Sec. 12. when all the Peloponnesians, &c. The reference seems to be to the year 370, shortly after the battle of Leuctra, when the Peloponnesian States sought the protection of Athens against Sparta, and, being refused, became allies of Thebes (Diodorus xv. 62). In 369 Athens made an alliance with Sparta.

Sec. 14. saved the Spartans. See last note. Athens also assisted the Spartans at Mantineia in 362.

the Thebans. In 378 and the following years Athens assisted Thebes against the Spartans under Agesilaus and Cleombrotus.

the Euboeans. In 358 or 357 Euboea succeeded in obtaining freedom from the domination of Thebes by the aid of Athenian troops under Timotheus.

Sec. 16. Triphylia, a district between Elis and Messenia, was the subject of a long-standing dispute between the Eleans and the Arcadians, and seems to have been in the hands of the latter since (about) 368.

Tricaranum, a fortress in the territory of Phlius, had been seized by the Argives in 369, and used as a centre from which incursions were made into Phliasian territory.

Sec. 20. allies of Thebes: in order to preserve the balance of power between Thebes and Sparta.

Sec. 21. the Theban confederacy. The reference is particularly to the Arcadian allies of Thebes, but the wider expression perhaps suggests a general policy of a more ambitious kind.

Sec. 22. you, I think, know. He refers to the older members of the Assembly, who would remember the tyrannical conduct of Sparta during the period of her supremacy (the first quarter of the fourth century B.C.).

Sec. 27. pillars. The terms of an alliance were usually recorded upon pillars erected by each State on some site fixed by agreement or custom.

Sec. 28. in the war: i.e. the 'Sacred War', against the Phocians.

FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS

Sec. 3. now it will be seen: i.e. if you come to a right decision, and help the Rhodians.

Sec. 5. the Egyptians. See Speech on Naval Boards, Sec. 31 n.

Sec. 6. to advise you: i.e. in the Speech on the Naval Boards (see especially Sec.Sec. 10, 11 of that Speech).

Sec. 9. Ariobarzanes, Satrap of the Hellespont, joined in the general revolt of the princes of Asia Minor against Persia in 362, at first secretly (as though making war against other satraps) but afterwards openly. Timotheus was sent to help him, on the understanding that he must not break the Peace of Antalcidas (378 B.C.), according to which the Greek cities in Asia were to belong to the king, but the rest were to be independent (except that Athens was to retain Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros). When Ariobarzanes broke out in open revolt, Timotheus could not help him without breaking the first provision; but the Persian occupation tion of Samos was itself a violation of the second, and he was therefore justified in relieving the town.

Sec. 11. while he is in her neighbourhood. Artaxerxes almost certainly went in person to Egypt about this time. (That he went before 346 is proved by Isocrates, Philippus, Sec. 101; and he was no doubt expected to go, even before he went.) The alternative rendering, 'since he is still to be a neighbouring power to herself,' is less good, since he would be this, whether he conquered Egypt or not.

Sec. 14. Rhodians who are now in possession: i.e. the oligarchs, who held the town with the help of Caria.

some of their fellow-citizens: i.e. some of the democratic party.

Sec. 15. official patron ([Greek: proxenos]). The 'official patron' of another State in Athens was necessarily an Athenian, and so differed from the modern consul, whom he otherwise resembled in many ways (cf. Phillipson, International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome, vol. i, pp. 147-56).

Sec. 17. publicly provided: i.e. in treaties between the States.

Sec. 22. when our democracy, &c.: i.e. in 404, when, at the conclusion of the Peloponnesian War, the tyranny of the Thirty was established, and a very large number of democratic citizens were driven into exile. The Argives refused the Spartan demand for the surrender of some of these to the Thirty (Diodorus xiv. 6).

Sec. 23. one who is a barbarian-aye, and a woman ([Greek: barbaron anthropon kai tauta gynaika]). This has been taken to refer (1) to Artaxerxes and Artemisia. But [Greek: kai tauta] cannot be simply [Greek: pros tonto], and [Greek: kai tauta gynaika] must refer to the same person as [Greek: barbaron anthropon]; (2) to Artaxerxes alone, the words [Greek: kai tauta gynaika] being a gratuitous insult such as it was customary for Athenians to level at any Persian; (3) to Artemisia alone, [Greek: anthropos] being feminine here as often. It is not possible to decide certainly between (2) and (3). Artemisia is more prominent in the speech than the king, but it is the king who is referred to in the next sentence.

Sec. 24. rendered Athens weak. The success of Sparta in the Peloponnesian War was rendered possible, to a great extent, by the supply of funds from Persia. In 401 Cyrus made his famous expedition against Artaxerxes II, and Clearchus (with other generals) commanded the Greek troops which assisted him. The death of Cyrus in the battle of Cunaxa in 401 put an end to his rebellion.

Sec. 25. rights of the rest of the world. Weil suggests that it may have been argued that to intervene in Rhodian affairs would be to break the treaty made with the allies in 355 (about), at the end of the Social War, whereby their independence was guaranteed.

Sec. 26. Chalcedon was on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, and therefore by the Peace of Antalcidas belonged to the king (see n. on Sec. 9). By the same treaty, Selymbria, on the north coast of the Propontis, ought to have been independent. The Byzantines, who had obtained their independence of Athens in the Social War, were extending their influence greatly at this time.

Sec. 27. the treaty: again the Peace of Antalcidas.

even if there actually are such advisers: or, 'even if any one actually asserts the existence of such persons.'

Sec. 29. two treaties. The first must be the Peace of Callias (444 B.C.), the terms of which are given in the Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 273. The second was the Peace of Antalcidas.

Sec. 30. the knowledge of what is right. The parallel passage in Sec. 1 seems to confirm this rendering, rather than the alternative, 'the intention to do what is right.'

Sec. 33. oligarchical. This expression is partly directed at those who, in opposing the exiled democrats, supported the oligarchs of Rhodes; and it may be partly explained by the fact that the policy of Eubulus, who wished to avoid all interferences which might lead to war, was particularly satisfactory to the wealthier classes in Athens. But it was a common practice to accuse an opponent of anti-democratic sentiments, and of trying to get the better of the people by illegitimate means (cf. Speech on Embassy, Sec. 314, &c.).

Sec. 35. Cf. Speech on Naval Boards, Sec. 41.

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC

Sec. 3. the war with Sparta. Probably the Boeotian War (378-371 B.C.), when Athens supported Thebes against Sparta.

in defence of the right. The attempt of the Spartans to conquer Boeotia was a violation of the Peace of Antalcidas (see n. on Speech for Rhodians, Sec. 6). But Demosthenes' expression may be quite general in its meaning.

Sec. 4. tribes. Probably refers especially to the Thracians (see Introd. to the Speech). The Paeonian and Illyrian chieftains also made alliance with Athens in 356.

Sec. 17. to Euboea. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. 14 n.

to Haliartus: in 395, when Athens sent a force to aid the Thebans against the Spartans under Lysander. (For other allusions see Introd. to the Speech.)

Sec. 19. paper-armies ([Greek: epistolimaious ... dynameis]): lit. 'armies existing in dispatches.'

Sec. 24. Athens once maintained, &c. The reference is to the Corinthian war of 394-387 B.C. The Athenian general Iphicrates organized a mercenary force of peltasts in support of Corinth, and did great damage to Sparta; he was succeeded in the command by Chabrias. Nothing more is certainly known of Polystratus than is told us here, though he may be referred to in the Speech against Leptines, Sec. 84, as receiving honours from Athens.

to Artabazus. In 356 Chares was sent to oppose the revolted allies of Athens, but being short of funds, assisted Artabazus in his rebellion against Persia, and was richly rewarded. (See Introd. to Speech on Naval Boards.)

Sec. 25. spectators of these mysteries of generalship ([Greek: epoptai ton ] [Greek: *strategoumenon]). The word [Greek: epoptes] is chiefly used of spectators of the mysteries, and is here applied sarcastically to the citizens whom Demosthenes desires to see what has hitherto been a hidden thing from them—the conduct of their generals.

Sec. 26. ten captains and generals, &c. There was one general ([Greek: strategos]) and one captain ([Greek: taxiarchos]) of infantry, and one general of cavalry ([Greek: phylarchos]), for each of the ten tribes. There were two regular masters of the horse ([Greek: hipparchoi]), and a third appointed for the special command of the Athenian troops in Lemnos. The generals ([Greek: strategoi]) had various civil duties, among them the organization of the military processions at the Panathenaea and other great festivals.

Sec. 27. Menelaus. Either a Macedonian chieftain, who had assisted the Athenian commander Timotheus against Poteidaea in 364, and probably received Athenian citizenship; or else Philip's half-brother Menelaus. But there is no evidence that the latter ever served in the Athenian forces, and probably the former is meant.

Sec. 31. Etesian winds. These blow strongly from the north over the Aegean from July to September.

Sec. 33. the whole force in its entirety. So with Butcher's punctuation. But it is perhaps better to place a comma after [Greek: dynamin], and translate, 'after making ready ... soldiers, ships, cavalry—the entire force complete—you bind them,' &c.

Sec. 34. See Introd. to the Speech. Geraestus was the southernmost most point of Euboea. The 'sacred trireme', the Paralus, when conveying the Athenian deputation to the Festival of Delos, put in on its way at Marathon, where there was an altar of the Delian Apollo, to offer sacrifice.

Sec. 35. The festival of the Panathenaea was managed by the Athlothetae, who were appointed by lot, and consequently could not be specially qualified; whereas the stewards ([Greek: _epimel_etai_]) who assisted the Archon in the management of the Dionysia, were at this time elected, presumably on the ground of their fitness.

