In a system of pillage and tyranny so elaborated, there was no necessity to perpetrate acts of violence, frequently or continually. The daily operation of the League was a standing outrage, bringing a proof of its power to every man's door. A limited number of conspicuous crimes was sufficient for the purposes of the League. Curtin was murdered in November; Finlay, in the West of Ireland, in February; and the local persecution of the families of the victims was even a more awful tribute to the sway of the popular organization.

It is not surprising that Mr. Lecky, in former years the most distinguished advocate of Irish Nationalism, in what may be called its social aspects, should say of the organ of the National League, 'United Ireland,' 'any English statesman who reads that paper, and then proposes to hand over the property and the virtual government of Ireland to the men whose ideas it represents, must be either a traitor or a fool.'

There is no occasion to dwell on the existence of this body or the character of its operations. They are part of the case of the Government. Mr. Morley has frankly told us, that we ought to pass the new Bill, because the League is so strong. If we did not, we should have to quarrel with the League, and to meet not only this great association as we knew it in its times of prosperity, but the League as supported by all the reserve forces of Mr. Egan and Mr. Ford. At present these leaders of public opinion send money; but if the National League, its staff, its secretaries, its branches, its newspapers and Members of Parliament, are not enough, they are ready to send dynamite.

One remarkable fact, however, in connection with the National League deserves special consideration, for it illustrates the singularly disastrous character of Mr. Gladstone's interposition in Irish affairs. The society, which we have endeavoured to describe, and which Mr. Morley recommends to our attention as the locum tenens of dynamite and the dagger, is now officered in nearly every village by the priests of the Roman Church. At the beginning of his career, Mr. Parnell personally was regarded by the Roman Catholic hierarchy with suspicion, if not with hostility. Mr. Butt had never succeeded in securing their hearty co-operation in his Home Rule scheme. Mr. Parnell was not only a Protestant, but expressed his contempt very freely for the adherents of the Roman Church, whilst he avowed his sympathy with Revolutionists, whom the Irish Catholic had been taught to regard as enemies of the Holy Father. We can always trace in the history of this Church two forces at work; the principle of order and authority, worldly and calculating, in sympathy with the powers that be, trusting by skill and caution to manipulate them for its own ends; and on the other hand, the wilder spirit of sacerdotal ambition ready to ride the storm and dare catastrophe. Before Mr. Gladstone's second Administration, the former influence was gaining much strength in Ireland. Even if we make allowance for the social origin of the Irish priests, filled from their infancy with the rebel sentiment of the peasantry, there are many sins that the disposition of their Church was until very recently to rely upon intrigue and organization for gaining its ends, rather than to ally itself openly with the Irish Revolution. Even after Mr. Parnell had secured the allegiance of the farmer class by his great largess in the shape of 20 per cent. reduction of rent, not only did Cardinal McCabe continue to oppose him, but Archbishop Croke evinced a desire to act on the side of Government.

Such a line of action, however, was only possible on the supposition, that government was to be maintained in Ireland; and the tenure of Ireland by Lord Spencer gave no such assurance. We know the passionate efforts which Mr. Gladstone made to exclude Archbishop Walsh from the See of Dublin. Sir George Errington was sent to Rome to get the Pope to do what Mr. Gladstone dare not do himself—bid defiance to the Irish leader. That resolute politician had a policy; the English Minister had none. A quarrel with the Nationalist party meant to the Roman Church loss of income, loss of influence—influence which, in these iconoclastic days, it might take them generations to recover; and, after all their sacrifices, they might find that Mr. Gladstone had capitulated, and had handed them and the rest of Ireland over to the National League. Their only practical course, as discreet politicians, was to throw in their lot with the great Nationalist leader, relying on the old traditions of the Irish peasant to protect clerical interests against the host of Revolutionists, who would, on Mr. Parnell's triumph, flock into Ireland from all the ends of the earth. The priests do not forget that the member for Cork denounced their co-religionists. They have no enthusiasm for a revolutionary dictator, who, whatever his opinions on religious matters, cannot be claimed as a son of the Church. Mr. Gladstone, however, left the sacerdotal power no choice but to make the best terms they could with the Irish leader, who was only too glad to secure their co-operation. Archbishop Walsh has been accepted as a sort of ecclesiastical assessor to Mr. Parnell's government, and at the last election the priests went as one man for the National League.

It is an Ireland, thus abandoned for years to the evil spirits evoked by the rhetorician of Southport—an Ireland, in which the natural springs of Conservatism have been dried up by the fever of slumbering revolution—that England is now called upon to deal with, and the remedy of the Ministry is to call into power a public opinion schooled in conspiracy and violence; for now at length Mr. Gladstone has given up the notion of intervening between Mr. Parnell and the Irish crowd. The preachers of the gospel of plunder are invited to share in the government of a part of the Kingdom.

We shall not attempt to examine further the scheme which Mr. Gladstone has foreshadowed, but which, as we write, is not yet published in detail. One characteristic, we may note, in the Prime Minister's speech was very unusual with him. It is full of admissions which seem to be due not so much to his habitual daring as to unconsciousness of their import. He is ready to buy out the landlords at a great cost to the English taxpayer, because the idea of landed property came to the Irishman in English garb, and is therefore not likely to be respected in the new system; but why should he be obliged to make special provision for the Irish judges? They are men of ability, of stainless character. They do not belong to any particular party, or race, or creed; they are members of a great profession which all civilized societies require. They have that experience of their profession which would make their services particularly useful to a community entering on a new social stage; but the mere fact, that they have been engaged in applying the law, makes their position dangerous, and Mr. Gladstone is obliged to ask England to provide that they shall not suffer in purse from the opening of the new era which he proposes in that part of the United Kingdom where he has undertaken to reconstruct society.

For the moment Mr. Morley prefers the role of Sieyes rather than of Danton, but the outcome of the legislation, proposed by the Ministry with the assent of Mr. Parnell, must be to advance, if not to consummate, the theory of Irish Independence. We thus arrive at that result which Mr. Morley, on his own principles, would find it difficult to refuse assent to. He has told us that his policy is to be 'thorough.' A separate Irish nationality or reconquest must be the ultimate consequence of any substitution of local institutions in Ireland for the Parliament at Westminster, unless so far as the proposed substitution were part of a scheme common to all four components of the kingdom. Most people will agree with the old Duke of Wellington, that 'the repeal of the Union must be the dissolution of the connection between the two countries.'

To withdraw the English flag from Ireland as we did from the Ionian Isles, to have a Convention called at Dublin to determine the future government of the Island, such a plan would have the advantage that it recognizes the one political opinion, which we can trace in Irish popular expression—the desire to be done with England. It is true, that the policy of Irish ideas declared at Southport was a means to an end—the better union of the two countries—but pledged to two antagonistic principles, Mr. Gladstone must some time choose which he will abandon.

On the other hand, in accepting Irish independence we shrink from responsibility for the acts of England. We know that the disorder now ruling in Ireland is, to some extent, the result of English misgovernment in past generations, and instead of attempting by firmness and patience to remedy the mischief our fathers have done, we leave the future to Providence. In this aspect of the question, we would remind our readers of the words used in our article on 'Disintegration' not three years ago:—

'The highest interests of the Empire, as well as the most sacred obligations of honour, forbid us to solve this question by conceding any species of independence to Ireland; or, in other words, any licence to the majority in that country to govern the rest of Irishmen as they please. To the minority, to those who have trusted us, and on the faith of our protection have done our work, it would be a sentence of exile or of ruin. All that is Protestant—nay, all that is loyal—all who have land or money to lose, all by whose enterprize and capital industry and commerce are still sustained, would be at the mercy of the adventurers who have led the Land League, if not of the darker counsellors by whom the Invincibles have been inspired. If we have failed after centuries of effort to make Ireland peaceable and civilized, we have no moral right to abandon our post and leave all the penalty of our failure to those whom we have persuaded to trust in our power. It would be an act of political bankruptcy, an avowal that we were unable to satisfy even the most sacred obligations, and that all claims to protect or govern any one beyond our own narrow island were at an end.'—'Quarterly Review,' October, 1883, pp. 593, 594.

