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Another Letter of Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway, in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants

Magnifico Principi Dom Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegi illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angli, dominus Hyberni, & dux Aquitani, salutem cum dilectione sincera. [Sidenote: Northbern villa.] Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostrorum Thom de Swyn de Waynfleete, & Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus, continentem, Quod cm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infr regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent, Thesaurarius vester bona & mercimonia prdictorum Thom & Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum, qu seruientes prdicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt, die Sancti Michlis vltim prterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari, & ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniust, in ipsorum Thom & Simonis damnum non modicum & depauperationem manifestam. Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus, quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte, vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu, quatenus audita querela prdictorum Thom & Simonis, vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum & mercimoniorum prdictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustiti complementum: Ita quod pro defectu exhibitionis iustiti super arestatione prdicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris prdictis de alio remedio prouidere. Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum, rescribere velitis per prsentium portitorem. Dat vt supra.

The same in English.

To the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous King of Norway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England, Lorde of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. Wee receiued the complaint of our welbeloued Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet, and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne: the contents whereof are, that whereas of late, the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome, your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michl last past, without any iust or reasonable occasion, caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon, to the value of fortie pound, which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne, to be arrested, and as yet also iniurously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest, to the great damage and impouereshing of the sayd Thomas and Simon. And forasmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can, Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe, we doe right earnestly request you, that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon, or of their Atturneyes, you woulde of your loue and friendship, vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice, about the restitution of their goods and marchandise aforesaide: least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest, we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid. Our request is, that you would by the bearer of these presents, returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined to doe, at this our instant motion. Giuen as aboue.

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A third letter of King Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants.

Magnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegi illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angli, dominus Hyberni, & dux Aquitani, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Pro mercatoribus nostris Lenn, & partium vicinarum, quos Balliuus & Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestr Bergen dudum ceperunt, & stricto carceri manciparunt, quorum multi vt iam intelleximus, propter alimentorum subtractionem & duritiam, ac asperitatem carceris perierunt, vt ipsorum & bonorum suorum deliberationem prcipere curaretis, vestr serenitati Regi nostras nuper transmisimus literas speciales. Sed vos, retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribus sicut prius, nobis per literas vestras quas audiuimus & intelleximus diligenter, inter ctera rescripsistis, quod quidam mercatores de regno vestro de iniurijs, violentijs & arrestationibus, quibus in regno nostro his diebus sunt vt asserunt, contra iustitiam aggrauati, multipliciter conqueruntur, adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis, quod quidam iniquitatis filij in villa Lenn, ad piscandum vt dicebant halecia venientes quendam militem Balliuum vestrum, in Vikia vn cum decem alijs subditis vestris, in vestris & regni vestri negotijs existentibus crudeliter occiderunt. Super quibus mens nostra grauatur qumplurimum & turbatur, prsertim quum nunquam nostr fuerit voluntatis, quod iniuri, violenti, seu arrestationes aliqu mercatoribus, vel alijs de regno vestro per aliquos de regno & potestate nostris fierent indebit vel iniust: nec adhuc intelligere possumus, quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem vel aliquos de subditis nostris huc vsque aliter factum fuerit: Scientes pro certo quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodi grauamina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse, nos sufficientes emendas, & satisfactiones debitas super illis, celersque iustiti complementum fieri faciemus. Et insuper si malefactores prdicti, qui prfatum militem, & alios secum existentes, vt prmittitur, occiderunt, de regn, seu potestate nostra sint, vel infr idem regnum vel potestatem poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iudicium & iustitiam fieri pracipiemus, secundum Leges & consuetudines regni nostri. [Sidenote: Antiquitas comercij inter Angliam & Norwegiam.] Et quia inter nos & vos, nostrsque & vestros subditos hinc inde foueri desideramus mutuam concordiam & amorem; ita quod mercatores nostri & vestri mercandisas suas in nostris & vestris regnis & dominijs liber, & absque impedimento valeant exercere, prout temporibus progenitorum nostrorum fieri consueuit, & ex dictarum literarum vestrarum serie collegimus euidenter vos promptos esse similiter, & paratos ad omnia & singula, qu pro vobis & vestris subditis super discordijs, contentionibus, aut grauaminibus inter nostros & vestros subditos qualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis & iustiti fuerint quanimiter facienda; Nos consimilia pro nobis & nostris, quantum ad nos & ad ipsos attinet, illius amore, qui pacis author fore dinoscitur, & pro quiete & commodo populi vtriusque regnorum nostrorum, quatenus ius & ratio dictitauerint, promittimus nos factoros: Vestram amicitiam requirentes obnixius & rogantes, quatenus mercatores nostros prdictos, qui adhuc superstites relinquuntur, quos etiam tempore, quo dicta felonia committi dicebatur, interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis, iubere velitis nostri contemplatione, zelque iustiti ab huiusmodi custodia liberari, bona ab ipsis capta eis prout iustum fuerit restitui faciendo. Et vt deliberatio mercatorum nostrorum prdictorum, & bonorum suorum e facilius concedatur, placeat vobis cum diligentia debita ponderare, quod Galfridus Drewe, & quidam alijs mercatores nostri de Lenne, quibusdam mercatoribus de regno vestro occasione eiusdem grauaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris, ad sectam Tidemanni Lippe infr regnum nostrum, vt dicebatur, illati, centum libras sterlingorum persoluerunt, sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter Ingelramum Lende de Thorenden, & quosdam alios mercatores vestros ex parte vna, & prfatam Galfridum, & quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex altera confecto, vidimus contineri. Si qui ver de subditis vestris de aliquibus subditis nostris, de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curia nostra deponere voluerint, & prosequi cum effectu, ipsorum subditorum vestrorum petitiones admitti, & eis super querelis huiusmodi plenam & celerem iustitia fieri faciemus. Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exinde reputare debebunt merit se contentos. Et interim de excessibus & grauaminibus subditis vestris infr regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatis inquiri faciemus cum diligentia veritatem. Vestr igitur voluntatis beneplacitum in prmissis nobis rescribere velitis per prsentium portitorem. Datas apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis.