_an amount of trouble_ ([Greek: _ochlon_]). Possibly 'a larger crowd'. But there is no point in mentioning the crowd; the point lies in the pains taken; and Thucyd. vi. 24 ([Greek: _upo tou ochl_odous t_es parhaskeu_es_]) confirms the rendering given.

Sec. 36. The choregus paid the expenses of a chorus at the Dionysiac (and certain other) festivals. The gymnasiarchs, or stewards of the games, managed the games and torch-races which formed part of the Panathenaea and many other festivals. The offices were imposed by law upon men who possessed a certain estate, but any one who felt that another could bear the burden better might challenge him either to perform the duty or to exchange property with him. (See Appendix to Goodwin's edition of Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias.)

independent freedmen: lit. 'dwellers apart,' i.e. freedmen who no longer lived with the master whose slaves they had been.

Sec. 43. empty ships. If these are the ships referred to in Olynth. III, Section 4, the date of the First Philippic must be later than October 351 B.C.

Sec. 46. promises. The 'promises of Chares' became almost proverbial.

Sec. 47. examination, or 'audit'. A general, like every other responsible official, had to report his proceedings, at the end of his term of office, to a Board of Auditors, and might be prosecuted before a jury by any one who was dissatisfied with his report.

Sec. 48. negotiating with Sparta, &c. As a matter of fact, Philip had evidently come to an understanding with Thebes by this time; but he may have caused some such rumours to be spread, in order to get rid of any possible opposition from Sparta. The 'breaking-up of the free states' probably refers to the desire of Sparta to destroy Megalopolis, which was in alliance with Thebes.

sent ambassadors to the king. Arrian, ii. 14, mentions a letter of Darius to Alexander, recalling how Philip had been in friendship and alliance with Artaxerxes Ochus. It is possible, therefore, that the rumour to which Demosthenes alludes had some foundation.

THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC

(Note.—Most of the allusions in the Olynthiacs are explained by the Introduction to the First Philippic.)

Sec. 4. _power over everything, open or secret_. The translation generally approved, 'power to publish or conceal his designs,' is hardly possible. The [Greek: kai] in the phrase [Greek: rh_eta kai aporr_eta] (or [Greek: arr_eta]) cannot be taken disjunctively here, when it is always conjunctive in this phrase elsewhere, the whole phrase being virtually equivalent to 'everything whatever'.

Sec. 5. how he treated, &c. The scholiast says that Philip killed the traitors at Amphipolis first, saying that if they had not been faithful to their own countrymen, they were not likely to be faithful to himself; and that the traitors at Pydna, finding that they were not likely to be spared, took sanctuary, and having been persuaded to surrender themselves on promise of their lives, were executed nevertheless. Neither story is confirmed by other evidence.

Sec. 8. in aid of the Euboeans: in 358 or 357. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. 14 n.

Sec. 13. Magnesia. There seems to have been a town of the same name as the district.

attacked the Olynthians. This refers to the short invasion of 351 (see vol. i, p. 70), not to that which is the subject of the Olynthiacs.

Arybbas was King of the Molossi, and uncle of Philip's wife, Olympias. Nothing is known of this expedition against him. He was deposed by Philip in 343. (See vol. ii, p. 3.)

Sec. 17. these towns: the towns of the Chalcidic peninsula, over which Olynthus had acquired influence. This sentence shows that Olynthus itself had not yet been attacked.

Sec. 26. _But, my good Sir_, &c. This must be the objection of an imaginary opponent. It can hardly be taken (as seems to be intended by Butcher) as Demosthenes' reply to the question, 'Or some other power?' ('But, my good Sir, the other power will not want to help him.') There is, however, much to be said for Sandys's punctuation, [Greek: _ean m_e bo_eth_es_eth umeis _e allos tis_], 'unless you or some other power go to their aid.' After the death of Onomarchus in 352, the Phocians were incapable of withstanding invasion without help.

THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC

Sec. 14. Timotheus, &c. In 364 an Athenian force under Timotheus invaded the territory of the Olynthian League, and took Torone, Poteidaea, and other towns, with the help of Perdiccas, King of Macedonia.

ruling dynasty: i.e. the dynasty of Lycophron and Peitholaus at Pherae. (See Introd. to First Philippic.)

Sec. 28. this war: i.e. the war with Philip generally. The reference is supposed to be to the conduct of Chares in 356 (cf. Phil. I, Section 24 ii.), though in fact it was against the revolted allies, not against Philip, that he had been sent. Sigeum was a favourite resort of Chares, and it is conjectured that he may have obtained possession of Lampsacus and Sigeum (both on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont) in 356. The explanation of the conduct of the generals is to be found in the fact that in Asia Minor they could freely appropriate prizes of war and plunder, since under the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, Athens could claim nothing in Asia for her own.

Sec. 29. _taxes by Boards_. Each of the Boards constituted in 378-377 for the collection of the war-tax (see vol. i, p. 31) had a leader or chairman ([Greek: _hegem_on_]), one of the 300 richest men in Athens, whose duty it was to advance the sums required by the State, recovering them afterwards from the other members of the Boards. Probably the Three Hundred were divided equally among the 100 Boards, a leader, a 'second', and a 'third' (Speech on Crown, Sec. 103) being assigned to each. The 'general' here perhaps corresponds to the 'second'.

THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC

Sec. 4. _two or three years ago_ (lit. 'this is the third or fourth year since). It was in November 352 B.C. If the present Speech was delivered before November 349, not quite three years would have elapsed. (The Greek words, [Greek: triton _he tetarton etos touti], must, on the analogy of the Speech against Meidias, Sec. 13, against Stephanus, II. Sec. 13, and against Aphobus, I. Sec. 24, &c., mean 'two or three', not 'three or four years ago'). The vagueness of the expression is more likely to be due to the date of the Third Olynthiac being not far short of three years from that of the siege of Heraeon Teichos, than to the double-dating (on the one hand by actual lapse of time, and on the other by archon-years—from July to July—or by military campaigning seasons) which most commentators assume to be intended here, but which seems to me over-subtle and unlike Demosthenes.

that year: i.e. the archonship of Aristodemus, which ran from July 352 B.C. to July 351.

Sec. 5. the mysteries. These were celebrated from the 14th to the 27th of Boedromion (late in September).

Charidemus, of Oreus in Euboea, was a mercenary leader who had served many masters at different times—Athens, Olynthus, Cotys, and Cersobleptes—and had played most of them false at some time or other. But he was given the citizenship in 357 for the part which he had taken in effecting the cession of the Chersonese to Athens, and was a favourite with the people. He was sent on the occasion here referred to with ten ships, for which he was to find mercenary soldiers.

Sec. 6. with might ... power. A quotation, probably from the text of the treaty of alliance between Athens and Olynthus.

Sec. 8. funds of the Phocians are exhausted. The Phocian leader Phalaecus had been using the temple-treasures of Delphi, but they were now exhausted.

Sec. 10. a Legislative Commission: i.e. a Special Commission on the model of the regular Commission which was appointed annually from the jurors for the year (if the Assembly so decreed), and before which those who wished to make or to oppose changes in the laws appeared, the proceedings taking the form of a prosecution and defence of the laws in question. The Assembly itself did not legislate, though it passed decrees, which had to be consistent with the existing laws. As regards legislation, it merely decided whether in any given year alterations in the laws should or should not be allowed.

Sec. 11. malingerers. The scholiast says that the choregi were persuaded to choose persons as members of their choruses, in order to enable them to escape military service, choreutae being legally exempted. Other exemptions also existed.

Sec. 12. persons who proposed them. This can only refer to Eubulus and his party.

Sec. 20. Corinthians and Megareans. From the pseudo-Demosthenic Speech on the Constitution ([Greek: peri suntaxeos]) and from Philochorus (quoted in the Scholia of Didymus upon that Speech) it appears that the Athenians had in 350 invaded Megara, under the general Ephialtes, and forced the Megareans to agree to a delimitation of certain land sacred to the two goddesses of Eleusis, which the Megareans had violated, perhaps for some years past (see Speech against Aristocrates, Sec. 212). A scholiast also refers to the omission by Corinth to invite the Athenians to the Isthmian games, in consequence of which the Athenians sent an armed force to attend the games. Probably this was also a recent occurrence, and due to an understanding between Corinth and Megara.

Sec. 21. my own namesake: i.e. Demosthenes, who was a distinguished general during the Peloponnesian War, and perished in the Sicilian expedition.

Sec. 24. for forty-five years: i.e. between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, 476-431 B.C.

the king: i.e. Perdiccas II, who, however, took the side of Sparta shortly after the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. He died in 413. (The date of the beginning of his reign is unknown, but he did not become sole king of the whole of Macedonia until 436.)

Sec. 27. Spartans had been ruined: sc. by the battles of Leuctra (in 371) and Mantineia (in 362).

Thebans had their hands full, owing to the war with the Phocians, from 356 onwards.

Sec. 28. in the war, when Athens joined Thebes against Sparta (in 378). 'The allies' are those members of the Second Delian League (formed in 378) who had been lost in the Social War which ended in or about 355, when Athens was at peace with Thebes and Sparta. (See Introduction, vol. i, p. 9.)

Sec. 31. procession at the Boedromia. The Boedromia was a festival held in September in honour of Apollo and Artemis Agrotera, Probably a procession was not a regular part of the festival at this time. The importance which the populace attached to such processions is illustrated by the Speech against Timocrates, Sec. 161.