Mr. Gladstone assured his hearers last week, that he was bent on consolidating the unity of the kingdom; he would not tolerate that his new constitution should be called a repeal of the Union; but his final argument was this, 'Do not let us disguise this from ourselves. We stand face to face with what is termed "Irish nationality."' Now, what is this 'Irish nationality'? Let us examine it from the point of view of the welfare of the Irish population. It may be conceded at once that there is a strong current of local sentiment running through the Irish population of the south and west. This is a tender, home feeling—a very different thing from the stronger, more complex, and more highly developed, conception round which a political nationality gathers. It is such a sentiment as exists in one form or another in every group of counties, in every county, in every country-side, in almost every village. It is a kindly recollection of old memories, associated with a disposition to stand up for our own. It is the result of intimate knowledge of certain habits and ideas, and a tender reminiscence of the best types of character associated with those habits. This sentiment of local feeling is the germ of nationality, but it exists in many regions where the wider ideas of nationality have never supervened. There are many other places again, where this same feeling remains fresh and vigorous after the political nationality connected with it has passed away, merged in larger conceptions, in a sense of more extended interests.

Such was the feeling of Cicero when he said that he had two countries. His Volscian home was the country of his affection, but Rome that of duty and right. Arpinum will always be my country, said he, but Rome still more my country, for Arpinum has its share in the honours and dominion of Rome.

Such is the feeling of the proud and vigorous nationality occupying North Britain, various in race, in creed, and in social condition, but united in mutual knowledge, in local sympathies, and in self-respect. The Scotch, as an aggregate, are intellectually, physically, and in their local institutions and habits one of the most distinct national types existing. They are drawn together by a strong sentiment of patriotism, but they are as little likely to demand a separate political system, a parliament sitting at Edinburgh, as the members from Hampshire and Wiltshire are likely to combine for the establishment of parliamentary government on the banks of the Itchin.

Now what is Ireland, and what indications has that portion of the population known as Nationalist given of a capacity to form itself into a nation? Ireland has a geographical boundary in a sea channel crossed from Great Britain in three hours or in an hour and a-half, according to the line of passage selected. It is inhabited by some five millions, whose native language is English, with the exception of a decimal percentage of mountaineers, who nearly all speak English as well as Irish. The race is more mixed than in any other district of the kingdom containing the same amount of population. The northern coasts are thickly peopled by Scotch settlers. In the south and west are many varieties of race not of English introduction, but strongly different from each other. In many of the most Catholic districts of Munster and Leinster we find, in the names, physique, and temper, of the people, evident results of the Cromwellian settlements, although the faith and political principles of their forefathers have passed away. With this mixed population we have a social cleavage probably the most remarkable in Europe. The mass of the people, except in about one-fifth of the island on the north-east coast, are Roman Catholic, Celtic in their traditions and habits, and extremely poor. The Northern fifth is industrious, order-loving, prosperous, Protestant, and British in sentiment. Next to the masses of the population in importance are the great landowners, of whom six-sevenths are Protestants, and nearly the whole of Norman, Scotch, or English origin. There is no important mercantile class, except in the towns of Belfast, Dublin, and Cork; and the professional classes, with the exception of the Catholic priesthood, are chiefly Protestant and British.

This population, so strangely wanting in homogeneity, have no history which might attract them into unconsciousness of their differences. It has been well said, that 'anybody who knew nothing of the Irish past, except what he got from the speeches of Irish Nationalists, would suppose that at some comparatively recent period the green flag had floated over fleets and armies, and that Irish kings had played a part of some kind in the field of modern European politics.' But as a matter of fact Ireland has no part in European history before its conquest by England. Not only was the kingdom of Ireland, as the style of the island went before 1800, an English creation; but the name of Ireland has never had any political significance except in connection with the English crown.

External signs of difference between English and Irish there are many; nimble apprehension, fluent utterance, genial demeanour, the attraction of the flashing Celtic face, distinguish an Irish from an English group, but characteristics like this do not prove any original or consistent power of thought. They rather perhaps indicate the absence of it. It is not on qualities like these, cemented even by strong feelings of home sentiment, that we can expect to see the foundation of a new Nationality happily laid. With one exception there is not a single idea, which an orator could present to an Irish crowd, that could not be urged with equal chance of sympathy upon an English crowd. Personal liberty, the principles of no taxation without representation, of trial by jury, freedom of conscience, sympathy with the prosperity of the greatest number, all these are English ideas and must be illustrated, where they need illustration, by the events of history peculiar to England or common to the British dominion. The one topic, which is specially attractive to an Irish meeting, is abuse of England as the source of Irish misery. Community of hatred the mixed Nationalist population has, but whether such a passion is sufficiently creative to build up a new national type the reader can judge for himself. With this exception, laws, political teachings, commercial habits, are all of English origin.

Mr. Gladstone, in recommending to the House of Commons his scheme for the establishment of an independent Parliament in Ireland, cited as precedents the independent Legislatures of Sweden and Norway, and of Austria and Hungary. He dwelt particularly upon the precedent of Norway:—

'The Legislature of Norway has had serious controversies, not with Sweden, but with the King of Sweden, and it has fought out those controversies successfully upon the strictest constitutional and Parliamentary grounds. And yet with two countries so united, what has been the effect? Not discord, not convulsion, not danger to peace, not hatred, not aversion, but a constantly-growing sympathy; and every man who knows their condition knows that I speak the truth when I say, that in every year that passes the Norwegians and the Swedes are more and more feeling themselves to be the children of a common country, united by a tie which never is to be broken.'

If Mr. Gladstone had been better acquainted with the recent historic and economic condition of Norway, of which we have given some account in our present number,[104] he might have quoted that country as a warning rather than an example. The 'Storthing,' or Parliament of Norway, is omnipotent, and two-thirds of its representatives are permanently in the hands of the peasant proprietor. The King has only a suspensive veto on Bills enacted by the Storthing, which therefore become law, if passed in their original form by three successive triennial Parliaments. The recent dispute between the King and the Parliament, to which Mr. Gladstone alluded, related to the right of the King to exercise an absolute veto in the case of Bills affecting the principles of the Constitution. The existence of such a right was denied by the Radical majority in the Storthing, which established in 1884 a Supreme Court of Justice composed exclusively of Radical members, and the Judges of the ordinary High Court of Justice. It was a packed Court, bound to secrecy; and the tribunal thus constituted condemned, in violation of the first principles of justice, all the King's Ministers in Norway to deprivation of office and to pecuniary fines, for having advised their master, that the Constitution could not be altered without his sanction. The King was compelled to yield, though he was supported in his opposition to the Storthing by his Swedish Cabinet; and his ultimate submission to the Radical majority in Norway was followed by a Ministerial crisis in Sweden. The Swedes rightly argue that, if the King has no absolute veto on matters affecting the principles of the Constitution in Norway, there is no obstacle to an abolition of the Monarchical form of government in that kingdom, or to a repeal of the union between the two countries. There is in consequence much discontent in Sweden at the conduct of Norway; and the Norwegians, on their side, have an intense and ever-growing 'hatred and aversion' to the Swedes. Hence has arisen a considerable tension in the official relations between the two countries instead of the 'constantly growing sympathy' of which Mr. Gladstone spoke. It is characteristic of the Prime Minister's mode of stating a case, that he tells us the Norwegian controversies are 'not with Sweden but with the King of Sweden.' Sweden has nothing to say in Norwegian affairs, except in the person of the King. The King is the only connecting link between the two countries. If the Dublin Parliament should impeach the Irish Viceroy, we suppose Mr. Gladstone would tell us that the difficulty was not with England but with Queen Victoria.