The same in English.

To the mightie Prince king Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of Norway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. We sent of late vnto your royall maiestie our special letters, for the behalfe of our late marchants of Lenne, and of the coast adioyning (whome your baily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately apprehended, committing them to close prison, many of whome, as we vnderstand, are, for want of due nourishment, and by reason of the extremitie & loathsomnesse of the prison, quite perished) that you would cause them and their goods to bee released. Howbeit, you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before, in your letters, which we haue diligently heard, and throughly vnderstood, haue, amongst other matters, returned this answere vnto vs, that certaine marchants of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of iniuries, violences and arrests, whereby they haue lately (as themselues auouch) contrary to iustice bene aggrieued and oppressed in our dominions adding moreouer in your sayde letters, that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of the towne of Lenne, comming, as they saide, to fish for herings cruelly murthered a certaine Knight, who was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia, together with ten others of your subiects, being imployed about the affaires of your kingdome. In consideration whereof our minde is exceedingly and aboue measure grieued and troubled, especially sithence it as neuer any part of our intent, that any iniuries, violences, or arrests should vniustly be inflicted vpon any marchants, or any others of your realme by any of our kingdomes: neither can we as yet haue any intelligence, that any such hard measure hath bene offered vnto any of your marchants, by any one or moe of our subiects: giuing you for a certaintie to vnderstand, that if vpon lawfull inquisition we shal be aduertised of any such grieuances, which haue bene offered vnto your subiects within our realme, we will cause speedie iustice to be administred, and sufficient recompence, and due satisfaction to be made in regarde thereof. And moreouer, if the saide malefactors, which, as it is aforesaid, slewe the forenamed Knight, and others of his companie, either be appertaining vnto our kingdome and dominion, or may at any time be found within our saide kingdome or dominion, we will command iustice and lodgement to be executed vpon them according to the lawes and customes of our realme. And forasmuch as our desire is, that mutuall concord and amitie should be mainteined and cherished between your and our subiects on both parts: so that our and your marchants may, in both our Realmes and dominions, freely and without impediment exercise their traffique, as in the times of our progenitors it hath bene accustomed; [Sidenode: The antiquity of traffique betweene England and Norway] Whereas also we euidently gathered out of the contents of your letter, that you are in like sort readie and willing to put all things in practise, which are by you and your subiects (for the taking away of discords, contentions, and molestations howsoeuer occasioned, and sprung vp betweene your and our subiects) louingly to be performed: we also doe promise for our selues and our subiects so much as in vs and them lieth for his sake who is knowen to be the author of peace, and for the benefite & tranquilitie of both our Realmes (as iustice and reason shall moue vs) to doe the like. Desiring and earnestly requesting at your hands, that of your loue and friendship, hauing regard of vs, and consideration of iustice, you would commaund that our foresaide marchants, who as yet remaine aliue, and who also at the time of the saide felonie committed, were shut vp in close prison, be deliuered out of the saide thraldome, causing their goods which haue bene taken from them, to bee, according vnto iustice, restored to them again. And that the deliuerie of our foresaide marchants and goods, may be the more easily yeelded vnto, may it please you with diligent obseruation to consider, that Gefferey Drew, and certaine other of our marchants of Lenne, vpon occasion of the greiuances offered vnto your marchants within our Realme, (as the report goeth) at the suite of Tidman Lippe, paide vnto the same your marchants an hundreth pound sterling: euen as in a certain Indenture made betweene Ingelram Lende of Thorenden, and some other of your marchants on the one part, and betweene the foresaide Geffrey, and certaine of our marchants on the other part, wee sawe conteined. Moreouer, if any of your subiects be minded to exhibite, and effectually to prosecute their complaints in our Court, concerning any of our subiects, or of any iniury done vnto them, we will cause the petitions of those your subiects to be admitted, and also full and speedie iustice to be administred, vpon any such like complaints of theirs. Insomuch, that those your subiects shal thinke themselues right well and sufficiently contented therewithall. And in the meane space we will cause diligent inquisition of the trueth to be made, of all excesses and grieuances howsoeuer offered vnto your subiects within our dominions. May it please you therfore, by the bearer of these presents, to returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined to doe in the premisses. Giuen at Westminster, the third day of April.

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De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio, Anno 13. Edwardi secundi.

