
INDEX
A
Absolutism in Russia, 281-2, 286, 290.
Action, See Direct Action and Mass Action.
A. E. F. ridiculed by N. Y. "Call," 208-9.
Albany Trial, See N.Y. State Socialist Assemblymen.
Aliases of "Reds," 376.
Allaben, Frank, 258.
Alvarado, 96, 298-9.
American Federation of Labor, 381; against Bolshevism and I. W. W.'ism, 283-4; "Boring in," 346-9; Opposed by Socialists, 126, 219.
American Flag, 118.
American Soldiers ridiculed, 207-9.
Amnesty, Agitations for, 347, 376.
Anarchy, Danger of, 279.
Andreiev's S. O. S., 168-9.
Anti-"Red" Campaign among foreign-born, 379.
Anti-Socialist authorities, 378; Letters, 380; Literature, 378-9; Speeches, 380.
"Appeal to Reason," 343, 359.
Argentina, Socialism in, 11, 12.
Aristocracy in Bolshevist Russia, 280-1.
Assemblymen, Socialist, on trial, See N. Y. State Socialist Assemblymen.
Atheism of Socialists, 293, 301-16; in Austria, 295; Belgium, 295-6; Canada, 298; England, 296-8; France, 295; Germany, 294; Italy, 295; Mexico, 298-9, 300; United States, 292-3, 297.
Atheistic Catechism, 308-9; Poems, 302-4; Works on sale, 297, 305, 307.
Austria-Hungary, Socialism in, 5.
Aveling, 8.
B
Bavaria, Socialism in, 4, 178-9.
Basle Manifesto, 18.
Bax, Ernest Belfort, 297, 321-3.
Bebel, August, 2, 198, 200, 294, 324.
Bela Kun, 75, 178, 180, 190.
Belgium, Socialism in, 10.
Berger, Victor L., 13, 15, 51, 54, 56, 62, 67, 69, 70-1, 89, 201-2, 220-1, 232-3, 242-3, 290, 313, 322, 368; "We must shoot," 201; "rifles" and "bullets," 202.
Berne Conference, 9, 18-21, 25, 46, 61, 68.
Bernstein, 3.
Bible, attacked by Socialists, 297, 303.
Blasphemies of Socialists, 296-7, 303-5, 307-9.
Blatchford, 8, 296.
Bolsheviki, Russian, Advocacy of rebellion in other lands, 171-2; Criticised by Catherine Breshkovsky, 139; Disperse parliament, 4, 138; Educational System, 151; Freeing of criminals, 161; Murder women, 158; Opposed to liberty, 145; Rise to power, 4, 138; Shooting of children, 155-7; Uprisings against, 161; Victories, 5.
Bolshevism, Advocated by American Socialist Party, 59, 60-2, 68, 70, 72, 74-5, 77, 142, 168, 171-3, 184-5, 187-94, 198, 205, 234-6, 238, 248, 250, 255; identical with Socialism, 291; in America, 185; in Russia, Against freedom of speech, of the press and of voting, 145, 155; Against justice, 146, 154; liberty, 145; religion, 146-51; An economic failure, 174-5; Starvation under, 282-3, 286.
Bolshevist Constitution, 139-40; propaganda, 256.
Bolshevist reign of terror, 141, 143, 145-8, 153, 154-63.
Bomb plot, 118-19.
Bonds, under Socialism, 273.
Books, anti-Socialist, 378.
"Boring in," 348-9.
Bossism in Socialist Party, 14, 15.
Bourgeoisie, 30.
Branting, Hjalmar, 11.
Breshkovsky, Catherine, 139, 170.
Bulgaria, Socialism in, 12.
Bureau, International Socialist, 17.
Business under Socialism, 83, 272-3.
C
Cadets of Russia, 4.
Calhoun, Arthur W., 356-7.
Call for Moscow International, 31-3.
Call for Proletarian International, 247.
Campaign against the Reds, 377-82.
Canada, Socialism in, 12.
Capital invited back by Socialist Russia, 288.
Capitalism, 76, 106, 174, 373.
Carillo, Felipe, 299.
Cartoons, Socialist, 360; anti-Socialist, 380.
Children, anti-Socialist instruction for, 379; Deprived of religious education under Socialism, 302; shot in Bolshevist Russia, 155-7.
Chinese and the I. W. W., 120.
Christ ridiculed by Socialists, 303-5, 307-8.
Christian Socialists, 292, 310, 315, 322.
Christianity attacked by Socialists, 292-316.
Citizenship tags, 99.
Civil discord under Socialism, 269-79.
Class consciousness, 265.
Class hatred, 63, 107, 346, 348, 352, 363-4, 372-3.
Class struggle explained, 30, 107-8, 265.
Clubs, anti-Socialist, 381.
Committee against Socialism, Publicity, 257-8.
Compensation, I. W. W. plan, 111.
Commune, Paris, 200-1.
Communism, in Bavaria, 4, 178-9; in Russia, See Bolshevism and Bolshevist reign of terror.
Communist, the name, 59.
Communist Labor Party of America, Chicago Convention, 55-8; Conspiracy against U. S. Government, 214-19; Origin, 52-3, 64; Principles, 53-4, 58, 74, 218-19, 225; Socialist Party's attitude toward, 74-5.