Nor was Mr. Gladstone much happier in his allusion to Hungarian Nationality in recent times. For more than 150 years Austria endeavoured to extinguish the national life of Hungary. In 1867 this policy was definitely abandoned, and Hungary was called to a share in the Empire of the Hapsburgs. As recently as last October Mr. Parnell, when insisting that Ireland must have an independent Parliament, said: 'We can point to the example of other countries—to Austria and to Hungary—to the fact that Hungary, having been conceded self-government, became one of the strongest factors in the Austrian Empire.' The favour, with which these references have been received by the Liberal party, is a singular example how far afield they are ready to go in search of an argument. Austria, in 1867, was a great military despotism, tottering to its fall amidst a group of eager rivals. A general appeal to the nation, such as France made at the commencement of the Revolutionary war, was out of the question. Differences of race, differences of language, differences of social condition, made national unity impossible within the wide dominions of the House of Austria. The government at Vienna consented to the division of its territories into groups of nearly equal strength. In each of these groups various alien nationalities were clustered round a central power more advanced in politics, in civilization, and in wealth, than the adjacent territories. Instead of trying to weld their multiple varieties of race into one great popular community, Austria, smitten at Sadowa, shared her dominion with Hungary, and asked her to take charge of the Government of the East Leithan Slavs, whilst the German population of Austria dealt with the Czechs and Moravians and Carinthians on the western side of the river.

Sir Henry Elliott has well pointed out, that what success the experiment has had is in no small degree due to the large powers still enjoyed by the Crown, and to the personal character and influence of the Emperor Francis, the connecting link between the two dominions; but apart from this actual result, the feasibility of the dual scheme depended on the following considerations. In the first place, there was no alternative in the condition in which the House of Austria found itself in 1867, defeated in battle and bankrupt in finance. Without some such arrangement civil war was inevitable, with the ultimate prospect of the absorption of the various races by the hostile neighbouring Powers. In the second place, the allies were pretty nearly equal in strength as regards each other, whilst they were each similarly weighted by the difficulty of holding their own within the respective territories assigned them. They were each so busy with their subordinate territories and the less advanced populations inhabiting them, that it was not their interest or their inclination to bring about conflicts with each other. Hungary boasts a larger area than Austria, and a population equal to three-fourths that of the Western Monarchy. On the western side of the Leitha the dominant race, dominant by force of nature, by brain power, and the traditions and acquirements this power has given them, are 36 per cent. of the whole population. In the Transleithan provinces the race similarly situated, the Magyar, constitutes about 40 per cent. of the whole population.

There is not a single circumstance in the relations between England and Ireland to make reference to the creation of the Empire-Kingdom anything but an absurdity. Ireland never can compare with Great Britain in material resources. Her population is hardly one-sixth that of the larger island, whilst her area is little more than a third. She is deficient in climate, in soil, in mineral resources, and in population. Not only is she without a well-organized aristocracy skilled in political science, such as Hungary boasted; Ireland, as the term is understood by the National League, is without an educated class. Her intellect is represented by the moonlight maurauder and the fanatic priest. As regards England, the parallel is still more preposterous: She is not a military despotism, but a well-organized community, boasting parliamentary traditions of a thousand years. Her shores are guarded by sea from foreign interference. Notwithstanding many scandalous shortcomings in her rulers, her influence and her power are still unrivalled in the world. However long Mr. Gladstone may rule, her Sadowa is yet to come; and, if it did come, the example of the Dual State would offer no solution of our Irish difficulties, for none of the conditions which made the Dual State possible exist in the case of the two chief British Islands.

The delusive character of Mr. Gladstone's reference to the Dual State is best illustrated by the facts, that the council for common affairs consist of an equal number of representatives from each side of the dominion, that this council is concerned with military and foreign affairs, two subjects on which, according to the new scheme, Ireland is to have no vote.

It will be found, on a little examination, that appeals to the example of the foreigner are as misleading as the theory of nationality. All such arguments are only endeavours to divert the public from the exercise of their own judgment and common-sense in dealing with the mischiefs which the perverse genius of Mr. Gladstone has created. Recognized principles of government, the ordinary traditions of England applied with the happy immunity from friction, which the commercial policy of modern times makes possible, would have long since settled the difficulty, but it would have been settled in disregard of that popular Irish feeling which, in 1867, Mr. Gladstone pledged himself to follow. He would have had to admit that his new Irish policy was a mistake; and he never admits that he has made any mistake—unless it be in Egypt—or in acting on the opinion of other people. When he has discovered a new line of policy, he believes himself infallible. Let us assume for a moment, that the combination of the personal adherents of Mr. Gladstone and of Mr. Parnell enables the Prime Minister to pass some measure on the lines he has selected, or on those laid down by Mr. Davitt, and that the rowdy treason of a Dublin Cabinet proceeds to bring within the sphere of its operations what wealth and civilization has hitherto escaped the National League.

In the struggle which must ensue, we shall have within three hours of our shores a raging volcano of revolution, threatening the peace of Europe and our own. Fenians, Nihilists, and Irish Yankees, will flock to the new vantage ground. The conflict between Socialism and property, between infidelity and superstition, will be fought out amidst the strangest complications of local hatred and of fiscal disorder. If foreign governments abstain from interfering, and we escape consequent difficulties with them, are we sure that we ourselves will be able to remain passive spectators? Many of us are old enough to recollect the agitation which shook this kingdom during the struggle between North and South on the other side of the Atlantic. No question of Home politics for generations past had so deeply moved our people. It required all the exertions of the most sober part of the nation to prevent our becoming involved in the conflict, and we recollect the help this party of wisdom got from the impulsive statesman who has undertaken for the third time the final settlement of the Irish question. If the great American Civil War, desolating a country three thousand miles away, thus stirred popular feeling, what will be the result of a Civil War between, on the one side, the Irish Celt animated by religious hatred and love of plunder, and supported by the Irish American, and on the other the loyalty, endurance and Protestantism of Ulster—a Civil War almost within sight of our shores?

But, if we turn from the suggestions of empiricism and vanity and come to those practical considerations which affect men's minds in matters so important as political organization, the main argument pressed on English people is that we cannot go on as we are. 'Irish Government is a failure.' 'We must close this terrible crisis as rapidly as possible.' 'Separation itself, could not be worse than the present state of things.' 'The Act of Union has completely failed. After eighty-four years it has given an Ireland more hostile to England than at any period of its history.' Mr. Gladstone recites the number of Coercion Acts, which have been passed since 1832, and declares 'we are like the man who, knowing that medicine may be the means of his restoration to health, endeavours to live upon medicine.'