Sec. 34. is it then paid service, &c.: almost, 'do you then suggest that we should earn our money?'

Sec. 35. adding or subtracting: sc. from the sums dispensed by the State to the citizens.

somebody's mercenaries. The reference is probably to the successes of Charidemus when first sent (see Introd. to Olynthiacs).

ON THE PEACE

Sec. 5. disturbances in Euboea. Plutarchus of Eretria applied for Athenian aid against Callias of Chalcis, who was attacking him with the aid of Macedonian troops. Demosthenes was strongly opposed to granting the request, but it was supported by Eubulus and Meidias, and a force was sent under Phocion, probably early in 348 (though the chronology has been much debated, and some place the expedition in 350 or 349). Owing to the premature action or the treachery of Plutarchus at Tamynae (where the Athenian army was attacked), Phocion had some difficulty in winning a victory. Plutarchus afterwards seized a number of Athenian soldiers, and Athens had actually to ransom them. Phocion's successor, Molossus, was unsuccessful. When peace was made in the summer of 348, the Euboeans became for the most part independent of Athens, and were regarded with ill-feeling by Athens for some years. There is no proof that the proposers of the expedition were bribed, as Demosthenes alleges.

Sec. 6. Neoptolemus. See Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 12, 315.

Sec. 8. public service: i.e. as trierarch or choregus or gymnasiarch, &c. See n. on Phil. I. Sec. 36.

Sec. 10. there were some : i.e. Aeschines and his colleagues. (See Introd.)

Thespiae and Plataeae. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 4 n.

Sec. 14. self-styled Amphictyons. The Amphictyonic Council represented the ancient Amphictyonic League of Hellenic tribes (now differing widely in importance, but equally represented on the Council), and was supreme in all matters affecting the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. (See n. on Speech on Crown, Sec. 148.) The Council summoned by Philip was open to criticism (1) because only certain members of it were present, of whom the Thebans and Thessalians were the chief, (2) because Philip had been given the vote of the dispossessed Phocians.

Sec. 15. however stupid, &c. It had been conventional for over a century to apply this adjective to the Boeotians, and therefore to the Thebans. For a more favourable view, see W. Rhys Roberts, Ancient Boeotians, chap. i.

Sec. 16. Oropus. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. ii n.

Sec. 18. Argives, &c. See Speech for Megalopolitans throughout (with Introd.).

those whom they have exiled: especially the refugees from Orchomenus and Coroneia. See vol. i, p. 124.

Phocian fugitives. The Amphictyonic Council had recently declared that these had been guilty of sacrilege, and might be seized wherever they might be.

Sec. 20. all that they themselves had toiled for: i.e. the conquest of the Phocians in the Sacred War.

Sec. 22. some persons: i.e. Aeschines and others who tried to excuse Philip's treatment of the Phocians to the Athenian people.

Sec. 23. admission ... Delphi. The Phocians had formerly contrived their exclusion from the Amphictyonic meeting and from the temple and oracle of Delphi. The Council now restored them, and excluded the Phocians.

Sec. 24. refuse to submit: reading [Greek: (oud) otioun upomeinai.] The insertion of [Greek: oude] (after Cobet) seems necessary, [Greek: otioun upomeinai] alone would mean 'face any risk', but this would be contradicted by the next clause. To translate, 'who think that we should face any risk, but do not see that the risk would be one of war,' is to narrow the meaning of [Greek: otioun] unduly.

Sec. 25. Treaty of Peace: i.e. the Peace of Philocrates.

Cardians. The Athenians claimed Cardia (the key of the Chersonese on the Thracian side) as an ally, though in fact it was expressly excluded from the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes in 357, and had made alliance with Philip in 352.

prince of Caria. See Speech for Rhodians (with Introd.).

drive our vessels to shore: a regular form of ancient piracy (see Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 28). The Byzantines drove the Athenian corn-ships into their own harbour. The victims were relieved of their money or their corn.

shadow at Delphi: i.e. the empty privilege (as Demosthenes here chooses to represent it) of membership of the Amphictyonic League and Council, now claimed by Philip.

THE SECOND PHILIPPIC

Sec. 1. sympathetic: i.e. towards other Greek states, desirous of securing independence.

Sec. 2. Alexander, &c. Alexander of Macedon was sent by Mardonius, the Persian commander, to offer Athens alliance with Persia on favourable terms. Demosthenes has confused the order of events, and speaks as if this message was brought before the battle of Salamis. The Athenians left the city twice, before the battle of Salamis and before that of Plataeae; it was after Salamis that Alexander was sent (Herod. viii. 140, &c.).

Sec. 14. fortify Elateia. This would be a menace to Thebes (cf. Speech on the Crown, Sec.Sec. 174, 175). Elateia commands the road from Thermopylae to Thebes.

Sec. 19. _well-balanced_ ([Greek: _s_ophronousi_]), or 'free from passion', i.e. not liable to be carried away by ambition or cupidity as the Thebans were. This is different from mere 'good sense' ([Greek: _syphronein, noun echea_]). For Theban 'stupidity', see Speech on Peace, Sec. 15 (and n.).

Sec. 22. Council of Ten ([Greek: dekadarchian]). It is clear that some sort of oligarchical government, nominated by Philip, is referred to; but the relation of this to the tetrarchies mentioned in the Speech on the Chersonese, Sec. 26, as established by Philip, is uncertain. These corresponded to the four tribes or divisions of Thessaly (Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, Histiaeotis); and this is confirmed by a statement in Theopompus' forty-fourth book, to which Harpocration (s.v. [Greek: dekadarchia]) refers. Harpocration states that Philip did not establish a decadarchy in Thessaly; and if he is right, then either (a) Demosthenes purposely used an inaccurate word, in order to suggest to the Messenians the idea of a government like that of the Councils of Ten established some sixty years before by Sparta in the towns subject to her; or (b) the text is wrong, and [Greek: dekadarchian] is a misreading of [Greek: DARCHIAN], in which [Greek: D] was the numeral (= 4), and the whole stood for [Greek: tetrarchian]. As to (a), it is difficult to suppose that the Messenians would not know what had happened in Thessaly so well that the innuendo would fall flat. There is no evidence that 'decadarchy' could be used simply as a synonym for 'oligarchy'. As to (b), the supposed corruption is possible; but then we are left with [Greek: tetrarchian] where we should expect [Greek: tetrarchias]: for there is no parallel to [Greek: tetrarchia] (sing.) in the sense of 'a system of tetrarchies'. It is, however, quite possible that Demosthenes was thinking especially of the Thessalians of Pherae, and of the particular tetrarchy established over them: and this seems on the whole the best solution. If, on the other hand, Harpocration is wrong, the reference here may be to a Council of Ten, either established previously to the tetrarchies, and superseded by them, or else coexistent with and superior to them; in either case, since the singular is used, this decadarchy must have been a single government over the whole of Thessaly (or perhaps of the district about Pherae only), not a number of Councils, one in each city or division of Thessaly. (Theopompus' forty-fourth book probably dealt with 342 B.C., two years after the present speech, though before the Speech on the Chersonese; but we are not told that he assigned the establishment of the tetrarchies to that year.)

Sec. 25. find yourselves slaves: lit. 'find your master.'

Sec. 28. by yourselves: i.e. in the absence of the ambassadors from Philip and other States.

who conveyed the promises: i.e. Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, and Neoptolemus (see Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 12, 94, 315, &c.): but Demosthenes has probably Aeschines also in view.

Sec. 30. water-drinker. See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 46.

Sec. 32. secure myself as good a hearing. Most editions accept this rendering of [Greek: emauto logon poies-o]. But though [Greek: logon didonai] = 'grant a hearing,' and [Greek: logon tychein] = 'get a hearing,' [Greek: logon eauto poiein] is strange for 'secure oneself a hearing', and the passage regularly quoted from the Speech against Aristocrates, Sec. 81, is not parallel, since [Greek: touto] in that passage is not a reflexive pronoun, and [Greek: logon pepoieke] almost = [Greek: logon dedoki]. Possibly the text is corrupt, and we should either read [Greek: psogon] (with H. Richards) or [Greek: emautou] ('make you take as much account of me as of my opponents').

further claim: since an attack on the part of Demosthenes would incite them to make out a plausible case for Philip once more, and so earn his gratitude.

ON THE EMBASSY

[The literal translation of the title is 'On the misconduct as ambassador'.]

Sec. 1. drawing your lots. The jurors who were to serve in each trial were selected by lot out of the total number of jurors for the year.

Sec. 2. one of those: i.e. Timarchus (see Introd.).

supremacy. The sovereignty of the people was exercised to a great extent through the law-courts, the jury being always large enough to be fairly representative of popular opinion, though probably there was generally a rather disproportionate preponderance of poorer men among the jurors, the payment being insufficient to attract others. (See Introduction, vol. i, pp. 18, 19, 23.)

Sec. 11. the Ten Thousand: the General Assembly of the Arcadians at Megalopolis.

Sec. 13. he came to me, &c. Aeschines denies this, saying that it would have been absurd, when he knew that Demosthenes and Philocrates had acted together throughout (see Introd.).

Sec. 16. in the very presence, &c.: contrast Speech on the Crown,

Sec. 23 (and see n. there). Aeschines states that he was in fact replying to inflammatory speeches made by orators who pointed to the Propylaea, and appealed to the memory of ancestral exploits; and that he simply urged that it was possible for the Athenians to copy the wisdom of their forefathers without giving way to an unseasonable passion for strife.

Sec. 17. _had again acted_: i.e. as on the First Embassy, if the reading is correct (or perhaps, 'had committed a fresh series of wrongful acts'). But possibly [Greek: _peprhakot_on_] is right, 'had sold fresh concessions' to Philip.