Rex collectoribus custum lanarum & pellium lanutarum in portu London salutem. Cm nos vicesimo die Maij anno regni nostri sexto attendentes damna & grauamina, qu mercatoribus de regno nostro diuersimode euenerunt, ex eo quod mercatores tam indigen qum alienigen lanas & pelles lanutas infra regnum & potestatem nostram ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad diuersa loca infra terras Brabanti, Flandri, & de Artoys eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint: [Sidenote: Maior & Communitas stapul.] & volentes etiam huiusmodi damnis & grauaminibus quatenus bono modo possemus prouidere, de consilio nostro ordinauerimus, quod mercatores indigen & alienigen lanas & pelles huiusmodi infr regnum & potestatem prdictam ementes, & ad terras prdictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes, lanas illas & pelles ad certam stapulam infr aliquam earundem terrarum, per Maiorem & Communitatem eorundem mercatorum, de regno nostro ordinandam assignari, ac prout & quando expedire viderint mutandum, & non ad alia loca in terris illis ducant, seu duci faciant vllo modo: & inter ctera concesserimus mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis & hredibus nostris, qud ipsi Maior & consilium dictorum mercatorum, qui pro tempore fuerint, quibuscunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis, qui contra dictam ordinationem venerint, & modo rationabili conuicti fuerint, certas pecuni summas pro delictis illis imponant, & qud ill huiusmodi summ de bonis & mercimonijs mercatorum sic delinquentium, vbicunque ea infra regnum & potestatem prdictam inueniri contigerit, per ministros nostros ad opus nostrum leuentur: prout in Charta nostra inde confecta plenius continetur: [Sidenote: Charta anno regni sexio confecta.] quam quidem Chartam per singulos comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus publicari, & firmiter inhiberi, ne qui mercatores indigen seu alienigen contra tenorem Chart prdict sub poenis contentis in eadem venerint vllo modo: Ac postmodum dato nobis intelligi, quod qumplures mercatores tam indigen qum alienigen, lanas & pelles lanutas infr regnum & potestatem prdictas ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad alia loca in dictis terris, qum ad Stapulam iuxta concessionem nostram prdictam per Maiorem & communitatem dictorum mercatorum de regno nostro in aliqua terrarum illarum ordinatam & assignatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum, & contra Chartam ordinationis, publicationis & inhibitionis prdictarum assignauerimus quosdam fideles nostros in diuersis partibus regni ad inquirendum de lanis & pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi qum ad Stapulam illam ductis, ita quod emend inde ad nos pertinentes, ad opus nostram leuentur; etiam intellexerimus, quod quasi omnes mercatores tam indigen qum alienigen huiusmodi mercimonia in dicto regno nostro exercentes sunt culpabiles de prmissis: & quod plures inde indictati, ac alij timentes inde indictari, lanas suas ac pelles lanutas sub nominibus aliorum non culpabilium faciunt aduocari, & extra regnum nostrum transmitti quibusdam alienigenis, sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum forsitan non reuersuris, vt sic forisfacturas prdictas effugiant, & nos de emenda ad nos sic pertinente illudant: qu si permitterentur sic transire in nostri damnum non modicum redundarent. Nos volentes huiusmodi fraudibus obuiare, & nostris damnis quatenus bono modo poterimus prcauere, vobis prcipimus firmiter iniungentes, quod singulis mercatoribus lanas seu pelles lanutas per portum prdictum ad partes exteras ducere volentibus corporale sacramentum ad sancta Dei Euangelia recipiatis, quod ipsi lanas seu pelles lanutas sub nomine ipsius, cuius propri sunt, & non alterius aduocabunt, & tunc recepta ab illo cuius lan & pelles huiusmodi erunt, vel nomine suo sufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis, de respondendo & faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet de lanis & pellibus lanutis per ipsum ductis seu missis ad aliquam dictarum terrarum Flandri & Brabanti, & de Artoys contra formam Chart, proclamationis, & inhibitionis supradictarum, si ipsum super hoc conuinci contingat, lanas & pelles illas lanutas extra portum prdictum, recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem, ad partes exteras transire pemittatis. Teste Rege apud Doueram decimo octauo die Iunij, per ipsum Regem & Consilium.

Et postmodm per breue de priuato sigillo eodem modo mandatum est collectoribus custum prdicts in portubus subscriptis: Videlicet,

In portu vill Southhampton. In portu vill Weymouth. In portu vill Sancti Botolphi. In portu vill de Kingtone super Hull. In portu vill de nouo Castro. In portu vill de magna Iernemutha. In portu vill de Lenne. In portu vill de Gypwico.

The same in English.

An Ordinance of the Staple to bee holden at one certaine place.