Communist Labor Party of Germany, See Spartacans.
Communist Manifesto, 1, 46, 198, 321.
Communist Party of America, Chicago Convention, 55-8; Conspiracy against U. S. Government, 214-19; Origin, 52-3; Plan to organize Negroes, 217-18; Principles, 53-4, 58, 74-5, 217-19, 224; Socialist Party's attitude toward, 74-5, 225.
Communist Propaganda League, 25, 64.
Communists of Hungary, 180-91; Favored by American Socialists, 180, 186, 188-93.
Conscription of labor in Socialist Russia, 281-5.
Conspiracy against our country, 212-67; against the family, 317-29; against the race, 330-41; against religion, 292-316.
Constituent Assembly, Russia, 4.
Convention, Socialist Party, 75, 91-3.
Co-operative organizations, Russian and Siberian, 162-3.
Corruption, political, among Socialists, 97, 277-8.
Criminals freed in Bolshevist Russia, 161.
Czecho-Slovakia, Socialism in, 10-11.
D
Debs, Eugene V., 59, 81, 92, 105, 126-7, 194-7, 203-4, 210-11, 239-45, 264, 290, 315-16, 336.
De Leon, Daniel, 13, 105.
Demands of Socialist Platforms, Immediate, 368.
Determinism, Economic, 293.
Dictatorship of the Proletariat, 4, 47, 49-50, 53-4, 128, 145, 189, 220.
Direct action, 24, 31, 98, 124-5, 201, 370.
Discontent, Socialist apostles of, 343, 346-8.
Divorce in Bolshevist Russia, 164, 167, 329.
"Dope" of "Scientific Socialists," 96-102, 363-4.
"Down with the Stars and Stripes," 210.
"Drunk with man," a Socialist masterpiece, 87.
Dynamite, use advocated, 299-300.
E
Ebert, 3, 177, 179, 187-90.
Economic conditions in Bolshevist Russia, 174-5.
Economic determinism, 293.
Education in Bolshevist Russia, 151.
Eisner, Kurt, 4, 7, 178, 187.
Emergency Convention, Socialist Party, 242.
Employment schemes in Socialist state, 273.
Engels, Frederick, 1-2, 294, 325-6.
Ettor, Jos. J., 105-6.
Exploitation, 49-50, 83, 106, 110, 272, 365.
Expropriation, 49, 50, 53, 98-9, 108, 123, 143, 179-80, 189-90, 270-1.
Expulsion, Michigan organization, from Socialist Party, 42.
"Eye Opener, The," 192.
Eyre, Lincoln, interview with Lenine, 173-4; with Trotzky, 174-6; with Zinovieff, 253-5; on Bolshevist Russia, 253-6, 279-84, 286-90.
F
Fabian Society, 8.
Failure of Socialism, in Mexico, 101-2; in Bolshevist Russia, 2, 279-90; in Yucatan, 101-2.
Farming under Socialism, 32, 49, 83, 271-2.
Ferguson, I. E., 133-4.
Fighting the "Reds," 377-82.
Financial conditions in Socialist Russia, 287-8.
"Flag, to hell with the," 210.
Foreign language papers of Socialist Party, 343.
Foster, William Z., 348-9.
Fraina, Louis C., 26, 55, 214-15.
France, Socialism in, 5, 7-8.
Freedom of Speech, 114, 242, 354; in Bolshevist Russia, 145.
Free love, advocated by Socialists, 317-29; Hypocricy of Socialists regarding, 370; in Socialist Russia, 164, 166, 329; Socialist books on, 317, 321-26, 329.
G
Gale, Linn A. E., 339-340.
Germany, Socialism in, 2, 3.
Germer, Adolph, letter to "Appeal," 92-3.
Giovannitti, Arturo, 108-9, 111, 308.
Government ownership of public utilities, 368-9.
"Grandmother of the Russian Revolution," See Breshkovsky, Catherine.
Great Britain, Socialism in, 8-9.
Guesde, Jules, 6, 321.
H
Haase, Hugo, 3.
Hardie, J. Keir, 8.
Haywood, William D., 123-4, 127, 199, 241, 248.
Herron, George D., 302; day dream of, 94, 95.
High Schools, Socialism taught in, 354.
Hillquit, Morris, 13, 17, 23, 34, 40-1, 50-1, 54, 62-3, 73-5, 79, 81, 85, 89, 184, 188, 220-1, 224-6, 232-4, 236-7, 239-40, 243-5, 248-53, 255, 259-60, 263-6, 274-5, 290, 311, 313-14, 328, 337, 361, 366.
Hoan, Mayor of Milwaukee, 69, 202.
Holland, Socialism in, 10.
Hostages in Bolshevist Russia, 154, 159.
Hypocrisy of the I. W. W., 246.
Hypocrisy of Socialists, 204-5, 210, 219-21, 225, 233-6, 239-40, 246, 252-4, 266, 363-71, 375-6; On religion, 292, 309-16, 326; On free love, 317, 319-20, 322-4, 326.
Hyndman, Henry M., 8.
I
Iglesias, Pablo, 9.
Immediate demands of Socialist Party platforms, 24, 87, 91, 368.
Immorality under Socialism, 317-41.
Independent Labor Party of Great Britain, 8.
Ingersoll argument of Socialists, 293.