Sec. 20. Aeschines replies that every one expected Philip to turn against Thebes; and that for the rest, he was only reporting the gossip of the Macedonian camp, where the representatives of many states were gathered together, and not making promises at all. It is noteworthy, however, that in the Speech on the Peace, Sec. 10, shortly after the events in question, when the speeches made would be fresh in every one's memory, Demosthenes gives the same account of his opponent's assertions; and Aeschines probably said something very like what is attributed to him.

Sec. 21. debt due to the god: i.e. the value of the Temple-treasure of Delphi, which the Phocians had plundered.

Sec. 30. for however contemptible, &c. The argument seems to be this. 'You must not say that a man like Aeschines could not have brought about such vast results. Athens may employ inferior men, but any one who represents Athens has to deal with great affairs, and so his acts may have great consequences. And again, although it may have been Philip who actually ruined the Phocians, and although Aeschines could never have done it alone, still he did his best to help.'

Sec. 31. the Town Hall, or Prytaneum, where the Prytanes (the acting Committee of the Council) met, and other magistrates had their offices.

Timagoras was accused (according to Xenophon) by his colleague Leon of having conspired with Pelopidas of Thebes against the interests of Athens, when on a mission to the court of Artaxerxes in 357. In Sec. 137 Demosthenes also states that he received large sums of money from Artaxerxes.

Sec. 36. Aeschines denies that he wrote the letter for Philip, and his denial is fairly convincing.

Sec. 40. a talent. According to Aristotle (Eth. Nic. v. 7) the conventional amount payable as ransom was one mina per head. But from Sec. 169 it appears that the Macedonians sometimes asked for more than this.

laudable ambition: i.e. to get credit for having thought of the ransom of the prisoners.

Sec. 47. handed in: either to the Clerk or to the Proedroi (the committee of Chairmen of the Assembly).

Sec. 51. Aeschines states that Philip's invitation was declined because it was suggested that Philip would keep the soldiers sent as hostages.

Sec. 65. on our way to Delphi. Demosthenes had been one of the Athenian representatives at the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council at Delphi this year.

gave its vote, &c. After the battle of Aegospotami at the end of the Peloponnesian War, the representative of Thebes proposed to the Spartans and their allies that Athens should be destroyed and its inhabitants sold into slavery.

Sec. 70. read this law over: i.e. that the herald might proclaim it after him.

Sec. 72. For the Spartans see Sec. 76. The Phocians had treated the Athenians badly when Proxenus was sent to Thermopylae (see Introd. to Speech on Peace). Hegesippus may have opposed the acceptance of Philip's invitation to the Athenians to join him. Aeschines (on the Embassy, Sec.Sec. 137, 138) mentions no names in connexion with the refusal, but represents it as the sacrifice of a unique opportunity of saving the Phocians (cf. Sec. 51 n.).

Sec. 76. _deceit and cunning, and of nothing else_ ([Greek: _pasa apat_e_]). The argument is, 'Aeschines will try to allege wrongful acts on the part of the Phocians; but there was no time for such acts in the five days; and this proves that there were no such acts to justify their ruin, and that their overthrow was due to nothing but trickery.' This is better than to translate '_every kind of_ deceit and trickery was concocted for the ruin of the Phocians'; for this is not the point, nor is it what would be inferred from the fact that there was only a five-days' interval between the speech of Aeschines and the capitulation of the Phocians. There is no need to emend to [Greek: _h_e pasa apat_e_].

on account of the Peace: i.e. of the negotiations for the Peace, before it was finally arranged.

all that they wished: viz. the restoration of the Temple of Delphi to their kinsmen, the Dorians of Mount Parnassus.

Sec. 78. four whole months: in reality, three months and a few days.

Sec. 81. Phocian people: i.e. those who were left in Phocis, as distinct from the exiles just referred to.

Sec. 86. of Diophantus. In 352, when Philip had been repulsed by Onomarchus, Diophantus proposed that public thanksgivings should be held (see Introd. to First Philippic).

of Callisthenes: in 346, after the Phocians had surrendered to Philip.

the sacrifice to Heracles: perhaps one of the two festivals which were respectively held at Marathon and at Cynosarges.

Sec. 99. constitutional: lit. 'an excuse for a citizen,' under a constitution by which no one was compelled to enter public life, and any one who did so without the requisite capacity had to take the responsibility for his errors.

Sec. 103. impeached. An impeachment was brought before the Council (or, more rarely, the Assembly). The procedure was only applied to cases of extraordinary gravity, and particularly to what would now be called cases of treason.

Sec. 114. by torture. The evidence of slaves might be given under torture, in response to a challenge from one or other of the parties to a suit. The most diverse opinions as to the value of such evidence are expressed by the orators, according to the requirements of their case. The consent of both sides was necessary; and in a very large number of cases, one side or the other appears to have refused to allow evidence to be taken in this way.

was going: i.e. to Philip.

Sec. 118. accept his discharge. There seems to be a play on two senses of the verb [Greek: aphienai], viz. 'to discharge from the obligations of a contract', and 'to acquit'.

Sec. 120. Why, this is the finest, &c. The expression ([Greek: touto gar esti to lamprhon]) recurs in Sec. 279, a closely parallel passage, and need not be regarded as an interpolation in either case. The interpretation given seems slightly preferable, and is approved by Weil. It is almost equally possible to translate the Greek by 'such is the brilliant defence which he offers'; but perhaps this does not suit Sec. 279 so well.

stand up. Apparently Aeschines declined the invitation, which was quite within the custom of the Athenian courts. Either of the principal parties could ask the other questions, and have the answers taken down as evidence.

cases that have all, &c. The reference is to the prosecution of Timarchus, when advanced in age, for offences committed in early youth. There may also be an allusion to Aeschines' early career as an actor.

Sec. 122. declined on oath. An elected official could refuse to serve, if he took an oath that there was some good reason (such as illness) for excusing him.

Sec. 126. though not elected. Aeschines (on the Embassy, Sec. 94) replies that in fact the commission was renewed at a second meeting of the Assembly, and that he was then well enough to go and was elected. (That there was a second election of ambassadors is confirmed by Demosthenes' own statement in Sec. 172 of the present speech, that he himself was twice elected and twice refused to serve.)

Sec. 128. Thesmothetae: the six archons who did not hold the special offices of archon eponymus, polemarch, or king archon.

Aeschines went, &c. To have refused to be present would really have been to make a political demonstration against Thebes, which would have had perilous results. Aeschines defends himself on the ground that in his view the Peace was no disadvantage to Athens, so that he might well join in the honours paid to the Gods.

Sec. 129. Metroon. The temple of the Great Mother (Cybele), which was the Athenian record-office.

the name of Aeschines: i.e. its removal from the list of ambassadors.

Sec. 131. in their interest. If the words are not corrupt, the meaning is probably 'in the interest of Philip and the Thebans'; or possibly, 'in reference to these matters.'

Sec. 136. as his informant. The text is possibly corrupt, though as it stands it might perhaps bear the meaning given, if [Greek: hyparchei] were understood with [Greek: autos]. Others (with or without emendation) take the sense to be 'to manage his business ... just as he would manage it in person '.

Sec. 137. For Timagoras see Sec. 31 n.

Sec. 144. summon Philip's envoys: i.e. in order to report the decision of the Assembly, and so close the matter.

Sec. 147. ask him whether, &c. The argument seems to be this 'if Aeschines was the ambassador of a city which had been victorious against Philip, the latter would naturally wish to buy easy terms of peace; and Aeschines might undertake to procure such terms, without committing a particularly heinous offence, since he would only be getting some advantage for himself out of the general good fortune of his country. But to secure advantages for himself at his country's expense, when his country was already suffering disaster, would be far worse. And as Aeschines complains that the generals had incurred disaster, he convicts himself of the worse offence.'

Sec. 148. The Tilphossaeum was apparently a mountain near Lake Copais in Boeotia. The town which Strabo calls Tilphusium may have been on the mountain. Neones, or Neon, was a Phocian village; Hedyleion, a mountain in Boeotia.

Sec. 149. Ah! he will say, &c. Either the words are interpolated, or there is a lacuna. The objection is nowhere refuted.

Sec. 156. Doriscus, &c. The places mentioned did not really belong to Athens, but to Cersobleptes, who was being assisted by Athenian troops, so that, strictly speaking, Philip was within his rights; and in fact (according to Aeschines), Cersobleptes and the Sacred Mountain were taken by Philip the day before the Athenians and their allies swore to the Peace at Athens.

Sec. 162. Eucleides had been sent to protest against Philip's attack upon Cersobleptes in 346 (see vol. i, p. 122). Philip replied that he had not yet been officially informed by the Athenian ambassadors of the conclusion of the Peace, and was therefore not yet bound by it.

Sec. 166. procure their ransom: i.e. from the various Macedonians who had captured them, or to whom they had been given or sold.

Sec. 176. committed to writing, &c. Formal evidence (as distinct from the mere assertions of a speaker) was written down, and the witness was asked to swear to it. A witness who was called upon might swear that he had no knowledge of the matter in question ([Greek: exomnysthai]). By writing down his evidence and swearing to it, Demosthenes took the risk of prosecution for perjury.

Sec. 180. might be proved in countless ways: or 'would need a speech of infinite length '. But as [Greek: kai] and not [Greek: de] follows, I slightly prefer the former rendering. (The latter is supported by the Third Philippic, Sec. 60, but there the next clause is connected by [Greek: de].)