Before considering whether this confession of failure is true, we would remind our readers what it implies, what it leads up to. It is now proposed as an argument for establishing a separate Parliament in Dublin. The establishment of this separate Parliament is necessary, because we must give Ireland the opportunity of doing what we ourselves are unable to do, to find the best machinery they can to carry on the business of government. But, when this machinery is once found and invested with the resources and influence of a Government, we cannot suppose that our troubles will be at an end. If disputes arise in the working out of the new Irish Constitution, the popular majority will not be slow to call in the aid of the American Irish who have founded the National League. Mr. Jennings, whose opinion on this matter is entitled to great weight, from his long residence in the United States, reminded the House that

'one consideration which they must bear in mind was that of the formidable difficulties which would inevitably arise from the action of the great body of Irish Americans. If this Bill granted to Ireland a free and independent Parliamentary Assembly with full powers over the Executive, as proposed by the Prime Minister, there would inevitably come a time when either the payment of the interest due, or some other cause, would bring the Irish Parliament into antagonism with the English. If they were to endeavour to demand what was necessary, whether payment of interest or what not, and to threaten to use force, could any one suppose that the great body of Irish Americans would stand by silently and see that done? He believed that the United States would say to them: "You have acknowledged your incompetence to govern Ireland; you have given her practical independence, now you must take your hands off her; we will not stand by and see her crushed." He believed that there was no government in the United States which could withstand such pressure as that which would be brought to bear on it by the Irish Americans, especially if a Presidential election were near.'

But is this allegation of failure actually true? For our part we are inclined to agree with Lord Hartington, that the argument founded on the paralysis of government in Ireland in recent years is allowed more weight in this question than it should have. In the first place, it is difficult to see how any government conducted as ours has been during the last few years, could be other than disastrous, Mr. Gladstone, at the commencement of his career as leader of the Liberal party, pledged himself to the policy of Irish ideas, ignorant, if not reckless, of what the term meant. Year by year he has been getting a closer view of the creed he had unconsciously adopted, and, after a struggle, he accepts one dogma, then another. The great dogma of all in the Home Ruler's creed, that Englishmen should be sent bag and baggage out of Ireland, has not yet been adopted; and naturally the Home Ruler keeps his resources ready for that ringing of the chapel bell to which Mr. Gladstone alluded in speaking of the Clerkenwell explosion and its effect on the question of the Irish Establishment. The 'dynamite and the dagger,' to which Mr. Morley recently appealed as conclusive reasons for passing the Cabinet scheme, retain their fascination for the Irish mind.

As long as Mr. Gladstone is a power in English public life, and his pledges given in Lancashire are unredeemed or unrepudiated, the Home Rule party will press him without mercy; but it is not reasonable to argue from their success, a success which Mr. Gladstone has given them, that they exercise a permanent influence on Irish affairs. When the Southport pledges were given, the Irish land laws were yet without that reform which a series of Governments, Tory as well as Whig, had admitted to be necessary. It could not be said until after 1870 that the book of English neglect of Irish interests was finally closed, and that is only sixteen years ago. During this period we have seen the great English Parliamentary Ruler continually plunging after coercion, and returning to make some other big concession to agitation. Thus Ireland has had no chance of trying what a good system of laws consistently administered could supply. The principle of the Land Act of 1870 was a provision for the protection of property—the tenants' property recognized by custom during a long course of years, although ignored by the law and exposed to confiscation by the reckless Whig legislation of 1850-2. The Land Act of 1881 was an arbitrary attempt to remedy the misfortunes of an improvident agricultural interest by legislative interference with contract. Contracts were readjusted and finally settled for fifteen years to come. Political economy was bidden to take itself off, but prices varied quite regardless of Mr. Gladstone's arrangements, and the weather did not pay them the least consideration. The passion for revolution was stimulated, and a large number of Mr. Gladstone's clients are as badly off as before. Might it not be worth while to try for a time how far good government, after the removal of all substantial grievances, might supply that 'real settlement,' 'that finality,' which the country is now asked to find in Dublin Parliaments, First Orders, and bribes at the cost of the English taxpayer?

This counter-policy of maintaining order and good government in Ireland should be emphasized by measures to make that island, even more completely than she now is, a part of the United Kingdom. The Queen's laws in Ireland are the same, except in some slight details, as in England. The Irish judicature might be made part of the High Court at Westminster. The Queen's writs from Westminster should run throughout Ireland as they have done for hundreds of years throughout Wales. Limerick or Sligo are not so remote from London now as Harlech or Durham were in the reign of George I. The Irish judges would form no undistinguished addition to the English Bench, while the presence of English judges on circuit in Ireland would have the best effect in disarming the animosity of the people against the law. It is too often forgotten in these days that, however rapidly we move from place to place, however swift the transmission of intelligence, the human mind has not yet acquired the nimbleness of the telegraph needle. Habits of thought are not changed as rapidly as the fashions of our dress. It is only sixteen years since our Irish legislation has assumed its present form, and we are ready to throw to the winds all maxims of statecraft, all principles hitherto recognized in the delicate work of government. We are in despair, and call in the company of a priori statesmen—men whose sole qualification to deal with complex questions is the fact that they have studied the science of revolution. Why should we not try, now that we have provided for manifest Irish grievances, what time, and resolution, and common-sense, might do for us and our Irish fellow-subjects?

The first part of the Government policy is disclosed. We have still to learn what its complement, the Land Purchase Bill, is to be, what proposal is to be made about loyal Ulster, the subject on which Mr. Gladstone was so strangely vague, on which Mr. Parnell was discreetly silent. These further manifestations of Cabinet wisdom can hardly save the scheme now lingering on to death. We wish we could be certain, that this collapse would rid Parliament and Ireland of all such projects for the future. But, whatever be the fate of the present Ministry, we may be sure that the end is not yet, unless Mr. Parnell's faction is completely broken, unless the policy urged by Lord Hartington is firmly adopted, and party life reorganized in England, on the principle of excluding the Irish vote from consideration in our party conflicts. If no such resolution is enforced by English patriotism, Irish Nationalists will return to their demands, enhanced in power and renown by the tribute they have extorted from the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.

On these events of the future we shall not now speculate; but if past history throws any light on the character of our population, one thing may be confidently predicted. If Home Rule should be ultimately conceded to Ireland, the political party which may be responsible for the carrying of the scheme, will have to look forward to a long period of exclusion from public confidence. However the British people may be worried or deluded into forgetfulness of their duty to themselves and to Ireland, the working of a Dublin Parliament will soon rouse them, the reaction will set in; and the authors of the scheme will have before them as lengthened a banishment from power, as the country gentlemen suffered when their chivalrous devotion to the House of Stuart blinded them for a time to the practical interests of England; as was the fate of the Whigs at the beginning of this century, when they identified their party with implacable opposition to Pitt's struggle to deliver Europe from the tyranny of Bonaparte.

FOOTNOTES:

[104] See Art. IV. 'Yeomen Farmers in Norway.'



INDEX TO THE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SECOND VOLUME OF THE QUARTERLY REVIEW.

A.

St. Alban's Abbey, 305 its revenue, 307 culture of the vine, 308 its Grammar School, 310 the Scriptorium, 312, 313 Historiographers, 314 Abbot's, 316, 317.

Alford, Dean, on the severance of the Church from the State, 7.

Apostolic Fathers, the, by the Bishop of Durham, 467 Ignatius contrasted with St. Clement, 470 his uncertain birth and origin, 471 martyrdom, 472, 473 testimony to the Apostolical succession, 474 the 'short,' 'middle' and 'long' form, ib. forgery in the 'long' recension, 475 literary war on episcopacy, 476 Milton's invective, ib. Archbp. Ussher's discovery, 477 condemns the Epistle to Polycarp, 478 Cureton's version, ib. genuineness of the seven Epistles known to Eusebius 479, 480 style and diction, 481 external testimony, 483 'Apostolical Constitutions,' 485 Irenaeus on Apostolic succession, 485, 486 Linus at Rome, 486 Polycarp on episcopacy, 487 Clement of Rome and Papias, ib. Theological Polemics, 488 Judaists and Gnostics, 489 S. Polycarp, his history and writings, 491 reverence paid to him, 492 reviving Paganism, 493 legend of his youth, 495 meets Ignatius, 496 reminiscences by Irenaeus, ib. his martyrdom, 498, 499.