Inheritance, rights of, 110.
Industrial action, 77, 228-9, 234, 237-8.
Industrial Unionism, Endorsed by Communists and Communist Laborites of America, 54; by Socialist Party, 238; I. W. W., 107-8.
Insurance policies under Socialism, 273.
Inter-allied[24], Socialist and Labor Conference, 21-2.
Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 355-6, 380.
International, First, 16; Second, 7, 16, 17-19, 32, 68; Third, 6-7, 9, 11-12, 18, 20-1, 33, 45-50, 61, 67-9, 74-5, 216, 218, 228, 233-6, 239, 252-6.
International character of Socialism, 17.
International Congresses, 17.
International Socialist Bureau, 17.
International Workingmen's Association, 1, 2.
"Internationale Communist," organ of Moscow International, 255-6.
Irreligious poems of Socialists, 302-4.
Italian labor unions, 9.
Italy, Socialism in, 9.
I. W. W., Advocates rebellion, 109, 115-17; Affiliated with Moscow Bolshevists, 247-8; Atheistic and anti-religious, 118; Bomb threat, 119; Chinese to be organized, 120; Encouraged by Socialist Party, 114-15; Growth, 136; Industrial unionism, 107-8; In foreign lands, 136-7; Method of organization, 106-7; Negroes to be organized, 119; Organized by Socialists, 105; Paterson strike, 117-18; Plans destruction of society, 109; Preamble to platform, 107; Principles, 105-13, 115, 125, 130-1; Publications, 116-17; Relations with Socialist Party, 105, 108, 114-15, 122-7, 129, 131-6; Songs, 120-2; Tactics, 109; Terrorism, 118; Views on Bolshevism, 128-33.
J
Jaures, 6, 321.
K
Kautsky, Karl, 2, 233.
L
Labor certificates, 273.
Labor Conference, Inter-allied, 21.
Labor conscription in Socialist Russia, 281-5.
Labor Party of Illinois, 173.
Labor under Socialism, 273-7.
Land ownership under Bolshevism, 139; under Socialism, 271-2, 365-8.
Lassalle, Ferdinand, 2.
Law and order in Socialist Russia, 282, 290.
Leaflet campaign of Socialists, 192, 344-5.
Leaflets, anti-Socialist, 378-9.
League of Resistance, 299, 300.
Leathan, 8.
Lectures, anti-Socialist, 380.
Left Wing, Conference, 52; Criticises the Right, 25, 28-9, 36, 37; Defined, 23; Development, 24, 39, 45; Directed by Russian Bolsheviki, 31-3; Expulsions and suspensions, 42-5; Merges into Communist and Communist Labor Parties, chapter 5; Opposed by Socialist Party bosses, 36-7; Origin, 24; Principles, 24-31, 36; Relations with I. W. W., 135-6; Tactics at party meetings, 35, 37, 38.
Legion, Loyal, rediculed by Socialists, 208-9.
Lenine or Lenin, Nicolai, Autocrat of Russia, 5; Letter to American workingmen, 142, 170, 174, 183-4, 216, 223-4.
Lesson 24, Socialist Primer, 352.
Liebknecht, Karl, 3, 7, 30, 177-8, 185-7, 191-3.
Liebknecht, Wilhelm, 2, 294.
Longuet, Jean, 6.
London, Jack, 199, 200, 268.
Looters, Socialist, 102.
Loriot, F., 6.
Love, See Free-love.
Lusk Committee evidence, 248-50, 264, 358, 361.
Luxemburg, Rosa, 3, 7, 30, 177-8, 187, 191-3.
M
MacDonald, J. Ramsay, 18-19.
Manifesto, See Communist Manifesto; of Left Wing, 28; of Moscow, See Moscow Manifesto; of National Emergency Convention of Socialist Party, 72-8, 181, 228-9, 236-7, 239.
Marriage in Bolshevist Russia, 164.
Martens, Ludwig C. A. K., 172, 184-5, 194, 233-4, 248, 251.
Marx, Karl, 2, 198, 200, 372.
Mass Action, 11, 26-8, 32, 69, 92, 217, 227, 228-9, 231, 234, 237, 262.
Materialistic conception of history, 293, 315.
May Day riots, 196-7.
Mensheviki of Russia, 4.
Mexico, Socialism in, 12, 96.
Militarism in Bolshevist Russia, 176.
Millerand, 6.
Money situation in Bolshevist Russia, 287.
Money under Socialism, 272-3.
Morris, 8.
Moscow Conference, call to, 233.
Moscow International, See Third International.
Moscow Manifesto, 46-9, 67, 216-18, 228, 235, 237, 239-40.
Moscow propaganda methods, 253-4, 256.
Moving pictures, Socialist, 351.
N
National Emergency Convention, Socialist Party, 43, 55-7, 66-7, 69-72, 76-8; Manifesto of, 72-8.
Nationalization of women, 163-8.
Nearing, Scott, 205, 361.
Negroes, organized by I. W. W., 119; by Socialist Party, 361.
Newspapers in Bolshevist Russia, 145.
"New Unionism, The," 108.
New York State Socialist Assemblymen on trial at Albany, 34, 74-5, 221-7, 232, 234, 239, 242-6, 249-50, 252-3, 255, 257-65, 329, 340-1.
Norway, Socialism in, 11.