Ergophilus was heavily fined in 362 (see Speech against Aristocrates, Sec. 104); Cephisodotus in 358 (ibid. Sec. 167, and Aeschines against Ctesiphon, Sec. 52); Timomachus went into exile in 360 to escape condemnation (against Aristocrates, Sec. 115, &c.). Ergocles was perhaps the friend of Thrasybulas (see Lysias, Orations xxviii, xxix), and may have been condemned for his conduct in Thrace, as well as for malversation at Halicarnassus. Dionysius is unknown.

Sec. 187. has got beyond, &c.: an ironical way of saying that he has so much overdone his application to himself of the title of (prospective) 'benefactor' of Athens, that another word (e.g. 'deceiver') would be more appropriate. The word [Greek: psychrhon] is (at least by Greek literary critics) applied to strong expressions out of place, and here also, probably, of an exaggerated phrase which falls flat. This is perhaps the best interpretation of a very difficult passage.

Sec. 191. For Timagoras, see Sec. 31 n. Tharrex and Smicythus are unknown. Adeimantus was one of the generals at Aegospotami, the only Athenian prisoner spared by Lysander, and on that account suspected of treason by the Athenians, and prosecuted by Conon (called 'the elder', to distinguish him from his grandson, who was a contemporary of Demosthenes).

Sec. 194. guest-friend. The term ([Greek: xenos]) was applied to the relationship (more formal than that of simple friendship) between citizens of different states, who were bound together by ties of hospitality and mutual goodwill.

Sec. 196. the Thirty: i.e. the 'Thirty Tyrants' who ruled Athens (with the support of Sparta) for a few months in 403. See n. on Sec. 277.

Sec. 198. Aeschines warmly denies this story. He says that Demosthenes tried to bribe Aristophanes of Olynthus to swear that it was true, and that the woman was his own wife. He adds that the jury, on an appeal from Eubulus, refused to let Demosthenes complete the story.

Sec. 199. initiations: see Speech on Crown, Sec.Sec. 259 ff., with notes.

Sec. 200. played the rogue. The scholiast says that clerks were sometimes bribed to alter the laws and decrees which they read to the Court; and a magistrates' clerk had doubtless plenty of opportunities for conniving at petty frauds.

Sec. 204. should not have been sworn to. This is out of chronological order as it stands, and emendations have been proposed, but unnecessarily.

Sec. 209. would not have him for your representative: in the question about Athenian rights at Delos. See Introduction to the Speech.

Sec. 213. I have no further time, &c.: lit. 'no one will pour water for me' into the water-clock, by which all trials were regulated.

Sec. 221. consider, &c. There is an anacoluthon in the Greek, which may be literally translated, 'Consider, if, where I who am absolutely guiltless was afraid of being ruined by them—what ought these men themselves, the actual criminals, to suffer?'

Sec. 222. get money out of you: i.e. to be bought off.

Sec. 230. choregus and trierarch: see Introd. to Speech on Naval Boards, and n. on Philippic I. Sec. 36.

Sec. 231. all was well ([Greek: eupenespai]). The reading is almost certainly wrong. Weil rightly demands some word contrasting with [Greek: agnoein] ('did not understand his country') in the corresponding clause.

Sec. 237. vase-cases: i.e. boxes to contain bottles of oil or perfume for toilet use.

Sec. 245. the cock-pit. That this is the meaning seems to be proved by the words of Aeschines (against Timarchus, Sec. 53); otherwise the natural translation would be 'to the bird-market'. Cocks were no doubt sold in the bird-market; but Aeschines refers directly to cock-fighting, not to the purchase of the birds.

Sec. 246. hack-writers: lit. 'speech-writers,' who composed speeches for litigants, and no doubt padded them out with quotations from poets, as well as with rhetorical commonplaces. Demosthenes taunts Aeschines particularly with ransacking unfamiliar plays, instead of those he knew well.

Sec. 249. reared up... greatness: or possibly, 'reared up all these sons of hers.'

Hero-Physician. See Speech on the Crown, Sec. 129 n.

Round Chamber, in the Prytaneum or Town Hall (see Sec. 31 n.).

Sec. 252. at the risk of his own life. He tried to avoid the risk by feigning madness. Salamis was in the hands of the Megareans, and the Athenians had become so weary of their unsuccessful attempts to recover it, that they decreed the penalty of death upon any one who proposed to make a fresh attempt. The verses, however, which are quoted in the text, are probably derived not from the poem which Solon composed for this purpose, but from another of his political poems.

Sec. 255. with a cap on your head. Plutarch (Solon 82 c) says that 'Solon burst into the market-place suddenly, with a cap on his head'. The cap was intended to suggest that he had just returned from Salamis, since it was the custom to wear a cap only when on a journey, or in case of illness (of. Plato, Republic, iii. 406d). There may possibly be an allusion also to Aeschines' own alleged sickness (Sec. 136 above), but this is very doubtful. The words more probably mean, 'however closely you copy Solon' (as you copied his attitude in speaking), 'when you run about declaiming against me.'

Sec. 257. accepted the challenge. At the examination before the Board of Auditors (Logistae) the question was almost certainly put, whether any one present wished to challenge the report of the ambassador under examination.

Sec. 259. claim ([Greek: axioumenoi]): or, 'are thought worthy'; but the first sense is much better in the parallel passage in Sec. 295, and this 'middle' use seems to be sufficiently attested, though the active voice is used in the same sense in Sec. 338.

Sec. 260. paramount position: i.e. among the tribes of North Greece (Magnetes, Perrhaebi, &c.).

Sec. 264. concluded the war, &c. In 383 B.C. In fact, however, they only obtained peace by joining the Spartan alliance.

Sec. 271. Arthmius: see Philippic III. Sec. 42 (and note).

Sec. 273. Callias, in 444 B.C. Cf. Speech for the Rhodians, Sec. 29. The Chelidonian Islands lay off the south coast of Lycia, the Cyanean rocks at the northern mouth of the Bosporus.

Sec. 277. Epicrates was sent as ambassador to Persia early in the fourth century, and received large presents. According to Plutarch he escaped condemnation; but he may have been tried more than once. The comic poets make fun of his long beard.

who brought the people back from the Peiraeus. Thrasybulus occupied the Peiraeus in 403, secured the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants from Athens, and restored the democracy.

Sec. 278. the decree: i.e. the decree by which Epicrates and his colleagues were condemned.

Sec. 279. for this is the splendid thing: cf. Sec. 120 n.

Sec. 280. _exiled_ and _punished_. We should perhaps (with Weil) read [Greek: _e] ('or') for [Greek: kai] ('and').

descendant of Harmodius: i.e. Proxenus, who had been only recently condemned, and is therefore not named.

Sec. 281. another priestess. According to the scholiast, the reference is to Ninus, a priestess of Sabazios, who was prosecuted by Menecles for making love-potions for young men. The connexion of this offence with the meetings of the initiated is left to be understood.

Sec. 282. the burden undertaken. Such burdens as the duties of choregus, trierarch, &c., might be voluntarily undertaken, as they were by Demosthenes (see n. on Philippic I. Sec. 36).

Sec. 287. Cyrebion, or 'Light-as-Chaff', was the nickname of Epicrates, Aeschines' brother-in-law (not the Epicrates of Sec. 277). as a reveller, no doubt in some Dionysiac revel, in which it was not considered decent to take part without a mask. (The original purpose of masks, however, was not to conceal one's identity from motives of shame, though Demosthenes suggests it as a motive here.)

were water flowing upstream. A half-proverbial expression implying that the world was being turned upside-down, when such a person could prosecute for such offences.

Sec. 290. Hegesilaus was one of the generals sent to Euboea to help Plutarchus; cf. Speech on the Peace, Sec. 5 n. He was accused of abetting Plutarchus in the deception which he practised upon Athens. For Thrasybulus, cf. Sec. 277.

the primary question: i.e. of the guilt or innocence of the defendant. If he was pronounced guilty, the question of sentence (or damages) had to be argued and decided separately.

Sec. 295. claim to be: cf. n. on Sec. 259.

churning the butter ([Greek: etyrheue]): i.e. concocting the plot. (For the metaphor cf. Aristophanes, Knights 479.)

Sec. 299. Zeus and Dione. These names show that the oracles referred to were probably given at Dodona.

Sec. 303. oath of the young soldiers. When the young Athenian came of age, he received a shield and spear in the temple of Aglaurus, and swore to defend his country and to uphold its constitution (cf. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, Sec. 76).

Sec. 314. keeping step with Pythocles, who was a tall man, while Aeschines was short.

Sec. 326. Drymus and Panactum were on the border between Boeotia and Attica. Nothing else is known of the expedition.

Sec. 332. Chares. See nn. on Philippic I. Sec.Sec. 24, 46; Olynthiac II. Sec. 28, and Introductions.

Sec. 333. of one of whom, &c.: i.e. of Philip (see Sec. 111 ff., and Introd. to Speech on the Peace).

Sec. 342. Euthycrates. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.

ON THE CHERSONESE

Sec. 9. The argument is, 'if Philip is not committing hostilities so long as he keeps away from Attica, Diopeithes is not doing so, so long as he keeps away from Macedonia, and only operates in Thrace.'

drive the vessels, &c. See Speech on the Peace, Sec. 25 n.

Sec. 14. passing the time: i.e. until a convenient season for an attack arrives.

those who are on the spot: i.e. in Thrace, and who had doubtless sent messages to Athens. Others think that the words mean 'those who are here from Thrace'.

Etesian winds. See First Philippic, Sec. 31 n.

infatuation: i.e. hostility to Athens.