Aracan. See Burma.

Archives of the Venetian Republic, 356. See Venetian.

d'Aumale, Duc his 'Histoire des Princes de Conde,' 80 his tribute to Gen. France d'Houdetot, 107.

B.

Bagehot, Mr. Walter, his 'English Constitution,' 518 his character, 521 influence of his writings, 532 universal and varied representation, 533 clear style, 534 the principle of evolution, 535 on royal education, 536 Constitutional monarchy, 537.

Banker, the Country, by Mr. George Rae, 133 Joint Stock Banking, 134 loanable capital, 135 trade interests, 136 individual responsibility, ib. limited liability, 137 uncovered advances, ib. prosperity of Scotland, 138 difference between a mortgage and a bill of exchange, 139 fixed capital, 140 floating capital, 141 telegraphic transfer, ib. personal security, 142 'runs' on a bank, 143-145 banking reserve, 145 panics, 146, 147 the Act of 1844, 147 the Golden Age, 149 Bank Law of Germany, 149, 150 National Banks of the U.S., 150 Swedish Banks, 151 banking system of Australasia, 152 'Popular Banks in Italy, 153 contrasted with the Post Office Savings-banks in England, 154.

Batchelor, Rev. H., sermon upon 'The Bishops on Disestablishment,' 38.

Beaconsfield, Lord, his historic warning in 1880 of danger in Ireland, 551.

Bismarck, Prince, his opinion of Mr. Gladstone, 281, 282.

Books and Reading, 501 Sir John Lubbock's list, ib. Comte's catalogue or syllabus, 502 indolent readers, 503 perplexity of the student, 504 difficulties in classification, 505 Mr. Weldon's practical list, 507 Mr. F. Harrison's 'Choice of Books, ib. the desultory reader, 508 Dibdin's 'Library Companion,' 509 Chroniclers and Historians, ib. philosophical histories, 510 Voyages and Travels, 511 Children's Books, 512 Mr. Lowell's maxim for reading, 513 use of odd moments, 514 periodical literature, 515 selection of books, 516 students' books, 517 fragmentary reading, 518.

Brewer, Prof., his 'Introductions,' 293 Essay on 'New Sources of English History,' 294 draws attention to the value of the 'Calendars,' ib.

British Empire. See Travels.

Broch, Dr., 'Le Royaume de Norvege et le Peuple Norvegien,' 384 his Report for the Exhibition at Paris, 397 production of cereals and potatoes in Norway, in 1875, 405 note. See Yeomen.

Brown, Rev., on the control exercised in the Dissenting Churches, 37.

——, Mr. Rawdon, the late, his facsimiles of the Autographs in the Lettere Principi, 377. See Venetian.

Burma, Past and Present, 210 number of rivers, 211 influence of India and China, ib. chief nationalities, 213 the Karens, ib. influence of Buddhism, 214 affinity with Ceylon, ib. Hindoo nomenclature, 215 architectural remains, ib. the city of Pagan, 216 Niccolo de' Conti's geographical accuracy, 217 Pegu captured, ib. the Yuva Raja's gorgeous court, 218 extravaganzas of F. M. Pinto, ib. splendour of the monarchy, 219 internal and external wars, ib. reign of Nicote, 220 his execution, 221 decay of the power of Ava, ib. resistance of Alompra, ib. his successes and death, 222, 223 Ran-gun founded, 222 conquest of Aracan, ib. peace concluded between China and Ava, ib. Capt. Symes, Envoy to the Burmese Court, 224 Lord Wellesley's endeavours for a treaty of alliance, ib. geographical extent of the Empire, 225 Sir A. Campbell's conquests, 226 Col. H. Burney's residence, 227 Lord Dalhousie annexes Pegu, ib. Capt. A. Phayre's successful administration of Pegu, 228 death of Mengdun-Meng, and succession of Theebau, ib. massacre of the prisoners, 229 revolt at Hlain, 230 English Residency withdrawn, 231 relations with France cultivated, 232 Gen. D'Orgoni's mission, 233 the French Envoy's secret articles disavowed, 234 French occupation of the Anamite provinces, ib. Franco-Burmese Treaty, 235 and Bank at Mandalay, 236 the Bombay Burma Trading Corporation, 237 Ultimatum of the Indian Government, 238 resources of, 287.

C.

'Calendars,' the, of Letters and Papers, Prof. Brewer's 'Introductions' to, 293, 294.

Cape Colony, the, treatment of, 448.

Carlyle's account of the Royalist attack on Salisbury, 416 his false image of Cromwell, 441. See Cromwell.

Cervantes, Life of, 58. See 'Don Quixote.'

Chamberlain, Mr., his bribe to the rural voters, 258 on Mr. Gladstone's manifesto, 290. See Parliament.

Christian Brothers, the, Religious Schools in France and England, 325 the Freres Chretiens founded by De la Salle, 330 work at Paris, 331 vow of dedication, ib. Articles of rules for the Society, 332 laymen appointed in preference to priests, 333 the five vows and rule of daily life, ib. Manuals for their guidance, 334 conditions of punishment, 335 success of the work, ib. abolished during the Reign of Terror, 337 revived under Napoleon, ib. discouragements, 338 Our Duties towards Ourselves, 339 Morals, 340 Freedom of Labour, ib. Gregory on Competition, 341 Political Duties, 342 Cross of honour awarded after the Prussian invasion, 354 scholarships gained, 355.

Church and State, 2 Lord Hartington's loyalty, 3 imputation on the Tories, ib. Liberationist tactics, 4, 7 Mr. Gladstone's manifesto, 5, 6 finances of the Liberation Society, 8, 9 Scottish subscriptions, 10 Welsh Nonconformists, 11 characteristics of Democracy, ib. Liberation leaflets, 13-16 cost of 'voluntary schools,' 16 Pope Gelasius on tithes, 17 the Church in Wales and London, 18-21 number of adult baptisms, 21 Mr. G. Rogers on Disendowment, 22 the 'Radical programme,' 23, 24 Bp. Magee on Disestablishment, 25 M. Scherer on Democracy, 27 the question of inequality, 28 history and effects of Establishment, 29 misstatements, 30 spiritual influence, 31 example of the United States, ib. results of the voluntary system, 32, 33 denominational rivalry, 34 Mr. Bancroft on the Church in Virginia, 35 danger of rashness in any change, 36 control in the Dissenting Church, 37 case of Jones v. Stannard, ib. Rev. H. Batchelor's sermon, 38 decrease of Baptist and Congregational pastors, 39 the Bp. of Rochester's estimate of the parishes that would suffer, 40 Bp. of Derry's experience, ib.

Cid, the, Poem of, 46. See 'Don Quixote.'

Clement, St., compared to Ignatius, 470.

Colonies, the British. See Travels in British Empire.

Conde, the House of, 80 character of Henri, the third Prince, 81 married to Charlotte de Montmorency, 82 avidity for wealth, 83 applies for a bishopric for his infant son, 84 Richelieu's reply, 85 imprisonment, 85-89 joined by his wife, 89 birth of his son Duc d'Anguien, 90 his education, 91-93 at the Military Coll., Paris, 94 government of Burgundy, ib. his child-bride, 95 imprisonment at Vincennes, 96 first campaign, 97 Richelieu's domination, 98 efforts for his safety, 99 treatment of the Cardinal-Archb., ib. changes on Richelieu's death, 100 his appearance described, 101 military talents, 102 generals, 103 personal courage, 104.

Constitution, English, 518 sqq.

Cowper, Lord, his letter on supporting the Land-Act of 1881, 277.