The King vnto his Collectors of custome, for wooll and woollen fels, in his port of London, greeting. Whereas we vpon the 20. of May, in the sixt yeere of our reigne, considering the damages and grieuances that haue diuersly happened vnto the marchants of our realme, vpon occasion that the marchants both of our owne, & of other countreis, buying vp wooll and woollen fels within our kingdome and dominions, haue, for the better sale thereof, at their pleasure conueyed theselues, and trasported the said wooll & fels into sundry places within the prouinces of Brabant, Flanders and Artoys: and being desirous also, to our power, to prouide a remedie against such damages and inconueniences, haue ordained by our counsel, that all marchants, both homeborne and aliens, buying vp such wools and fels, within our kingdome and dominion aforesaid, and being desirous to transport them into the foresaid prouinces, there to bee solde, may carrie the saide wools and fels, or cause them to be caried to some certaine staple, within any of the saide Prouinces, by the Maior and Communaltie of the said marchants of our realme, to be appointed and assigned, and when they shall thinke it expedient, to be changed and remoued, and not vnto any other place within the saide Prouinces whatsoeuer: and whereas also, amongst other things, we haue granted vnto the marchants of our foresaid realme, for vs and our heires, that the Maior and Councel of the saide marchants for the time being, may impose vpon all marchants, home-borne or aliens whatsoeuer, that shall transgresse the foresaid ordination, and shall thereof lawfully be conuicted, certaine summes of money to be paid for their offences, and that such summes must by our ministers and officers, to our vse, be leuied out of the goods and wares of the marchants so offending, wheresoeuer they shall chance to be found within our kingdome and dominions aforesaid, [Sidenote: A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne.] as in our Charter made for the same purpose it is more plainly expressed, (which Charter we haue caused to be published vpon the Sea-coasts, throughout all the countreys of our realme, and a strong prohibition to be proclaimed, that no marchants, neither home-borne, nor strangers, may in any wise transgresse the tenour of the foresaide Charter, vnder the penalties therein contained) and whereas afterward it beeing giuen vs to vnderstand, that diuers marchants both homeborne and aliens, bought vp such woolles and woollen felles within our saide Realme and dominions, and conueyed themselues with the saide wools and felles for the sale thereof vnto other places within the foresaide Prouinces, besides the saide Staple, which was, according to our graunt aforesaide appointed and ordained by the Maior and communaltie of the said marchants of our Realme, in some one of those Prouinces, to the contempt of our authoritie, and contrary to the Charter of the ordination, publication, and inhibition aforesaide, wee assigned certaine of our faithfull subiects, in diuers parts of our Realme, to make inquisition for such wools and woollen felles, as were conueyed vnto any other place of the saide Prouinces, then vnto the Staple, so that by these meanes, the penalties due vnto vs might bee leuied vnto our vse: and hauing intelligence also, that in a maner all marchants both home-borne, and strangers bartering such wares in our kingdome, are culpable of the premisses, and that many being indicted thereupon, and others fearing to bee indicted, doe cause their wools and woollen felles to bee auouched vnder the names of persons not culpable, and to be sent ouer vnto certaine strangers being also culpable, and not minding perhaps to return any more into our realme, that they may so escape the foresaid forfeitures, and defraud vs of the penaltie, appertaining of right vnto vs, (which abuses, if they were suffered so to goe vnpunished woulde redound vnto our extreame hinderance:) and beeing likewise desirous to withstand such deceitefull dealing, and so farre forth as wee can, to preuent our owne losses, we firmely command, and streightly charge you, that you doe receiue of euery particular marchant, desirous to conuey any wools, or woollen fels out of the foresaid port, into any forrein dominions, a corporal oath vpon Gods holy Euangelists that they shall auouch all those wools and woollen fels vnder his name vnto whom they doe properly belong, & vnder the name of none other: and then taking sufficient security from the owner of those wools and fels, or in his name, in regard whereof you wil vndertake to warrantize, and make good vnto vs those penalties and forfaitures which shal vnto vs appertaine, for all wools, and woollen fels conueied or sent by any of the foresaid merchants vnto any of the said prouinces of Flanders, Brabant, and Artoys, contrary to the Charter of the Proclamation and inhibition aboue mentioned (if they shal chance to be conuinced hereof) that first, our due custome being receiued, you doe permit the said wools and woollen fels to passe out of the foresaid port into forrein countnes. Witnes the king at Douer the 18. day of Iune. By the king himselfe and his Councell.

And afterwarde by a Writte vnder the Kings priuie Seale there was a like commandement giuen vnto the Collectors of the custome aforesayde in the portes vnderwritten.

That is to say:

In the port of the Towne of:

Weymouth. Southhampton. Saint Botulphs towne, now called Boston. Kingtone vpon Hull. Newcastle. Iernemouth magna, or Yermouth. Lenne. Gypwick or Ipswich.

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Carta Henrici quarti Anno [Marginal note: 1404] quinto regni sui concessa mercatoribus Angli in partibus Prussi, Daci, Norwegi, Swethi, & Germani, de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo.

Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angli & Franci & Dominus Hiberni omnibus, ad quos prsentes liter peruenerint, salutem Sciatis quod cum, vt accepimus, ob defectum boni & sani regiminis & gubernationis, diuersa damna, dissensiones, grauamina, & angusti inter mercatores Regni nostri Angli in partibus Pruci, Daci, Noruegi, Hans, & Suethi commorantes spius ante hc tempora mota fuissent & perpetrata, ac maiora, exinde, quod absit, futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur, nisi pro meliori gubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutu habenda manus nostras adiutrices apponamus: Nos damnis & periculis in hac parte imminentibus prcauere, & eosdem Mercatores & alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes prdictas venturos iuste & fideliter regi & pertractari intime desiderantes, volumus & tenore prsentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus, quod ipsi quoties & quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti & honesto, vbi sibi placuerit, se congregare & vnire, & certas personas sufficientes & idoneas in gubernatores suos in eisdem partibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere & obtinere valeant libere & impune: Dantes vlterius & concedentes huiusmodi gubernatoribus per prdictos Mercatores sic eligendis, quantum in nobis est, potestatem & authoritatem speciales, omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos ad partes prdictas de ctero venientes & declinantes per se vel sufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi & gubernandi, ac eis & eorum cuilibet in suis causis & querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibus prdictis motis vel mouendis plenam & celerem iusticiam faciendi & quascunque qustiones contentiones, discordias, & debatas inter ipsos mercatores Anglicos partium prdictarum motas sue mouendas reformandi, reformationemque petendi, redigendi, sedandi, & pacificandi, & quascunque transgressiones, damna, mesprisiones, excessus, violencias, & iniurias mercatoribus partium prdictarum per prdictos mercatores Anglicos factas seu faciendas redigendi, reparandi, restaurandi, & emendandi, consimilesque restitutiones, reparationes, restaurationes & emandationes de ipsis mercatoribus partium prdictarum seu deputatis suis requirendi, petendi, & recipiendi: Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum prdictorum statuta, ordinationes, & consuetudines, prout pro meliori gubernatione status eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac parte videbitur expedire, faciendi & stabiliendi & omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos prfatis gubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui, aut alicui statutorum, ordinationum & consuetudinum prdictarum contrarios, rebelles, vel inobedientes iuxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac parte rationabiliter puniendi. Volentes insuper omnia iusta & rationabilia statuta, ordinationes & consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendos in forma prdicta facienda & stabilienda, nec non omnes iustas & rationabiles ordinationones per [Marginal note: Nota.] nuper gubernatores prdictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorum pro huiusmodi gubernatione sua in partibus prdictis iuxta priuilegia & authoritates sibi per magistrum. Pruci seu alios dominos partium prdictarum concessa, factas & stabilitas, sen per prdictos gubernatores nunc vt prmittitur eligendos iuxta priuilegia prdicta, seu alia priuilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per prdictos magistrum & dominos in posterum concedenda, facienda & stabilienda, rata, firma & accepta haberi, & pro ratis firmis, & acceptis ibidem fimiter & inuiolabiter obseruari. Damus autem vniuersis & singulis mercatoribus Anghcis prdictis tenere prsentium firmiter in mandatis, quod eisdem gubernatonbus sic eligendis & eorum loca tenentibus in prmissis omnibus & singulis ac alijs gubernationem & regimen in hac parte qualitercunque concernentibus intendentes sint, consulentes obedientes & auxiliantes prout decet. Data in palatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigili nostri testimomo sexto die Iunij Anno regni nostri quinto.

A Charter of King Henry the fourth graunted in the fift yeere of his reigne to the English Marchants resident in the partes of Prussia, Denmarke, Norway, Sweden, and Germanie for the chusing of gouernours among themselues.

Henry by the grace of God king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland to all to whom these present letters may come, sendeth greeting. Know ye, that whereas, according as we are informed, through want of good and discreete rule and gouernement, sundry damages, strifes, oppressions, and wrongs oftentimes heretofore haue bene moued and committed among the Marchants of our kingdome of England remaining in the parties of Prussia, Denmarke, Norway, the Hans steeds and Sweden, and greater hereafter, which God forbid, are feared to be like to fall out, vnlesse we put to our helping hands for the procuring of better gouernement to be maintained among the said Marchants: wee heartily desiring to preuent the perrils and dangers which are like to fall out in this case, and that the sayde Marchants and others which shall trauaile out of our said Realme into the partes aforesaid may iustly and faithfully be ruled and intreated, we will and graunt by the tenour of these presents to the said Marchants, that they may freely and without danger assemble and meete together as often and whensoeuer they please in some conuenient and honest place where they shall thinke good, and that they may choose among themselues certaine sufficient and fit persons for their gouernours in those parts at their good liking. And furthermore we giue and graunt to the said Gouernours which are in such sort to be chosen by the aforesaid Marchants, as much as in vs lieth, speciall power and authoritie to rule and gouerne all and singular the English Marchants which hereafter shall come or repayre to the parts aforesaid by themselues or their sufficient Deputies, and to minister vnto them and euery of them in their causes and quarels whatsoeuer, which are sprung vp, or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaid full and speedie iustice, and to reforme all maner of questions, contentious discords, and debates moued or to be moued betweene the English Marchants remayning in those parts, and to seeke reformation, to redresse, appease, and compound the same. And further to redresse, restore, repayre and satisfie all transgressions, damages, misprisions, outrages, violences, and iniuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Marchants against the Marchants of those parts: And to require, demaund and receiue the like restitutions, reparations, satisfactions and amends of the Marchants of those parts or of their deputies. And by the common consent of the aforesaid English Marchants to make and establish statutes, ordinances, and customes, as shall seeme expedient in that behalfe for the better gouernement of the state of the said English Marchants: and to punish with reason according to the quantitie of their fault in that behalfe all and singular the English Marchants which shall withstand, resist or disobey the aforesaid gouernours so to be chosen or their deputies, or any of them: or any of the aforesaid statutes, ordinances, or customes. Moreouer we doe ratifie, confirme, and approoue, and as ratified, confirmed, and approoued, wee command firmely and inuiolably there to be obserued all iust, and reasonable statutes, ordinances, and customes which shalbe made and established by the said gouernors, so to be chosen, in forme aforesaid, and also all iust and reasonable ordinances made & established by the late gouernours of the aforesaid English Marchants with the common consent of the sayd Marchants for this their gouernement in the parts aforesayd, according to the priuileges and authorities now granted vnto them by the Master of Prussia, or other Lords of the partes aforesayd, or which shall be made and established by the aforesayd gouernours now as is mentioned to be chosen according to the aforesaid priuileges heretofore graunted, or other priuileges hereafter to bee granted to the sayde English Marchants by the aforesayde Master and lords of the Countrey. And furthermore by the tenor of these presents we straitely commaund all and singular the aforesaid English Marchants, that they attend, aduise, obey and assist, as it becommeth them, the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen, and their deputies in all and singular the premisses and other things, which any way may concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement. Giuen in our Palace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt day of Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne.