Sec. 16. punish the settlers: i.e. those who were sent with Diopeithes and demanded admission to Cardia.

Sec. 18. Chalcis, in Euboea (see Introd.).

Sec. 21. keep our hands ... revenues: a reference to the distributions of Festival-Money (see Third Olynthiac, with Introduction and notes).

contributions of the allies. This interpretation seems on the whole better warranted than 'contributions promised to Diopeithes'.

Sec. 24. I consent to any penalty: lit. *'I assess my own penalty at anything'—a metaphor from the practice of the law-courts, which allowed a convicted prisoner to propose an alternative penalty to that suggested by the prosecutor.

Erythraeans: Erythrae was on the coast of Asia Minor, opposite Chios.

Sec. 25. benevolences: the same word as was used of the forced contributions levied by English kings.

Sec. 27. surrendering: i.e. to his soldiers, to be plundered (if the phrase is meant to convey anything but a vague accusation).

Sec. 28. wax-tablet: i.e. a summons.

so many ships. The critics of Diopeithes must have proposed the sending of a definite force to control him.

Sec. 29. a dispatch-boat: lit. 'the Paralus'. This ship, and the Salaminia, were the two vessels regularly employed on public errands.

spitefulness: i.e. towards Diopeithes.

Sec. 30. Chares: see references in n. on Speech on Embassy, Sec. 332.

Aristophon. The reference may be to his conduct as general in the early days of the war with Philip about Amphipolis. His activity as a statesman began as far back as 403, and he was one of the most influential politicians in Athens from about 361 to 354.

Sec. 31. losing something: sc. a scapegoat whom you could punish.

Sec. 40. Euthycrates, &c. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.

Sec. 44. wretched hamlets ([Greek: kakon]): lit. 'evils' or 'miseries'; but the word is possibly corrupt. (The original reading may possibly have been [Greek: kalybon].) According to the scholiast, Drongilum and Cabyle are near Amphipolis and the Strymon; but others assign different localities to them. Masteira is quite unknown.

Sec. 45. _pit of destruction_ ([Greek: barhathrh_o]). This was literally the pit into which the bodies of condemned criminals were thrown at Athens.

silos: underground store-houses for grain, such as were found in Ceos not many years ago, and may still be in use.

Sec. 46. _irremediable_ ([Greek: an_ekeston]). The reading of two good manuscripts [Greek: aneikaston] (otherwise only known as a late Greek word) may be correct. If so, it may mean 'unparalleled', or 'inexplicable'.

Sec. 57. The meaning is, that by denouncing those who propose active measures now, they are preparing the way in order to prosecute them so soon as you find the war burdensome; whereas they should themselves be prosecuted for letting things go as far as they have gone.

Sec. 59. Oreus. See Introd.

Pheraeans, in 344. See Introd. to Second Philippic; and cf. Third Philippic, Sec. 12.

compromise. Slavery seems to be ironically regarded as a compromise between activity and quiescence.

Sec. 63. robbed of at an earlier period. The sense must either be this, or else 'all that you have lost in open war '. In either case emendation is required.

Sec. 70. trierarch and choregus. Demosthenes was choregus in 348, and trierarch in 363, 359, and 357.

Sec. 74. Timotheus: in 358, when Athens liberated Euboea from the Thebans. Cf. First Philippic, Sec. 17, First Olynthiac, Sec. 8. The effect of Timotheus' speech was such that the expedition started within three days. (Speech against Androtion, Sec. 14.)

Sec. 75. best counsel that he can. The text is probably corrupt; but this was probably the sense of the original.

THE THIRD PHILIPPIC

Sec. 2. actively at work: the reference is to Diopeithes (see Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 57).

Sec.Sec. 4, 5. Passages are repeated from the Speech on the Chersonese, Sec. 4, and First Philippic, Sec. 2.

Sec. 8. not to defraud us: i.e. by making statements which he is not prepared to act upon.

Sec. 11. as though visiting his allies. This is not true, though envoys from the Phocians, as from most other Greek states of importance, were in Philip's camp. With the whole passage, cf. Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 20 ff.

Sec. 12. Pherae. See Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 59 n. For Oreus see Introd. to Speech on Chersonese, and Sec. 33 and 59 ff. of this Speech.

Sec. 15. Serrhium, &c. See Introd. to Speech on Peace.

he had sworn to a Peace. This is untrue; see Speech on Embassy, Sec. 156, where it is part of the charge against Aeschines' party, that they had enabled Philip to take these places before he had sworn to the Peace.

Sec.16. religion: with special reference here to the sanctity of the oath.

into the Chersonese: i.e. to help Cardia. The claim of Athens to Cardia was not good, and it appears from the Speech of Hegesippus against Halonnesus, Sec. 2, that the Athenians had recognized the independence of the town.

Sec. 18. if anything should happen: e.g. the outbreak of open war, or (more probably) a defeat.

Sec. 23. seventy-three years: i.e. 476-404 B. c.

thirty years save one: i.e. 404-376 B.C. (in the latter year Chabrias defeated the Spartans off Naxos).

battle of Leucira: in 371 B.C.

Sec. 24. disturb the established order: i.e. by establishing oligarchical governments in place of democracy.

Sec. 26. in the Thracian region: strictly, in Chalcidice and the neighbourhood. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.

robbed their very cities of their governments. This is preferable to the (grammatically) equally possible rendering, 'robbed them of their constitutions and their cities,' as it suits the facts better. Philip seems to have substituted tetrarchies for separate city-states. (See Speech on Chersonese, Sec.26, and Second Philippic, Sec. 22 n.)

Sec. 27. Ambracia. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. Elis: Introd. to Speech on Embassy. Megara: Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 294, 295.

Sec. 32. Pythian games. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. In 342 Philip sent a deputy to preside in his name.

Sec.Sec. 33, 34. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. Echinus was a Theban colony in Thessaly, on the north coast of the Malian Gulf.

Sec. 42. Arthmius, &c. (cf. Speech on Embassy, Sec.271). Zeleia was in the Troad, near Cyzicus. Arthmius was apparently proxenus of Athens at Zeleia, and as such had probably certain rights at Athens, of which the decree deprived him; so that Demosthenes' remarks at the beginning of Sec.44 are slightly misleading.

Sec. 46. At the end of this section two versions are imperfectly blended, and it does not appear what were the contents of the document. Some suppose that the insertion 'He reads from the document' is an early conjectural interpolation.

Sec. 49. because be leads, &c. Philip did, in fact, bring the Macedonian heavy infantry to great perfection for the purposes of a pitched battle, though the decisive action was generally that of the cavalry. But the other troops which Demosthenes names would enable him to execute rapid movements with success. The use of light-armed troops had already been developed by the Athenian general, Iphicrates.

Sec. 50. with such advantages: lit. 'under these conditions' (not 'to crown all', nor 'at the head of these troops').

Sec. 52. Contrast Speech on Naval Boards, Section 9.

Sec.Sec. 57 ff. See Introd. to Speech on Embassy.

Sec. 59. Euphraeus had been a disciple of Plato, and an adviser of Perdiccas, Philip's elder brother. It was he who recommended Perdiccas to entrust the government of part of Macedonia to Philip, whom he afterwards so strongly opposed.

Sec. 72. embassies. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese.

ON THE CROWN

Sec. 1. to take counsel, &c. Aeschines had asked the jury to refuse Demosthenes a hearing, or at least to require him to follow the same order of treatment as himself.

Sec. 3. unpleasant. Many render [Greek: duocheres] 'inauspicious', 'ill- omened'; but as we do not know exactly what was in Demosthenes' mind, it is better not to give the word a meaning which it does not bear elsewhere. It may, however, mean 'vexatious'.

Sec. 11. knave as you are, &c. The assonance of the original might perhaps be partly reproduced by rendering 'evil-minded as you are, it was yet a very simple-minded idea that your mind conceived', &c.

Sec. 12. it does not enable the State: lit. 'it is not possible for the State.' The point is that the prosecution of Ctesiphon, while expressing the malice of Aeschines towards Demosthenes, does not enable the State to punish Demosthenes himself for his alleged offences, since any penalty inflicted would fall on Ctesiphon.

Sec. 13. to debar another, &c. This probably refers to the attempt to deprive Demosthenes of a hearing, not (as some have thought) to the attempt to get so heavy a fine inflicted upon Ctesiphon that he would be unable to pay it, and would therefore lose his rights as a citizen.

Sec. 17. ascribed to me, &c. Aeschines was anxious, in view of the existing state of feeling at Athens, to disown his part in connexion with the Peace of Philocrates; while Demosthenes undoubtedly assisted Philocrates in the earlier of the negotiations and discussions which led to the Peace.

appropriate. 'The recapitulation of the history is not a mere argumentative necessity, but has a moral fitness also; in fact, the whole defence of Demosthenes resolves itself into a proof that he only acted in the spirit of Athenian history' (Simcox).

Sec. 18. When the Phocian war bad broken out: i.e. in 356-5. Demosthenes made his first speech in the Assembly in 354.

those who detested the Spartans: i.e. the Messenians and Arcadians.

those who had previously governed, &c.: e.g. the oligarchies which had governed with the help of Sparta in Phlius and Mantinea, and were overthrown after the battle of Leuctra.

Sec. 19. would be forced, &c. This is a misrepresentation, since Philip and the Thebans had been in alliance for some time, and Thebes had no such grounds for apprehending evil from Philip, as would make her apply to Athens.

Sec. 21. Aristodemus, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. As a matter of fact, Demosthenes acted with Philocrates at least down to the return of the First Embassy, and himself proposed to crown Aristodemus for his services (Aeschines, On the Embassy, Sec.Sec. 15-17).