Cromwell, Oliver: his character illustrated by himself, 414 received version of the Insurrection of March, 1655, 415 meeting at Marston Moor, ib. attack on Salisbury, 416 endeavours to stimulate an insurrection, 417 counsels of false friends, 419 secret agents, 420 intercepted letter to Mr. Roles, 420 note Earl of Rochester and his comrades land at Dover, 421 arrested and released, 422, 423 Morton, the sham-Royalist, 424 Mr. Douthwaite's movements, suspected, 424, 425 the Judges refuse to try the Marston Moor prisoners, 428 trial of Salisbury insurgents, 427 twelve Major-Generals, ib. 'Declaration' to secure the Peace of the Commonwealth, 428 projects of the Royalists in March, 1655, 429 officers and soldiers kept from Salisbury, 430 Major Butler forbidden to take active operations, ib. his account of the dispersal of the Royalists at Marston Moor, 432 alleged 'rendezvous' of Royalists to surprise Newcastle, 433 the Rufford Abbey incident, ib. Shropshire insurrection, 434 Pickering's story about Chester Castle, ib. Earl of Rochester and Armourer arrested at Aylesbury, 435 their escape, 436 power of deception, 437 the 'Thurloe Papers,' ib. incredulity of the members of his Parliament, 438 motive for the fabrication of the Insurrection, 439 speech on the dissolution of Parliament in Jan. 1655, 440 Carlyle's false image of the Hero, 441 claims the Divine sanction, 442.

D.

Dalley, Mr., of Sidney, on a better organization of the Navy for the Colonies. See Travels.

Darwin's view of primitive human society, 182. See Patriarchal Theory.

Davitt, Mr., on Irish landlords, 292.

Democracy, M. Scherer on, 2 characteristics of, 518 its tendency to despotism, 522 Mr. G. White on English aristocracy and American democracy, 523 its tolerance of oppression, 525 Mr. Godkin on American politics, 526 failure of, in the Spanish and Portuguese States, 527 political aim of the Reign of Terror, 528, 529 real meaning of equality, 531 Mr. Bagehot's views, 532 universal and varied representation, 533 influence exercised by hereditary Princes and aristocracies, 535 errors of George III.'s reign, 536 royal education, ib. of Constitutional Monarchy, 537 'Vigilance Committee' in California, 538 strikes in Pennsylvania, 539 value of the English Poor Law, 540 Irish famine, 541 Belgian riots, 532 American charity, 543.

Democracy, 11, 25. See Church.

Dibdin, Mr., on the present features of Establishment, 29. See Church.

'Don Quixote,' Mr. Ormsby's, 43 ignorance of Spanish literature in England, ib. a key to the history of Europe, 45 popularity of the work, 46 translations, 47-49 Dore's illustrations, 50 proverbs, 51, 52 opening of the 2nd Part, 53 emendations, 54 'Life of Cervantes,' 58 his personal history little known, 59 early years, 61 at Rome, and at the battle of Lepanto, ib. prisoner in Algiers, 62 liberated, 63 marriage, 64 collector of revenue at Granada, ib. life in Madrid, 65 death, 66 no known portrait of him, 67 describes his own features, ib. theories for the popularity of his work, 68-71 broad humour, 71 chivalry, 72 C. Kingsley's opinion, 73 madness of the knight, 74 Sancho's character, 76 ordinances for good government, 78.

Doerpfeld, on the method of lighting at Tiryns, 122. See Tiryns.

Doyle, Sir F., translation of the Olympian Ode, 178. See Pindar.

E.

Education, royal, 536 religious, in France. See Christian Brothers.

Eusebius. See Apostolic Fathers.

F.

Fergusson, Mr. J., on lighting the Parthenon, 123. See Tiryns.

France, primary schools of, 338. See Christian Brothers.

Froude, J. A., his 'Oceana, or England and her Colonies,' 443 our responsibility with the Boers, 448 Free Trade, 449 love of 'old home' in the Colonies, 451. See Travels.

Fustel de Coulanges, M., his 'Recherches sur quelques problemes d'Histoire', 187.

G.

Gaius, the Commentaries of, found by Niebuhr, 183.

Gasparin, Comte Agenor, on the titles of landowners, &c., 17. See Church.

Gildersleeve, Prof., his contribution to Pindaric literature, 161, note.

Gladstone, Mr., his manifesto on Church Establishment, 5 ambiguity, 6 preparations for Home Rule in 1882, 261 enigmatical replies, 263 'healing measures' for Ireland, 265 his 'Divine light' and Irish policy, 266 coercions and concessions, 268 speech at Leeds, 273 belief in him, 275 on the Irish question, 275, 276 foreign policy, 281 the advances of Russia, 282, 283.

Gladstone-Morley Administration, the, 544 the two 'Orders' for the Irish Parliament, 545 voting power of the Nationalists, 547 Mr. Gladstone's appeal to Southport in 1867, 547-549 abolition of Irish Establishment, 549 the Home Rule Association denounced at Aberdeen, ib. Mr. Butt on Home Rule, 550 Lord Beaconsfield's warning in 1880, 551 the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, and a Coercion Act, ib. the Land League dissolved, Mr. Parnell and its leaders in jail, 552 Mr. Forster's exertions, 553 Lord Spencer's responsibilities, ib. the National League, ib. removal of Mr. Clifford Lloyd and Mr. Trevelyan, 554 delay in renewing the Crimes Act, ib. declarations of Imperial unity, 555 Mr. C. Bannerman on the Parnellite demands, 556 Lord Hartington's protestation, ib. Mr. Gladstone's telegram denying the scheme as sketched in the Press, 557 Mr. Chamberlain's denial of being a party to it, ib. declaration of Lord Salisbury's Government to maintain the Union, 558 Mr. J. Collings's motion, ib. new Ministry, 559 Mr. J. Morley's appointment; his inexperience, 560 system of guarantees, 561 evictions, 562 example of the French peasantry, 563 power of the National League, 563, 564 instance of Farrell and Shee, ib. election to local public offices, ib. Mr. Lecky on the National League, 566 sympathy of the Irish priests, 567 Archbp. Walsh, 567, 568 provision for Irish judges, 568 our responsibilities to Ireland, 569 Irish nationality, 570 population, 571 compared to Norway and Hungary, 572-574 deficient resources of Ireland, 575 Mr. Jennings on an Irish Parliament, 577 the Land Purchase Bill, 579.

Goschen, Mr., his 'Hearing, Reading, Thinking,' 501. See Books.

Grant White, Mr. R., his sketches of English and American Life, 523.

Grosseteste's Letters, 300.

H.

Hahn, F. von, on Roman Law, 187.

Hallam's 'Hist. of the Middle Ages,' ignorance of English Monasticism, 298.

Harcourt, Sir William, his prophecy about the Tory party, 261.

Hardy, Sir T. Duffus, on the Madden Hypothesis, 301 on the St. Albans Scriptorium, 312.

Harnack, Dr. on episcopacy, 484-486. See Apostolic Fathers.

Harrison, Mr., 'Choice of Books', 507.

Hartington, Lord, on Disestablishment, 3 on the Law of the Land League, 267 no warning being given of the proposed legislation for Ireland, 556.

Haxthausen, Baron von, on Slavonic and Russian society, 193-195.

Historians of Greece and Rome, their superficial area, 323.

Historical Commission, the, publication of the House of Lords MSS., 242. See Lords.

Home Rulers, increased strength of, 260. See Parliament, Gladstone, &c.

Homicides, number in New York, 459.

Horses, breed of, upheld in Hellas, 159.

d'Houditot, Gen. C., tribute to his memory by the Duc d'Aumale, 107.