* * * * *

A note touching the mighty Ships of King Henry the fift, mentioned hereafter in the treatie of keeping the sea, taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester.

Eodem anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 1415. & regni sui Anno tertio, post bellum de Agencourt, conducti a Francis venerunt cum multis Nauibus recuperaturi Harfletum. Sed Rex Angli misit fratrem suum Iohannem Ducem Bedfordi & Andegaui, qui pugnauit cum eis & vicit, & Naues cepit, & quasdam submersit: cteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus qui venerant cum eis Anno grati 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt potentiores, & iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem cum Rege composuerunt, & propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo. De his sic conductis a Francis ita metric scribitur.

[Sidenote: Naues maxim Henrici quinti.]

Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos, Hispanos, Ianos, deuicit, & Vrget, Vastat; turbantur ctera regna metu. Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani.

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A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt, for the trade to Norwey, Sweueland, Denmarke, and Fynmarke.

Item because that the kings most deare Vncle, the king of Denmarke, Norway and Sueueland, as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimation hath vnderstood, considering the manifold & great losses, perils, hurts and damage which haue late happened as well to him and his, as to other foraines and strangers, and also friends and speciall subiects of our said soueraigne Lord the king of his realme of England, by the going in, entring & passage of such forain & strange persons into his realme of Norwey & other dominions, streits, territories, iurisdictions & places subdued and subiect to him, specially into his Isles of Fynmarke, and elsewhere, aswell in their persons as their things and goods: for eschuing of such losses, perils, hurts & damages, and that such like (which God forbid) should not hereafter happen: our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined and statuted, that all and singular strangers, as well Englishmen and others willing to apply by Ship and come into his realme of Norwey and other dominions, straights, territories, iurisdictions, Isles & places aforesaid with their ships to the intent to get or haue fish or any other Marchandises, or goods, shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne, where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished his staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen, to the exercise of such Marchandises granting to the said Englishmen that they shall there inioy in and by all things the same fauour, priuileges and prerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy. Therefore our said soueraigne Lord the king willing the loue, affinitie and amities to be firmely obserued, which betwixt his said Vncle and his noble progenitors of good memory, their Realmes, lands, dominions, streites, territories, iurisdictions and their said places, and the same our soueraigne Lord the king & his noble progenitours of famous memory, his great men, subiects, Realmes, lands & dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued nor nothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attempted or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions, enemities or discords might be broken: by the aduise of the Lords spintuall & temporall & of the comons of his said Realme of England, assembled in this present Parliament, hath ordained, prohibiting that none of his liege people nor subiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume to enter the Realmes, lands, dominions, straits, terntones, iurisdictions & places of the said king of Denmarke against the ordinance, prohibition & interdiction of the same his Vncle aboue remembred, & in contempt of the same, vpon paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods & imprisonment of their persons at the kings will.

* * * * *

Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke.

Item because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint to him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England being in this Parliament is informed that many of his faithfull liege people be greatly impouerished, vndone, & in point to be destroyed by the king of Denmarke & his lieges, which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigne Lord, because that they do daily take of his said faithfull subiects their goods, so that they haue taken of marchants of York and Kinston vpon Hul goods & marchandises to the valour of v. M. li. within a yeere, and of other lieges & marchants of the realme of England goods & cattals to the valour of xx. M. li. wherof they haue no remedie of the said king of Denmarke, nor of none other, forasmuch as none of them commeth within the Realme of England, nor nothing haue in the same realme of England, & that the goods be taken out of the same Realme: The king willing to prouide remedy for his said liege people, hath ordeined & established, that if the goods of any of the said his lieges be or shalbe taken by the said king of Denmarke or any of his said lieges, the keeper of the priuie seale for the time being, shall haue power to make to the partie grieued letters of request vnder the priuie seale, without any other pursuite to be made to any for restitution to be had of the goods so taken & to be taken. And if restitution be not made by such letters, the king our soueraigne lord by the aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenable remedy, according as the case requireth.

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Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea, and namely the narrowe sea shewing what profite commeth thereof, and also what worship and saluation to England, and to all English-men.

[Sidenote: Incipit liber de custodia Maris prsertim arcti inter Doueram & Galisiam.]

The true processe of English policie Of vtterward to keepe this regne in rest Of our England, that no man may deny, Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best, Is this, that who seeth South, North, East and West, Cherish Marchandise, keepe the admiraltie, That wee bee Masters of the narrowe see

For Sigismond the great Emperour, Wich yet reigneth, when he was in this land [1] With king Henry the fift, Prince of honour Here much glory, as him thought, he found, A mightie land which had take in hand To werre in France and make mortalitie, And euer well kept round about the see.