O
Oaths, Socialist, 260.
Old Age Pension, Berger's, 89.
One Big Union, See I. W. W.
"One Big Union Monthly," 105.
Origin of modern Socialism, 1.
Ownership, Government, 368-9.
P
Papers, Socialist, of the U. S., 14.
Parental authority undermined by Socialists, 353.
Paris Commune, 200-1.
Parochial schools under Socialism, 302.
Parties affiliated with the Third (Moscow) International, 33.
Paterson, N. J., strike of 1913, 117-18.
Petrograd under Bolshevist rule, 161.
Platform planks of Socialists utterly unreliable, 365-8.
Poems, anti-religious Socialist, 302-4.
Political action, 24, 26, 201.
Political corruption among Socialists, 97, 277-8.
Primer, Socialist, Lesson 24, 352.
Private business under Socialism, 83.
Private ownership of land in Socialist state, 271-2.
Private property, 32, 47, 53, 76, 80-3, 110, 365-8.
Private property under Bolshevist rule, 139.
Private schools under Socialism, 302.
Profit under Socialism, 82, 273.
Proletarian International, call for, 247.
Proletariat, 30.
Promises, golden, of Socialists, 342-4, 349, 371.
Propaganda, Socialist, 192, 342-61, 363-5, 368-76.
Prostitution under Socialism, 318-21.
Publications, of I. W. W., 116-17.
Publications of Socialist Party, 343-5.
Publicity Committee against Socialism, 257-8.
Q
Quelch, 8.
R
Race suicide, 326-7.
Raids, Government, on Communist and Communist Labor Parties, 215.
Raids on I. W. W., 116.
Rand School, 248-50, 357, 361.
Rebellion advocated by Socialists, 47-50, 63-4, 71-2, 75, 78, 109, 115-17, 123, 128, 131, 134, 170-2, 183-4, 186, 189, 197-9, 201-2, 204-5, 212-20, 222, 227-9, 234-5, 237, 240-1, 243, 247, 249, 251, 254, 255-6, 262, 265, 266, 269, 270, 351, 356.
"Reds" and "Yellows," 23, 24.
Reed, John, 55.
Refinery, sugar, 100, 102.
Religion, conspiracy against, 292-316.
Religion in Bolshevist Russia, 146-51, 168.
Remuneration for work under Socialism, 83, 273-7.
Rents under Socialism, 82, 273.
Resistance, League of, 299, 300.
Revolution without the "r," 23.
Right and Left Wings, 23.
Riots, Socialist, 194-5, 196-8.
"Rows and Rows of 'em march," 208-9.
"Russia going to pieces," 174.
Russia, Socialism in, 4; See Bolsheviki, Bolshevism and Bolshevist.
Russian Industrial Unions appeal to workers in Allied countries, 247-8.
S
Sabotage, 111-13.
Scheidemann, 3, 177, 179, 187-8, 190.
Schools under Socialism, 302.
School teachers, Socialist, 380.
Seventy-seventh Division, A. E. F., 208.
Shaw, 8.
Soap box orators, 343, 363-5, 368-71, 380.
Social Democratic Federation of Great Britain, 8.
Social reforms hypocritically advocated by Socialists, 87-91, 368-9.
Socialism a peril, 268-84, 286-90, 347; Explained, 76, 79-93, 198-9, 270-8, 349, 365-8, 372-3; Fails in Yucatan, 101-2.
Socialist beggars, 92.
Socialist blasphemies, 296-7, 303-5, 307-9.
Socialist legislators, criticism of, 29.
Socialist oaths, 260.
Socialist papers of the U. S., 14.
Socialist school teachers, 380.
Socialists and the I. W. W., 105, 108, 114-15, 122-7, 129, 131-6.
Socialists, varieties of, See Varieties.
Soldiers and Sailors proselytized by Socialists, 359-60.
Soldiers of America ridiculed by Socialists, 207-9.
Songs, I. W. W., 120-2; Socialist, 351.
Soviets of Russia, 18, 138, 142-3, 157-8; Origin, 4; Uprisings against, 143-5.
"Soviet Russia," magazine, 172.
Spain, Socialism in, 9, 10.
Spargo, John, 123, 303.
Spartacans, 3, 30, 53, 177-8, 190; Favored by American Socialists, 177, 187-93.
Spartacides, See Spartacans.
Speculators in Socialist Russia, 282, 286.
"Stars and Stripes," down with, 210.
Starvation in Socialist Russia, 282-3, 286.
St. Louis platform of Socialists, 75, 91-2, 125.
Stokes, Rose Pastor, 55.
Strikes, Bring death in Socialist Russia, 290; in Belgium, 10; Paris, 7; Prelude to armed rebellion, 26-8, 32, 109-10, 241, 346-8; in Rome, 9; Sympathetic, 108, 109, 346; Under a Socialist form of government, 276; Winnipeg, 125, 229-30, 245-6.
Struggle, See Class struggle.
"Struggling Russia," magazine, 142.
Students' warfare against Socialism, 380.
Sugar refinery in Yucatan, 100, 102.
Suicide, See Race suicide.
Sunday schools, Socialist, 350-3.
Sweden, Socialism in, 11.
T
Tactics of the Left Wing, 35.
Teachers of public schools, Communists, 355.