Sec. 23. the Hellenes bad all, &c. It is not easy to reconcile this passage with Sec. 16 of the Speech on the Embassy, from which it appears that representatives of other states were present in Athens; but these so- called envoys may have been private visitors, and in any case there was no real hope of uniting Greece against Philip.

Sec. 24. Eurybatus is said to have been sent as an envoy by Croesus to Cyrus, and to have turned traitor. The name came to be proverbial.

Sec. 27. those strongholds. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace.

Sec. 28. But they would have watched, &c. The passage has been taken in several ways: (1) 'They would have had to watch,' &c., and this would have been discreditable to Athens; (2) 'They would have watched,' &c., i.e. they would not have been excluded, as you desired, in any case; (3) 'But, you say, they would have paid two obols apiece,' and the city would have gained this. The sentence which follows favours (3), but perhaps (2) is best. The petty interests of the city would include (from the point of view assumed by Aeschines) the abstention from showing civility to the enemy's envoys. The two-obol (threepenny) seats were the cheapest.

Sec. 30. three whole months. In fact the ambassadors were only absent from Athens about ten weeks altogether.

equally well. The reading ([Greek: homoios]) is probably wrong; but if it is right, this must be the meaning.

Sec. 32. as you did before, in 352. See Introd. to First Philippic.

Sec. 36. decree of Callisthenes. This ordered the bringing in of effects from the country. See Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 86, 125.

Sec. 41. property in Boeotia. See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 145.

Sec. 43. their hopes: sc. of the humiliation of Thebes.

and gladly: i.e. they were glad to be free from a danger which (though remotely) threatened themselves, as the next sentence explains. I can see no good reason for taking the participle [Greek: polemoumenoi] as concessive ('although they also,' &c.).

Sec. 48. For Lasthenes see Introd. to Olynthiacs. Timolaus probably contrived the surrender of Thebes after the battle of Chaeroneia. Eudicus is unknown. Simus invoked Philip's aid against the tyrants at Pherae in 352 (see Introd, to First Philippic). Aristratus was tyrant of Sicyon, and made alliance with Philip in 338. For Perillus, see Speech on Embassy, Section 295.

Sec. 50. stale dregs: strictly the remains, and especially the wine left in the cups, from the previous night's feast; here the long-admitted responsibility of Aeschines for the Peace of 346.

Sec. 63. Dolopes: a small tribe living to the south-west of Thessaly.

Sec. 65. free constitutions. This refers especially to the Thessalians, who had been placed under tetrarchies (see Philippic III. Sec. 26).

Sec. 70. Aristophon. See Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 30 n. Diopeithes is perhaps Diopeithes of Sphettus (mentioned by Hypereides, Speech against Euxenippus, Sec. 39), not the general sent by Athens to the Chersonese.

Sec. 71. For the events mentioned in this section, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

Sec. 72. Mysian booty. A proverbial expression derived from the helpless condition of Mysia (according to legend) in the absence of its king, Telephus.

Sec. 79. to the Peloponnese, in 344 (see Introd. to Second Philippic): to Euboea in 343-2 (see Introd. to Speech on Embassy); to Oreus, &c., in 341 (see Introd. to this Speech).

Sec. 82. as their patron, i.e. as consul (or official patron) of Oreus in Athens. See n. on Speech for Rhodians, Sec. 15. civil rights. See vol. i, p. 52.

Sec. 83. this was already the second proclamation: i.e. the proclamation in accordance with the decree of Aristonicus. It is indeed just possible that the reference is to the proposal of Ctesiphon, 'for this is now the second proclamation,' &c. If so, we should have to assume that the proclamation under the decree of Demomeles in 338 was prevented by the disaster of Chaeroneia. But the first sentence of Sec. 120 is against this (see Goodwin's edition ad loc.).

Sec. 94. inconsiderate conduct: i.e. in joining the revolt of the Athenian allies in 356.

Sec. 96. when the Spartans, &c. The section refers to the events of 395.

Deceleian War: i.e. the last part of the Peloponnesian War (413-404 B.C.), when Deceleia (in Attica) was occupied by the Spartans.

Sec. 99. Thebans... Euboea: in 358 or 357. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. 14 n.

Sec. 100. Oropus. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 11 n.

I was one. Demosthenes was, in fact, co-trierarch with Philinus (Speech against Meidias, Sec. 161).

Sec. 102. See Speech on Naval Boards (with Introd. and notes), and n. on Olynthiac II, Sec. 29.

obtaining exemption. The undertaking of the trierarchy conferred exemption from other burdens for the year, and (conversely) no one responsible for another public burden need be trierarch. The leaders of the Taxation Boards referred to in Sec. 103 are probably not (as generally supposed) the richest men in the Naval Boards [Footnote: They may indeed have been so, but it was in virtue of their function as leading members of the Hundred Boards (for collecting the war tax) that they were grouped together as the Three Hundred.] (responsible for trierarchy), but those in the Hundred Boards responsible for the war tax. In each of these Boards there was a leader, a 'second', and a 'third', and these, all together, are almost certainly identical with the 'Three Hundred' responsible for advancing the sum due. When these were already advancing the war tax, they became exempt from trierarchy, and their poorer colleagues in the Naval Boards (to which of course they also belonged) had to bear the burden without them. But under Demosthenes' law the trierarchic payment was required from all alike, in strict proportion to their valuation as entered for the purposes of the war tax; and the Three Hundred (the leaders, seconds, and thirds) were no longer exempted. (This explains their anxiety to get the law shelved.) Even in years when they were not exempt, before Demosthenes' law was passed, they only paid a very small share in proportion to their wealth, since all the members of each Naval Board paid the same sum. It appears, however, that (though the Three Hundred as such cannot be shown to have had any office in connexion with the trierarchy) the richer men in the Naval Boards arranged the contracts for the work of equipment, and that when they had contracted that the work should be done (e.g.) for a talent, they sometimes recovered the whole talent from their poorer colleagues. (Speech against Meidias, Sec. 155.)

Sec. 103. lie under sworn notice, &c. ([Greek: en hupomosia]). One who intended to indict the proposer of a law for illegality had probably to give sworn notice of his intention, and the suggestion made to Demosthenes was that when such notice had been given, he should let the law drop.

Sec. 105. the decree, &c.: i.e. either a decree suspending the law until the indictment should be heard, or one ordering the trial on the indictment to be held.

Sec. 107. no trierarch, &c. A trierarch who thought the burden too heavy for him could appeal against it by laying a branch on the altar in the Pnyx, or by taking sanctuary in the Temple of Artemis at Munychia. A dilatory or recalcitrant trierarch could be arrested by order of the ten commissioners ([Greek: apostuleis]) who constituted a sort of Admiralty Board.

Sec. 111. the laws, &c. The laws alleged to have been violated were copied out, and accompanied the indictment. With regard to the laws in the present case, see Goodwin's edition, pp. 313-6.

Sec. 114. Nausides was sent to oppose Philip at Thermopylae in 352 (see Introd. to First Philippic). Diotimus had a command at sea in 338, and his surrender was demanded by Alexander in 335, as was also that of Charidernus (see n. on Olynthiac III, Sec. 5), who had now been a regular Athenian general for many years, and had been sent to assist Byzantium in 340 (see Speech against Aristocrates, passim).

Sec. 121. hellebore: supposed in antiquity to cure madness.

Sec. 122. reveller on a cart, e.g. on the second day of the Anthesteria, when masked revellers rode in wagons and assailed the bystanders with abusive language. Such ceremonial abuse was perhaps originally supposed to have power to avert evil, and occurs in primitive ritual all over the world.

Sec. 125. the statutable limit. There was a limit of time (differing according to the alleged offence) after which no action could be brought. Demosthenes could not now be prosecuted for any of the offences with which Aeschines charged him.

Sec. 127. Aeacus, &c.: the judges of the dead in Hades, according to popular legend.

scandal-monger. The Greek word ([Greek: spermologos]) is used primarily of a small bird that pecks up seeds, and hence of a person who picks up petty gossip. (In Acts xvii. 18 it is the word which is applied to St. Paul, and translated 'this babbler'.)

an old band in the market-place: i.e. a rogue. A clerk would perhaps often be found in the offices about the market-place; or the reference may be to the market-place as a centre of gossip.

O Earth, &c. Demosthenes quotes from the peroration of Aeschines' speech.

Sec. 129. The stories which Demosthenes retails in these sections deal with a time which must have been forty or fifty years before the date of this speech, and probably contain little truth, beyond the facts that Aeschines' father was a schoolmaster (not a slave), and was assisted by Aeschines himself; and that his mother was priestess of a 'thiasos' or voluntary association of worshippers of Dionysus-Sabazios, among whose ceremonies was doubtless one symbolizing a marriage or mystical union between the god and his worshippers. (Whether the form of 'sacred marriage' which was originally intended to promote the fertility of the ground by 'sympathetic magic' entered into the ritual of Sabazios is doubtful.) Such a rite, though probably in fact quite innocent, gave rise to suspicions, of which Demosthenes takes full advantage; and the fact that well-known courtesans (such as Phryne and perhaps Ninus) sometimes organized such 'mysteries' would lend colour to the suspicions.

_Hero of the Lancet_ ([Greek: to kalamit_e aer_oi]). The interpretation is very uncertain (see Goodwin, pp. 339 ff.); and, according as [Greek: kalamos] is taken in the sense of 'lancet', 'splints', or 'bow', editors render the phrase 'hero of the lancet', 'hero of the splints', 'archer- hero' (identified by some with Toxaris, the Scythian physician, whose arrival in Athens in Solon's time is described in Lucian's [Greek: Skuth_es ae Proxenos]). That the Hero was a physician is shown by the Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 249.