[Footnote 1: It is clear, from these lines, that this poem must have been written between 1416, when Sigismond was in England, and 1438, when he died.]

[Sidenote: Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter cteras Anglie scilicet Calisiam & Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suos oculos ait regi: Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos.]

And to the king thus hee sayd: My brother, (When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer) Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other, To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer To werre outwards and your regne to recouer: Keepe these two Townes sure, and your Maiestee As your tweyne eyne: so keepe the narrowe see.

For if this sea bee kept in time of werre, Who can heere passe without danger and woe Who may escape, who may mischiefe differre What Marchandie may forby bee agoe: For needs hem must take trewes euery foe: Flanders and Spaine, and other, trust to mee, Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see.

Therefore I cast mee by a little writing To shew at eye this conclusion, For conscience and for mine acquiting Against God and ageyne abusion, And cowardise, and to our enemies confusion. For foure things our Noble [2] sheweth to me, King, Ship, and Swerd, and power of the see

[Foonote 2: The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor considerantur in moneta aurea Anglica, qu dicitur Nobile: scilicet Rex, Nauis gladius, & Mare: Qu designant potestatem Anglicorum super Mare. In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores & Flandrenses & alij dicunt Anglicis: Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem & imponite ouem. Intendentes, quod sicut quondam tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris, modo his diebus sunt vecordes, victi, & ad bellandum & Mare obseruandum velut oues.]

Where ben our ships, where ben our swerds become: Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe. Alas our rule halteth, it is benome. Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe: I will assay, though mine heart ginne to weepe, To doe this werke, if wee will euer thee, For very shame to keepe about the see.

Shall any Prince, what so be his name, Which hath Nobles much leche ours, Bee Lord of see: and Flemings to our blame, Stop vs, take vs, and so make fade the flowers Of English state, and disteyne our honours: For cowardise alas it should so bee Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see.

Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flanders.

The first Chapter

Knowe well all men that profits in certaine Commodities called comming out of Spaine And Marchandie, who so will weete what it is, Bene Figs, Raisins, wine Bastard, and Datis, And Licoris, Siuill oyle, and graine, White Pastill Sope, and Waxe is not vayne. Yron, Wooll, Wadmolle, Gotefell, Kidfell also: For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn Saffron, Quickesiluer, which owne Spaine Marchandy, Is into Flanders shipped full craftily, Vnto Bruges as to her staple fayre: The Hauen of Scluse hir Hauen for her repayre Which is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding: Where many vessels and fayre are abiding. But these marchandes with their shippes great, And such chaffare as they bye and get By the weyes must nede take on hand By the coasts to passe of our England, Betwixt Douer and Caleis, this is no doubt. Who can well els such matter bring about?

[Sidenote: Flemish cloth made of English Wooll.]

And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see, Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy, That to Flanders bougeth full richly. Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours, Cloth of Curtrike, [3] fine cloth of all colours, Much Fustian, and also Linen cloth. But Flemings, if yee bee not wroth, The great substance of your cloth at the full Yee wot ye make it of our English woll.

[Footnote 3: Courtrai.]

[Sidenote: The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders.]

Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne, But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine Both out and in by our costes passe: Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse. Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne Thus if this see were kept, I dare well sayne. For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother, And neither may well liue without other: They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees, Without our English commodities: Wolle and Tynne: for the woolle of England Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand. Then if England would her wolle restraine From Flanders, this followeth in certaine, Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace, Or els shee is destroyed without lees. Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee: Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee: For destroyed it is, and as in cheeffe The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe, But if it be costed and menged well Amongst the English wolle the greter delle. For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is, And euer hath bee, that men haue minde of this: And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy That longeth to Spaine: who so will espie, It is of little value, trust vnto mee, With English wooll but if it menged bee. Thus if the sea be kept, than herken hether, If these two lands comen not together: So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought That in the narrowe see it be not brought Into the Rochelle to fetch the famose wine, Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine, What is then Spaine? What is Flanders also? As who sayd, nought, the thrift is agoe For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands ywis: And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede. What hath then Flanders, bee Flemings lieffe or loth, But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth: By Drapering of our wooll in substance Liuen her commons, this is her gouernance, Without which they may not liue at ease. Thus must hem sterue, or with vs must haue peace.

Of the commodities of Portugal.

The second Chapter,

The Marchandy also of Portugal By diuers lands turne into sale. Portugalers with vs haue troth in hand: Whose Marchandy commeth much into England. They ben our friends, with their commodities, And wee English passen into their countrees. Her land hath wine, Osey, Waxe, and Graine, Figges, Reysins, Hony and Cordoweyne: Dates, and Salt, Hides, and such Marchandy: And if they would to Flanders passe for by, They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes, For supporting of our cruell enemies, That is to say Flemings with her gyle: For changeable they are in little while. [Note well.] Then I conclude by reasons many moe, If we suffred neither friend nor foe, What so enemies, and so supporting Passe for by vs in time of werring, Seth our friends will not ben in cause Of our hindring, if reson lede this clause: Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought, And other lands should seeke peace, dout nought: For Flanders is Staple, as men tell mee, To all nations of Christianitie.

The commodities of pety Britaine,[Footnote: Brittany] with her Rouers on the sea.