Teachers' Union of New York City, 354-5.
Terrorism of I. W. W., 118.
Theatrical plays, Socialist, 351, 360.
Thomas, Albert, 6.
Trial at Albany of Socialist Assemblymen, See New York State Socialist Assemblymen.
U
Underground, "Reds" working, 375-6.
"Uniform, spit on it," 208.
Union among Socialists of all nations, 17.
Unionism, Industrial, See Industrial Unionism.
United States, Socialism in, 13.
V
Vandervelde, Emil, 10, 270, 296.
Varieties of Socialists, 79.
Voting in Bolshevist Russia, 140, 145.
W
Wage courts under Socialism, 276-7.
Wage system, abolition of, 107, 108.
Wages under Socialism, 273-7.
Walling's criticism of Socialist Party, 251.
War, Socialist opposition to, 91-3.
Wings, Right and Left, 23.
Winnipeg general strike, 230-1.
Work, assignment to, under Socialism, 273-7.
Works, anti-Socialist, 378.
Workingmen, beware of the Reds, 375-6, 378-9, 382.
Women must work under Socialism, 84-5, 277.
Wreckage resulting from Socialism, 101-2.
Wynkoop, David, 10.
Y
"Yellow" Socialists, 63.
"Yellows" and "Reds," 23-4, 58, 66.
Young People's Socialist clubs, 350-1.
Young, Teaching Socialism to, 350-5.
Yucatan, Atheism of Socialists in, 298-9.
Yucatan, Socialism in, 96.
Z
Zapata, Emiliano, 98, 101-2.
Zeuch, letter to by Socialist professor, 356-7.
Zimmerwald resolutions, 6.
Zinovieff, 252-5.
APPENDIX
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY 8-14, 1920
After "The Red Conspiracy" went to press, this Convention was held at Finnish Hall, New York City. Of its 156 delegates, sixty were of foreign birth. By some newspapers the Convention was incorrectly styled "mild" and "conservative," so well were the avowed revolutionary designs of the Socialists camouflaged behind seemingly harmless innocuous phrases for the deception of the uninformed. "Vote-catching" was the key-note of the proceedings. As this book shows, the Socialist Party in 1919 lost the vast majority of its members to the Communists and the Communist Laborites and had, therefore, to seek new members. These, however, could be won only by concealing for the time being the true revolutionary objects of the Socialist Party. This covering-up of its conspiracy against the United States, and the resultant gathering into the conspirators' net of the timid halfway Socialists as yet members of other political Parties, could be accomplished only by the lure of a Convention Platform so worded as to convince the unwary that the Socialists as a Party had discarded their ultra radicalism and blatant un-Americanism.
The Convention of May, 1920, therefore, was guided, under the adroit management of Morris Hillquit and Victor L. Berger, toward a Platform worded more mildly and conservatively than might have been expected. No thinking person, however, Socialist or decent American, will be deceived into believing that the beast of prey has changed its ugly spots because a gauzy veil of lies has been thrown over them.
"The Red Conspiracy" has proven that the Socialists in the United States have been, almost to a man, in thorough accord with the principles and workings of the blackest Bolshevism. They have consistently and completely supported the I. W. W. They are avowed foes of the American Federation of Labor, though willing enough to use this organization by sending traitors to join it and to bore their rat-holes of corruption from within its respectable membership. One of the delegates to the Socialist Convention of May, 1920, George Bauer, of New Jersey, said: "We must remember that there are four or five million men in the A. F. of L., and I don't believe we can establish a co-operative commonwealth without them." The Convention, following this argument of expediency, adopted a resolution stating that the Socialist Party did not intend to interfere with the internal affairs of labor unions; but added a statement that the Party favored the organization of workers along the line of industrial unionism, acting as one organized working-class body. The I. W. W. is, of course, the leading industrial union in America, and the Convention's resolution set another seal to the sympathetic bond between Socialism and I. W. W.'ism, with the added encouragement of the Socialist Party's support of the less powerful industrial unions now within the American Federation of Labor.
The Camouflagists at the Convention politely declared that the Socialist Party did not seek to interfere with the institution of the family. But Hilkovitz whitewash is not white enough to obscure the lurid red of the free-love and race-suicide propaganda carried on in the Socialist press, Hillquit's favorite sheet, "The New York Call," being one of the chief offenders. A visit to the Rand School in New York City and examination of the books for sale on its book-store shelves and the periodicals and pamphlets there for sale will present appalling and convincing evidence of the Socialist efforts to destroy elementary decency as well as the institutions of marriage and the family.
Another declaration of the Camouflagists at the Socialist Convention of May, 1920, stated that the Socialist Party "recognizes the right of voluntary communities of citizens to maintain religious institutions and to worship freely according to the dictates of their conscience." As August Claessens warned the Convention: "Cry out against that which men cherish as holy, and you rouse an antagonism which no argument can defeat." This counsel of discretion is interesting side by side with another Convention statement, made by William Karlin of New York: "If the churches do stand for the old order, it will be a bad day for them when the new order comes, because the churches will go down with the old order." Mr. Karlin, however, accepting discretion as valor's better part, admitted that "There are many people to whom we can appeal if we don't arouse their religious prejudice;" while Delegate McIntyre, of the District of Columbia, prudently advised the members of the Convention to "get the voters first and talk religion out of them afterward." Again, a visit to the book-shop of the Rand School is suggested if proof is desired of the Socialist propaganda of atheism, sacrilege, and, specifically, hatred of Christianity. The reader of "The Red Conspiracy" will have noted enough of the Socialists' blasphemies to prevent the Convention Camouflagists' hedging on this subject from having any effect but added disgust at hypocrisy.