Huebner, Baron, his 'Through the British Empire,' 444 on the disadvantage of complete independence to the Australian Colonist, 447 the Boers in Africa, 448 idea of a grand confederation, 450 the Civil Service of India, 452 devotion and daily labours of the officials, 453 no desire for self-government, 454 Socialism and Atheism, 455 the native Press, 456 prosperity, 457 his adventure in New York, 458.

Hughes, Mr., on the voluntary system in the United States, 32.

I.

Iddesleigh, Earl of, address to the Students at Edinburgh, 501.

Ignatian Epistles, the Bp. of Durham on the, 467. See Apostolic Fathers.

Ignatius, meaning of his name, 470.

Indemnity, the Act of, 249.

India, our administrations of, 453.

Italy, the Popular Banks of, 152.

Ireland. See Gladstone-Morley, Land Bill, National League.

J.

Jennings, Mr., on an Irish Parliament, 577. See Gladstone-Morley.

K.

Killigrew, Tom, Charles II.'s representative at Venice, 382, 383.

L.

Labour trade in the Pacific, 464.

Laing, Mr., his 'Journal of a Residence in Norway during 1834, 35 and 36,' 384. See Yeomen Farmers.

Land Bill, the, for Ireland, effect of it, 278 progress in Scotland and Wales, 279. See Parliament.

Lewis, Sir G. C., his practical philosophy, 519 an eminent statesman, 520 distrustful of electoral reform, 521 his Conservatism, 522.

Liberal Press, the, activity of, 257.

Liberation Society, the, financial report of, 8, 9 its ability and skill, 11 its publications, 13-16.

'Liberator,' the, on Mr. Gladstone's ambiguity, 7.

Lords, the, and Popular Rights, 239 vague accusations, 241 discovery of the House of Lords MSS., 242 attitude towards constitutional freedom, ib. moderate counsels and religious toleration, 242, 252 important position in the early years of Charles I., 244 appeals and petitions, 244-246 extensive jurisdiction, 246 protection of private rights, 247 intervention for peace, 248 the Restoration, 249 the Acts of Indemnity, &c., ib. restitution of property, 250, 251 execution of Vane, 251 the Act of Uniformity, 252 the Five Mile Act, 253 opposed to the re-establishment of Popery, 254 the Declaration of Indulgence and the Test Act, ib. advantage of the bicameral system, 255 excesses of the House of Commons, 255, 256.

Luard, Dr., his edition of Cotton's Chronicle, 299 'Letters of Robert Grosseteste,' 300 'Chronica Majora,' 302 on the St. Alban's School of History, 314.

Lubbock, Sir John, his list of books for reading, 501, 505.

M.

Maclay, Mr. Miklaho, his reception in New Guinea, 445. See Travels.

Madden, Sir F., Hypothesis about the 'Historia Minor,' 301

Magee, Bp., on Disestablishment, 25.

Mahaffy Mr., on the destruction of Tiryns and Mycenae, 114.

Maille-Breze, Clemence de, her marriage with Conde, 95 heads an insurrection in his favour, 96 imprisoned for life at Chateauroux, ib.

Maine, Sir H. S., on the lowering effect of democracy, 12 describes the Patriarchal Theory, 182 on monogamy, 206. See Patriarchal.

Maitland, Dr., his 'Essays on the Dark Ages,' 298.

Mayne, Mr. J. D., his article on the Patriarchal Theory, 190.

Mezger, Prof. F., his 'Pindar's Siegeslieder,' 163.

Milton on the Ignatian Epistles, 476.

Monachism, British, in the 13th century, 303. See Paris, Matthew.

Monasteries at end of 13th century, 304 popularity, 307 farming and pisciculture, 308 a place of refuge, 309.

Monod, G., on the policy of the late Chamber in France, 338, note.

Morgan, Mr. L. E., on 'group marriage,' 205. See Patriarchal Theory.

Morice, Rev. F. D., his 'Pindar for English Readers, 156. See Pindar.

Morley, Mr. J. See Gladstone-Morley.

Mortgages & Bills of Exchange, 139.

N.

National League, the, 563-565.

—— Records, the, Commission for methodizing and digesting, 295.

Navy, the, and the Colonies, 445.

Norway, the Bank of, 400 State Mortgage Bank, and Savings Bank, 401. See Yeomen.

O.

Oldham, business record of the co-operative spinners for 1885, 285.

Ormsby, Mr., his 'Don Quixote,' 43 'Poem of the Cid,' 46.

P.

Pacific Islands. See Romilly, Travels.

Paris, Mathew, 293 early years, 315 a monk at St. Alban's, 316 various accomplishments, ib. sent to Norway, 317 succeeds Roger of Wendover as historiographer, ib. utilizes facts and documents, 318 lashes the enemies of the abbey, 319 his denunciations of the Pope, 319, 320 anecdotes, 321 omens and portents, ib. weather reports, ib.

Parliament, the New, 257 activity of the Liberal press, ib. Radicalism based on pure ignorance, 258 Mr. Chamberlain's bribe to the rural voters, 258, 259 state of parties in 1880 and 1885, 260 the Home Rulers, 261 Mr. Gladstone and Home Rule in 1882, ib. Lord Salisbury's remarks on it, 262 the 'Quarterly Review' of Jan. 1882, ib. the scheme of separation and two Parliaments, 264 Mr. Gladstone's 'healing measures' for Ireland, 265-268 Sir J. Stephen on the Irish Parliament, 269 English capital in Ireland, 271 Davitt on landlordism, 272 Parnell on Home Rule, ib. dissentients in the press, 276 'strenuous policy' of the American war, ib. Lord Cowper on the Land Act of 1881, 277 opinions on the Land Bill, 278 its progress in Scotland and Wales, 279 Mr. G. Smith on concession, ib. good effect of Lord Salisbury's accession to power, ib. tone of European opinion, 280 Mr. Gladstone's foreign policy, 281 Prince Bismark's opinion of great orators, 282 Russian advances, 282, 283 state of trade, 284 the co-operative spinners of Oldham, 285 indifference of the Liberals, 286 new channel for trade in Burma, 286, 287 formation of a German Syndicate, 288 discordant element of the Liberal party, 290, 291.

Parnell, Mr., on national independence, 267 Protective tariffs, 270 private property, 271 Home Rule, 272 encomium on Mr. Gladstone, 544.

Patriarchal Theory, the, 181 described by Sir H. Maine, 182 Darwin's view, ib. the Patria Potestas and Agnation, 185 analogy in England, 186 Teutonic and Roman families, 187 Salic Law, 188 family system of the Hindus, 189 Agnates and Cognates, ib. Mr. J. D. Maynes's article, 190 religious origin of Civil law, 191 Mahommedan law, 191, 192 system among the Arabian tribes, 192 Slavonic and Russian society, 193-195 legend of Queen Libussa, 196 rejection of Roman law, 198 maternal uncles and nephews, 200 want of history with savages, ib. theory of the origin and growth of the Family, 201 Hordes and their Totems, ib. infanticide, ib. fewness of women, 202 female descents, 203 Exogamy, 204 Polyandry, ib. two schools of 'agriologists,' 205 Sir H. Maine on monogamy, 206 Darwin on the habits of primitive men, 207 ancestor worship, 208.

Peddie, Mr. Dick on Liberationist Literature, 10.

Pegu, annexation of, 227. See Burma.

Pentecost, Dr. G. F., on Denominational rivalry in America, 34.

Phayre, Sir A., his works on Burma, 210 wise ministration in Pegu, 228.