Sec. 130. for they were not like, &c. ([Greek: ouge gar honetuchen en, all ois hu daemos kataratai]). The meaning is quite uncertain. The most likely interpretations are: (1) that given in the text, [Greek: a bebioken] being understood as the subject of [Greek: en], and [Greek: on etuchen] as = [Greek: touton a etuchen], i.e. 'not belonging to the class of acts which were such as chance made them,' but acts of a quite definite kind, viz. the kind which the People curses (through the mouth of the herald at each meeting of the Assembly); (2) 'for he was not of ordinary parents, but of such as the People curses'; the subject of [Greek: en] being Aeschines. But there is the difficulty that, with this subject for [Greek: en, on etuchen] can only represent [Greek: touton on etuchen on], whereas the sense required is [Greek: touton oi etuchon], or (the regular idiom) [Greek: ton tuchunton]; and the sense is not so good, for the context [Greek: opse gar]) shows that the clause ought to refer to the acts of Aeschines about which he is going to speak, not to his parentage, which the orator has done with.

Glaucothea. Her real name is said to have been Glaucis. Glaucothea was the name of a sea-nymph. The change of the father's name Tromes ('Trembler') to Atrometus ('Dauntless') would also betoken a rise in the world.

Empusa, or 'The Foul Phantom': a female demon capable of assuming any shape. Obscene ideas were sometimes associated with her.

Sec. 132. For Antiphon, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

struck off the list: at the revision of the lists in 346. (Each deme revised the list of its own members, subject to an appeal to the courts.)

without a decree: i.e. a decree authorizing a domiciliary visit.

Sec. 134. when ... you elected him. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

from the altar: a peculiarly solemn form of voting; it is mentioned in the Speech against Macartatus, Sec. 14.

Sec. 136. when Philip sent, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

Sec. 137. The ostensible purpose of Anaxinus' visit was to make purchases for Olympias, Philip's wife. Aeschines states that Anaxinus had once been Demosthenes' own host at Oreus.

Sec. 141. paternal deity: as father of Ion, the legendary ancestor of the Ionians, and so of the Athenians.

Sec. 143. and of one, &c. I have followed the general consensus of recent editors; but I do not feel at all sure that the antecedent of [Greek: us] is not [Greek: polemos]. In that case we should translate, 'which led to Philip's coming to Elateia and being chosen commander of the Amphictyons, and which overthrew,' &c.

Sec. 146. nature of the resources, &c.: i.e. especially the possession by Athens of a strong fleet.

Sec. 148. representatives on the Council. The Amphictyonic Council was composed of two representatives (Hieromnemones) from each of twelve primitive tribes, of which the Thessalians, the Boeotians, the Ionians (one of whose members was appointed by Athens), and the Dorians (one member appointed by Sparta) were the chief, while some of the tribes were now very obscure. There were also present delegates (Pylagori) from various towns. These were not members of the Council, and had no vote, but might speak. Athens sent three such delegates to each meeting. (See Goodwin, pp. 338, 339.)

Sec. 150. make the circuit, or 'beat the bounds'. The actual proceedings (according to Aeschines' account, summarized in the Introd. to this Speech) were much more violent.

It was clearly impossible, &c. The argument is unconvincing. Aeschines may have known of the intention of the Locrians without their having served a formal summons.

Sec. 158. one man: i.e. Philip.

Sec. 169. the Prytanes: the acting Committee of the Council.

set fire to the wicker-work: i.e. probably the hurdles, &c., of which the booths were partly composed. Probably a bonfire was a well-understood form of summons to an Assembly called in an emergency.

the draft-resolution. See Introd., vol. i, p. 18.

on the hill-side: i.e. on the Pnyx, the meeting-place of the Assembly.

Sec. 171. the Three Hundred. See n. on Sec. 102.

Sec. 176. philippize. The word was coined during the wars with Philip, on the analogy of 'medize'—the term used of the action of the traitors who supported the invading Persians (Medes) early in the fifth century.

Sec. 177. to Eleusis, which was on the most convenient (though not the shortest) route for an army marching to Thebes.

Sec. 180. Battalus: a nickname given to Demosthenes by his nurse on account of the impediment in his speech from which he suffered in early days, or of his general delicacy. Aeschines had tried to fix an obscene interpretation upon it.

Creon. See Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 247.

at Collytus: i.e. at the Rural Dionysia held in that deme.

Sec. 189. any one: lit. 'any one who chooses,' i.e. to call him to account. The expression ([Greek: ho boulomenos]) is apparently half technical, as applied to a self-appointed prosecutor. (Cf. Aristophanes, Plutus 908 and 918.)

Sec. 194. the general: i.e. at Chaeroneia.

Sec. 195. Philip employed. Most editors say 'Aeschines employed'. But this would require [Greek: outos] not [Greek: ekeinos], and Sec. 218 also supports the interpretation here given.

Sec. 198. treasured up, &c. The suggestion seems to be that Aeschines foresaw the disasters, but concealed his knowledge, 'storing them up' in order to make a reputation out of them later.

Sec. 204. to leave their land, &c.: i.e. at the time of Xerxes' invasion in 480, when the Athenians abandoned the city and trusted to the 'wooden walls' of their ships.

Sec. 208. On this magnificent passage, see the treatise On the Sublime, chaps, xvi, xvii.

Sec. 209. poring pedant: lit. 'one who stoops over writings'. Here used perhaps with reference to Aeschines' having 'worked up' allusions to the past for the purpose of his Speech, while he remained blind to the great issues of the present. Many editors think that the reference is to his earlier occupation as a schoolmaster or a clerk; but this is perhaps less suitable to the context.

Sec. 210. staff...ticket. The colour of the staff indicated the court in which the juror was to sit; the ticket was exchanged for his pay at the end of the day.

Sec. 214. a very deluge. He is thinking, no doubt, of the disaster at Chaeroneia and the destruction of Thebes.

Sec. 215. while their infantry, &c. The Theban forces when prepared for action would naturally camp outside the walls (see Olynth. I, Sec. 27, where Demosthenes similarly thinks of the Athenian army encamping outside Athens). But although they were thus encamped outside, and had left their wives and children unguarded within, they allowed the Athenian soldiers to enter the city freely.

Sec. 216. the river: probably the Cephisus. Both battles are otherwise unknown. If one of them was in winter, it must have taken place not long after the capture of Elateia, and several months before the battle of Chaeroneia.

Sec. 219. somewhere to lay the blame: or possibly, 'some opportunity of recovering himself,' or 'some place of retreat'. But the interpretation given (which is that of Harpocration) is supported by the use of [Greek: anenenkein] in Sec. 224.

Sec. 227. counters all disappear. The calculation was made by taking away, for each item of debt or expenditure, so many counters from the total representing the sum originally possessed. When the frame (or abacus) containing the counters was left clear, it meant that there was no surplus. (The right reading, however, may be [Greek: an kathairosin], 'if the counters are decisive,' or [Greek: han kathairosin], 'whatever the counters prove, you concede.')

Sec. 231. cancel them out ([Greek: antanelein]): strictly, to strike each out of the account in view of something on the opposite side (i.e. in view of the alternative which you would have proposed).

Sec. 234. collected in advance: i.e. Athens had been anticipating her income.

Sec. 238. if you refer, &c. Aeschines had accused Demosthenes of saddling Athens with two-thirds of the expense of the war, and Thebes with only one-third.

three hundred, &c. See Speech on Naval Boards, Sec. 29 n.

Sec. 243. customary offerings, made at the tomb on the third and ninth days after the death.

Sec. 249. Philocrates: not Philocrates of Hagnus, the proposer of the Peace of 346, but an Eleusinian. For Diondas, see Sec. 222. The others are unknown.

Sec. 251. Cephalus. Cf. Sec. 219. He was an orator and statesman of the early part of the fourth century. (The best account of him is in Beloch, Attische Politik, p. 117.)

Sec. 258. the attendants' room. The 'attendants' are those who escorted the boys to and from school—generally slaves.

Sec. 259. the books, &c. Cf. Sec. 129 and notes. The books probably contained the formulae of initiation, or the hymns which were chanted by some Dionysiac societies. The service described here is probably that of the combined worship of Dionysus-Sabazios and the Great Mother (Cybele).

dressing, &c. The candidate for initiation was clothed in a fawn-skin, and was 'purified' by being smeared with clay (while sitting down, with head covered) and rubbed clean with bran, and after the initiation was supposed to enter upon a new and higher life. It is possible that the veiling and disguising with clay originally signified a death to the old life, such as is the ruling idea in many initiations of a primitive type. (Cf. Aristophanes, travesty of an initiation-ceremony in the Clouds 256.)

Sec. 260. fennel and white poplar. These were credited with magical and protective properties.

Euoe, Saboe: the cry to Sabazios. One is tempted to render it by 'Glory! Hallelujah!' In fact, the Dionysiac 'thiasoi', or some of them, had many features, good as well as bad, in common with the Salvation Army. The cry 'Euoe, Saboe' is of Thracian origin; 'Hyes Attes' is Phrygian. The serpents, the ivy, and the winnowing-fan figured in more than one variety of Dionysiac service. It is not certain that for 'ivy-bearer' ([Greek: kittophorhos]) we should not read 'chest-bearer' ([Greek: kistophoros]) used with reference to the receptacle containing sacred objects, of which we hear elsewhere in connexion with similar rites.