The Convention declared in favor of political action for the attainment of the Socialists' ends. Exactly! Chapter XVI of this book, "The Conspiracy Against Our Country," has shown for what purposes political action and political power are to be used. Get traitors in office and when the Revolution comes the forces to coerce the American people and destroy the American Government will be in the traitors' control.
Camouflagists[25] and their opponents of the Convention united in the nomination of Eugene V. Debs, convicted criminal, for President of the United States. Let us hear the words of this man whom Morris Hillquit stated resembles "the Nazarene," and who styles himself "a flaming revolutionist." A press report, from Atlanta, Georgia, dated May 14, 1920, quotes him as saying:
"Personally I am a radical. I have always been one. My only fear has always been that I might not be radical enough. In my own party I always led the minority, but I hope to lead a united Socialist Party to the polls this Fall. They are fighting within my own party today. It is a good healthy sign. The radicals keep the conservatives from giving away too much to popularize the movement. That is what killed the Populist Party. The leaders sought to popularize its political propaganda by pandering to more conservative elements. They lost the radical support of their party, which became the Socialist Party, and naturally the conservatives had no further use for them. To begin to placate your enemies is to invite decay."
The radical minority in the Socialist Party formerly comprised the Left Wing members who later on became Communists and Communist Laborites. J. Louis Engdahl of Chicago at present leads a new Left Wing radical minority within the Party.
The American public may at times be gullible, but hardly sufficiently so as to believe in the sincerity of Hillquit and Victor L. Berger, who filled the air at the Convention with phrases of moderation and disclaim of treason and revolution, following their gentle verbiage by nominating Debs who scores those who "sought to popularize" "political propaganda by pandering to more conservative elements." "Panderer" is not a pretty thing to be called, but the pleasant Messrs. Hilkovitz and Berger swallow it. That their conservative phraseology would fool no one was recognized at the Convention by Irwin St. John Tucker, who said: "You can disguise yourself by sprouting pink whiskers." Mr. Tucker, however, would not join the Camouflagists, remarking: "It may be that the American people are not yet ready to accept Socialist principles, but I would rather lose an election than lose those principles."
Hillquit himself said in the Convention, on May 13, 1920, that the nomination of Debs "proves that we have not receded from our position of revolutionary Socialism and that we will be more effective and still more revolutionary than ever before."
J. Louis Engdahl may be an enemy to the United States and to society in general, but he is man enough to say boldly what he really thinks. At the Convention he declared: "I say that it is time to inaugurate the revolution immediately. The time to prepare for victory is now.... We can't fool anybody here by decorating the walls with the flag of Wall St."
Delegate Oneal, one of Hillquit's own faction of political actionists, volunteered to furnish a reason why camouflage was a useful policy for the Socialists to adopt until "The Day" arrived,—the black day when the United States of America should be gasping in the throes of death-agony, like wretched Russia. Oneal sapiently remarked at the Convention: "The time and conditions which favored the Russian revolution must be studied before we attempt to adopt them here."
But the Camouflagists of the Convention did not sever and did not wish to sever the close bond of union between the Socialist Party of the United States and the Third or Moscow International, the Convention, in its majority report, stating that "The Moscow organization is virile and aggressive, inspired as it is by the militant idealism of the Russian revolution," the majority report further stating that the Socialist Party of the United States, "retaining its adherence to the Third International," "instructs its executive committee, its international secretary and international delegates to be elected" "To participate in movements looking to the union of all true Socialist forces in the world into one International and to initiate and further such movements whenever the opportunity is presented." The said majority report follows, as reported in "The New York Call," May 15, 1920:
"The international organization of Socialism has been disrupted as a result of the world war.
"The old Second International is represented principally by the majority party of Germany, the Socialist parties of the countries carved out from the former Austro-Hungarian empire, and of most of the countries of Europe that remained neutral during the war.
"The parties affiliated with this organization have largely abandoned the revolutionary character and the militant methods of working class Socialism. As a rule, they co-operate with the middle class reform parties of their countries.
"The Third or Moscow International was organized by the Communist party of Russia with the co-operation of several other Communist organizations recruited in the main from the countries split off from the former Russian empire and some Scandinavian and Balkan countries. The Third International also includes the Labor party of Norway and the Communist Labor party of Poland. Of the other important countries, the Socialist parties of Switzerland, Italy and the United States, and the British Socialist party have expressed their intention to affiliate with it.
"The Moscow organization is virile and aggressive, inspired as it is by the militant idealism of the Russian revolution. It is, however, at this time only a nucleus of a Socialist International, and its progress is largely impeded by the attitude of its present governing committee, which seems inclined to impose upon all affiliated bodies the formula of the Russian revolution 'The dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviet power.'
"The Independent Socialist party of Germany, the Socialist party of France and the Independent Labor party of Great Britain are unaffiliated. They have initiated a movement to unite all truly Socialist parties of the world, including those represented in the Moscow organization, into one International.