Pindar's Odes of Victory, 156 reverence paid to him, ib. imperfectly comprehended, 157 Voltaire's opinion, ib. the English and the ancient Greek mind, 158 public games, 159 Olympic festivals, 160 constructive skill of the Odes, 161 Prof. Mezger's work, 163 names of the members of the Terpandrian nome, ib. structural phenomena, 165 fifth Isthmian Ode, ib. innovation in the structure, 169 word-pictures, 170 reference to architecture, 171-173 structure, 173, 174 turgidity and bombast explained, 175 main source of obscurity, 176 the love of Apollo and Cyrene, ib. the genius of Pindar and Bossuet compared, 178 his human sympathies, 180.

Polycarp, St. See Apostolic Fathers.

Poor Law, the English, its value, 540 in Norway, 408. See Democracy.

R.

'Radical Programme,' the, 23.

Radicalism based on ignorance, 258.

Rae, Mr. George, 'The Country Banker,' 133. See Banker.

Rangoon founded, 222. See Burma.

Religious Schools in England, 344 Tables of Accommodation, 345 Registers, attendance, and voluntary contributions, 346 Training Colleges, 347 Diocesan Inspection, 349 schools visited in 1884, 350 expense of education, ib. question of gratuitous elementary education, 351.

Revue Contemporaine, the, on Lord Salisbury's accession to power, 280.

Richelieu, Cardinal. See Conde.

Riley, Mr., his 'Chronica Monasterii Sancti Albani,' 300.

Rochester, Bishop of, his estimate of the number of parishes which would suffer from Disendowment, 40.

Rogers, Mr. Guinness, on the good work of the Church, 22.

Romilly, Sir John, of the Rolls, 295 proposal for the publication of the 'Rolls Series,' 297.

——, Mr., his 'Western Pacific and New Guinea,' 445 cannibalism, 459 the Solomon Islands, 461 a sorcerer, 462 the ladies of Laughlan Islands, 463 describes a fine pearl, 464 labour trade, ib. 'Bully Hayes,' 465. See Travels.

Russia, advances of, in Asia, 282 effect of allotments upon the emancipated serfs, 411 fall in value of cereals, ib. 'redemption' dues, 412 Peasant Land Banks, 412.

S.

Sagredo, Giovanni, his mission from Venice to Cromwell, 376.

Salisbury, Lord, on the Home Rulers, 262. See Parliament.

Salle, J. B. de la, 325 Canon of the Cathedral of Rheims, 326 takes charge of an orphanage for girls, 327 patron of other schools, 328 spends his fortune on the poor, 329 prayer for guidance, ib. founder of the Christian Brothers, 330 his self-dedication, 331 success of his work, 335 death, 337.

Scherer, M., on Democracy, 11, 27.

Schliemann, Dr. H. See Tiryns.

Schmidt, C. A., on Roman Law, 187.

Scottish Council, its contribution to the Liberation Society, 10.

Senior, Nassau, W., 'Correspondence and Conversations of A. de Tocqueville,' 518 his intimate acquaintance with French statesmen, 537 the English Poor Law, 540 the Irish famine, 541. See Democracy.

Smith, Mr. Goldwin, on concession in Ireland, 279.

——, Rev. G. Vance, on the control exercised in Dissenting churches, 37.

Spain. See Don Quixote.

Stephen, Sir James, on an Irish Parliament, 269. See Parliament.

T.

Theebau, King, atrocities at the beginning of his reign, 228.

Tiryns, Schliemann's 108 the excavations mainly architectural, 110 the plain of Argolis, 111 site of the citadel, ib. history, 113 Mr. Mahaffy's theory, 114 style of pottery, 116 upper citadel, 117 arrangements of the palace, 118 propylaeum, 120 men's forecourt, ib. portico, 121 megaron and hearth, 122 basilican lighting, 123 bath-room, 124 women's apartments, 125 cyanus frieze, 127 Cyclopean walls, 128 Phoenician origin asserted by Doerpfeld, 129 Greek architecture, 130, 131 date of the fall, 132.

Tocqueville, M. Alexis de, 'Democracy in America,' 518 his practical wisdom, 520 conservatism, 522 rose-coloured portrait of democracy, 527 his Ancien Regime, 528 the distinction between noble and roturier, 529 Egalite, 531.

Travels in the British Empire, 443 Colonial Federation, 445 better organization of the Navy, 445 the American Revolution, 446 no desire for separation in our Colonists, 447 Cape Colony, ib. its treatment from England, 448 conditions and prospects of trade, 449 Free Trade, 449, 450 offers of aid in the Egyptian war, 450 love of 'old home,' 451 purity of language, ib. India and its Civil Service, 452 Lord Ripon's endeavours to promote 'self-government,' 454 the Ilbert Bill, 455 Radical ideas of dismemberment, ib. native press of India, 456 prosperity of British India, 457 cannibalism in New Ireland, 460 murder of children in the Solomon Islands, 461 sorcerers, 462 David Dow, ib. the Admiralty, Laughlan, Thursday, and Norfolk Islands, 462-463 the labour trade, 464 'Bully Hayes,' 465 commercial importance of the Australian Colonies, 467.

U.

Uniformity, Act of, 252. See Lords.

United States, National Banks of the, 150. See Banker.

V.

Venetian Republic, Archives of the, 356 their preservation and order, 357 Constitution and the Great Council, 358 the Senate or Pregadi, 360 the Zonta, ib. Collegio or Cabinet of Ministers, 361 the Savii, ib. Ducal Councillors, 362 the Doge, 363 election of, 363, 364 Council of Ten, 365 political training of the nobles, 367 the Ducal, Secret, and Inferior Chancelleries, 368, 370, 371 duties of the Grand Chancellor, 369 College of Secretaries, ib. Senatorial papers, 372 the Relazioni, 373 Paullizzi's despatches, 375 Sagredo's mission to Cromwell, 376 diplomatic connection with England, ib. of the Collegio and the Lettere Principi, 377 curious document of one Charles Dudley, 378 letters from James Stuart, ib. 'Espozione Principi,' ib. reception of Lord Northampton, 479-482 Tom Killigrew's expedient, 482.

Verney, Lady, 'Cottier-owners and Peasant Proprietors,' 410, note.

Villemain, M., his comparison of the genius of Pindar and Bossuet, 178.

W.

Wales, the Church in, 18-21.

Water Companies of London, oppressive and insolent exactions, 524.

Wendover, Roger of, a monkish historiographer, 314 at St. Albans, 316, 317.

Westphal, R., his examination of the Choric Odes of AEschylus, 163.

Wotton, Sir H., goes to Scotland from Venice to warn James VI. of a design on his life, 374.

Y.

Yeomen Farmers in Norway, 384 condition of peasant proprietors in 1834, 385 the Odels ret, or Allodial Right, ib. division of land, 386 life on the Soeters, 387 private distillation of spirits prohibited, 388, pauperism, ib. illegitimacy, 390 the agrarian class permanently represented in the Storthing, 391, ib. attraction of the rural population to towns, 392 rate of wages, 393 railways, ib. dress and ornaments, 394 value of money, ib. classification of properties, 395 increasing subdivisions of land, 397, 398 creation of Myrmaend in South Trondhjem, 397 influence of American competition in corn, ib. absence of good economy, 399 fare of the rural population, ib. heavy indebtedness of the farmers, 400 Banks and Savings Banks, 401-402 sales of real property for debt, 403 primitive condition of agriculture, 405 heavy and increasing charges on landed properties, 406 Poor Relief, ib. increase of paupers, 407, 408 emigration, ib. political agitators, 409 Church Disestablishment, ib. hereditary nobility abolished, 409, note effects of subdivision of land in Norway, &c., 410 Lady Verney on peasant proprietors, 410, note.

END OF THE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SECOND VOLUME.