"At no time was an active and effective organization of a Socialist International more vitally necessary for the success of Socialism than at this crucial period of the world's history. Socialism is in complete control in the great country of Russia. It is represented in the bourgeois governments of several important countries of Europe. The Socialists constitute the leading opposition parties in most of the remaining modern countries. It should be the task of the Socialist International to aid our Comrades in Russia to maintain and fortify their political control and to improve and stabilize the economic and social conditions of their country by forcing the great powers of Europe and America to abandon the dastardly policy of intrigue, war and starvation blockade against Soviet Russia. It should be its task to help the Socialists in countries of divided political control to institute full and true Socialist governments, and to support the struggles of the Socialists in the capitalist-controlled countries, so that they may more speedily secure victory for the workers in their countries.
"But above all a true Socialist International would at this time fulfill the all-important function of serving as the framework of the coming world parliament.
"To accomplish these great tasks the International of Socialism must be truly international.
"It cannot be truly Socialist if it is not based upon the program of complete socialization of the industries, and upon the principles of class struggle and uncompromising working class politics. It cannot be truly international unless it accords to its affiliated bodies full freedom in matters of policy and forms of struggle on the basis of such program and principles, so that the Socialists of each country may work out their problems in the light of their own peculiar economic, political and social conditions as well as the historic traditions.
"In view of the above considerations the Socialist party of the United States, while retaining its adherence to the Third International, instructs its executive committee, its international secretary and international delegates to be elected
"(a) To insist that no formula such as 'the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of soviets' or any other formula for the attainment of the Socialist commonwealth be imposed or exacted as condition of affiliation with the Third International.
"(b) To participate in movements looking to the union of all true Socialist forces in the world into one International, and to initiate and further such movements whenever the opportunity is presented."
The brotherly sympathy between the Socialist Party of the United States and the Red Vandals of Soviet Russia is exhibited by the following, also from "The New York Call," May 15, 1920, reporting the proceedings of the Socialist Convention in Finnish Hall:
"A mission of three members was provided for to carry fraternal greetings to Soviet Russia and to investigate and report on conditions in the first working class republic, and the international delegates were further instructed to get into communication with Socialist organizations in North and South America for the purpose of creating Socialist Pan-American congresses."
The majority reporters, or discreet Camouflagists, despite the prudent efforts of careful Mr. Hillquit to separate the Socialist Party of the United States from the Communists and other out-in-the-open enemies of our Country, evidently believed it wise to throw out a beckoning hand to all radicals in general, especially to the Red Left Wing Socialists who left the Party to become Communists and Communist Laborites in the fall of 1919. At the Convention of May, 1920, the following resolution was adopted:
"Resolved, that we, the national convention of the Socialist party, in order to carry into effect this desire for unity, make the following proposals:
"That any individual, branch, local or state or language federation that left the party last fall because of tactical differences and now desires to re-enter on the basis of the Socialist party platform and constitution, be welcomed to return.
"That where Socialist party locals and other groups of the labor movement exist side by side in the same locality, we propose the creation of joint campaign committees for the management of a working class electoral campaign upon the basis of our platform.
"That after the campaign is over, whenever the situation promises practical results, steps be taken to confer with representatives of other factions of the movement with a view to establishing possible basis for organization unity.
"That a national advisory council of all working class organizations for the purpose of combatting the reactionary forces be formed so that wherever possible there be voluntary united action by all political and economic organizations who take their stand on the basis of the class struggle."
There was a family fuss over a proposed clause, finally stricken out, that "due stamps or other evidence of membership in the groups formed by the split in the party shall be recognized as evidence of good standing" in the Socialist Party. In this connection, William Kruse of Illinois, who is far from a Camouflagist, said: "Debs believes that the Communist and Communist Labor members are as good Socialists as any." The authorities of our Nation have condemned membership in the Communist organization as illegal and have proven Debs a criminal. The Socialists welcome the Communists and Communist Laborites, "whenever the situation promises practical results" (when the time for "shooting," for "bullets" rather than "ballots," has arrived?), and the Socialists, Camouflagists as enthusiastically as their opponents, acclaim Debs the criminal, Debs the convicted enemy of the United States of America, and nominate this criminal enemy for President of the United States of America!
The entire record of the May, 1920, Socialist Convention is a series of insincere, futile, clever attempts to whitewash the blood-red of the known and proved Socialist principles and aims, these attempts in turn combated by the more honest delegates, and the net result being the re-affirmation in tangible and important matters of these same menacing principles and aims, though set forth in wilier and more guarded language than has been heretofore the case.
The Red Conspiracy has been proven, and every new move of the Socialists but confirms, in the minds of sane and loyal Americans, the extent and peril of the conspiracy, and intensifies our will to combat this evil thing in our midst until righteous combat has fought to glorious victory. Down with the Red Flag of Socialism, Communism, Bolshevism, I. W. W.'ism, and Anarchy! Victory and glory to the Stars and Stripes of our beloved Country!
FOOTNOTES
[A] "The Bolsheviks—formerly a faction within the Social-Democratic Labor Party—have recently changed their name to Communist party to distinguish themselves from the other Social-Democratic groups.
"The term Bolsheviks and Mensheviks date back to 1903, when at a congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party a difference arose on a seemingly unimportant question (editorial supervision of the party organ), when upon a vote which decided the question there naturally was a majority and minority. Those who were with the majority were nicknamed Bolsheviks and those with the minority Mensheviks, deriving their names from the Russian words Bolshinstvo and Menshinstvo, meaning majority and minority respectively." "The Soviets at Work," by Nicolai Lenin, published, with foreword and footnotes by Alexander Trachtenberg, by the Rand School of Social Science.
[B] It is a notable fact that throughout his three days' testimony on the witness stand at Albany, February 17, 18 and 19, 1920, in the case of the five suspended Socialist Assemblymen before the Judiciary Committee of the New York Assembly, Morris Hillquit, illustrious leader of the Red Rebels' Whitewash Squad, tried to save the five suspended Socialist Assemblymen and the damaged reputation of their organization, the Socialist Party of the United States, by tremendous applications of Debs' old recipe of quicklime and water, the special formula of which is to spell revolution and rifles without the "r," pistols without the "p" and bombs without the "b."
[C] Engdahl was indicted at Chicago, February 2, 1918, as Editor of the Socialist Party's official publications, brought to trial before Judge Landis, December 9, 1918, and convicted on January 8, 1919. The four indicted, convicted and sentenced with him, each for twenty years, were Victor L. Berger, member of the Socialist Party's National Executive Committee; Adolph Germer, the Party's National Executive Secretary; William F. Kruse, Secretary of the Young People's Socialist League, and Irwin St. John Tucker, former head of the Party's Literature Department.
[D] This reference to Left, Right and Center bears every earmark of familiarity with the use of these terms in the call to the Moscow Conference.
[E] Thus Hillquit seems to have had his eye on the "call" to the Moscow Conference, although he swore on the stand at Albany, in February, 1920, that he had not read the Moscow manifesto when he wrote 90 per cent. or more of his Party's Chicago manifesto of September, 1919.
[F] The reference is to Alexander Stoklitzky.
[G] Article 3, Section 3 (a), of the "National Convention and Platform of the Socialist Party, 1917," as officially published, reads: "The call for the regular election of members of the National Executive Committee shall be issued on the first day of January, 1918, and on January first of each odd numbered year thereafter. Members elected in 1918 shall retire July first, 1919." But why should their own Constitution bother plotters who wish to dynamite that of the United States?
[H] Gitlow was tried, convicted and sentenced in New York City early in 1920, for inciting to anarchy.
[I] The report brought back by this delegate, James Oneal, was the basis of the straddle resolution then adopted by a majority of the Executive Committee, the text of which we have given near the close of Chapter II.
[J] As we have seen, the testimony of Morris Hillquit, February 19, 1920, at the trial of the five Assemblymen at Albany, was, "At least ninety per cent. of the manifesto is my authorship."
[K] See Chapter V of this book for an account of Referendum D, carried by a large majority in the spring or summer of 1919, by which the rank and file of the Socialist Party opposed its entrance into any international Socialist alignment except that of the Third (Moscow) International.
[L] In its article on "The Russian Soviet Government Bureau in the United States" Trachtenberg's Labor Year Book, 1919-1920, pages 384-5, says: "The Legal Department, under the supervision of Morris Hillquit, advises the Bureau so that its actions may at all times conform to the laws of the United States.... The raid upon the Soviet Bureau by local authorities engaged the attention of the Legal Department."
Again, the "Albany Argus" of February 19, 1920, describing Hillquit's testimony in the Socialist case on the preceding day, February 18, says: "It was brought out in cross-examination that Mr. Hillquit had acted as counsel for the Russian Soviet Bureau in this country.... The witness testified that he had advised Ludwig C. A. K. Martens to file his credentials with the Secretary of State; had aided him in the preparation of his statement and advised him generally in the organization of his office and in every effort undertaken by him for the establishment of trade connection with the United States."
[M] Those willing to co-operate with the Committee should communicate with its Chairman, Mr. Frank Allaben, President of The National Historical Society, publishers of this book, 37 West 39th street, New York City.
TRANSCRIBER NOTES
[1] Changed "Bolshevissm" to "Bolshevism".
[2] Changed "Bolhevist" to "Bolshevist".
[3] Changed "Forence" to "Florence".
[4] Changed "circulaton" to "circulation".
[5] Changed "constitutent" to "constituent".
[6] Changed "form" to "from".
[7] Changed "Ukrainains" to "Ukrainians".
[8] Changed "renumeration" to "remuneration".
[9] Changed "Procedings" to "Proceedings".
[10] Changed "chidren" to "children".
[11] Changed "futhermore" to "furthermore".
[12] Changed "inauguarate" to "inaugurate".
[13] Changed "Knickerobcker" to "Knickerbocker".
[14] Changed "prevalance" to "prevalence".
[15] Changed "Englisn" to "English".
[16] Changed "neutriality" to "neutrality".
[17] Changed "Interpretaion" to "Interpretation".
[18] Changed "superstitution" to "superstition".
[19] Changed "Pary" to "Party".
[20] Changed "nowithstanding" to "notwithstanding".
[21] Changed "camparatively" to "comparatively".
[22] Changed "dailes" to "dailies".
[23] Changed "insurrections" to "insurrection".
[24] Changed "alied" to "allied".
[25] Changed "Canouflagists" to "Camouflagists".
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