The third Chapter

[Sidenote: The Britons great Rouers and Theeues.]

Furthermore to write I am faine Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne. Commoditie thereof there, is and was, Salt, and wine, crest cloth and canuas. And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy. Wich Marchandie may not passe away But by the coast of England, this is no nay. And of this Britaine, who so trueth louis, Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis, That haue bene in the sea many one yeere: That our Merchants haue bought full dere. For they haue tooke notable goods of ours, On this side see, these false pelours Called, of Saincte Malo, and ellis where: Which to their Duke none obeysance will bere: With such colours wee haue bee hindred sore. And fayned peace is called no werre herefore. Thus they haue bene in diuers coasts many Of our England, more then rehearse can I: In Norfolke coastes, and other places about, And robbed and brent and slame by many a rowte: And they haue also ransomed Towne by Towne: That into the regnes of bost haue run her sowne: Wich hath bin ruth vnto this Realme and shame: They that the sea should keepe are much to blame. For Britayne is of easie reputation; And Saincte Malo turneth hem to reprobation.

A storie of Edward the third his ordinance for Britayne.

[Sidenote: Historia ostendens quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra de prdicatores marinos Brittani minoris ad debellandum eos & subiugandum Britannos minores.]

Here bring I in a stone to mee lent, That a good Squire in time of Parliament Tooke vnto mee well written in a scrowe: That I haue commond both with high and lowe, Of which all men accorden into one, That it was done not many yeeres agone But when noble King Edward the third Reigned in grace, right thus it betyd. For hee had a maner gelosie To his Marchants and loued them hartily. He feld the weyes to rule well the see, Whereby Marchants might haue prosperitee. That for Harflew [4] Houndflew [5] did he maken; And great werre that time were vndertaken, betwixt the King and the Duke of Britayne: At last to fall to peace both were they fayne: Vpon the wich made with conuencion Our Marchants made hem readie bowne Toward Britayne to loade their Marchandie, Wening hem friends they went foorth boldly: But soone anon our Marchants were ytake, And wee spedde neuer the better for truce sake. They lost her good, her nauy and spending: But their complaint came vnto the king. Then wext he wroth, and to the Duke he sent, And complained that such harme was hent; By conuention and peace made so refused: Wich Duke sent againe, and him excused, Rehearsing that the mount of Saincte Michael, And Sainct Malo would neuer a dell Be subiect vnto his gouernance, Nor be vnder his obeysance: And so they did withouten him that deede. But when the king anon had taken heede: Hee in his herte set a iudgement, Without calling of any Parliament, Or greate tarry to take long aduise To fortifie anon he did deuise Of English Townes three, that is to say, Dertmouth, Plymouth, the third it is Fowey: And gaue hem helpe and notable puisance With insistence set them in gouernance Vpon pety Bretayne for to werre. Those good sea men would no more differre, But bete hem home and made they might not rowte, Tooke prisoners, and made them for to lowte. And efte the Duke, an ensample wise, Wrote to the king as he first did deuise, Him excusing: But our men wood With great power passed ouer the floode And werred foorth into the Dukes londe, And had ny destroyed free and bond. But than the Duke knewe that the townes three Should haue lost all his natiue Countrie, He vndertooke by suretie true not false, For mount Michael and Saincte Malo als. And other parties of the litle Brytaine, Which to obey, as sayd was, were not fayne The Duke hymselfe for all did vndertake: With all his herte a full peace did hee make: So that in all the life time of the king, Marchants had peace withouten werring:

[Footnote 4: Harfleur] [Footnote 5: Honfleur]

[Sidenote: Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis.]

He made a statute for Lombards in this land, That they should in noe wise take on hande Here to inhabite, here to chardge and dischardge But fortie dayes, no more time had they large. This good king by witte of such appreiffe Kept his Marchants and the sea from mischiefe.

Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders. The fourth Chapiter

[Sidenote: Anno Domini 1436. Hen 6. 14.]

Moreouer of Scotland the commodities Are Felles, Hides, and of Wooll the Fleese. And all these must passe by vs away Into Flanders by England, sooth to say. And all her woolle was draped for to sell In the Townes of Poperinge and of Bell: Which my Lord of Glocester with ire For her falshed set vpon a fire. And yet they of Bell and Poperinge Could neuer drape her wool for any thing, But if they had English woll withall. Our goodly wooll which is so generall Needefull to them in Spaine and Scotland als, And other costes, this sentence is nnot false: Yee worthy Marchants I doe it vpon yow, I haue this learned ye wot well where and howe: Ye wotte the Staple of that Marchandie, Of this Scotland is Flaunders sekerly. And the Scots bene charged knowen at the eye, Out of Flanders with little Mercerie, And great plentie of Haberdashers Ware, And halfe her shippes with cart wheeles bare, And with Barrowes are laden as in substance: Thus most rude ware are in her cheuesance. So they may not forbeare this Flemish land. Therefore if wee would manly take in hand, To keepe this Sea from Flanders and from Spaine, And from Scotland, like as from pety Britaine, Wee should right soone haue peace for all her bosts, For they must needes passe by our English costs.

Of the commodities of Pruce, and High Dutch men, and Easterlings. The fifth Chapitle.

Nowe goe foorth to the commodities, That commeth from Pruce in two maner degrees. For two maner people haue such vse, That is to say, High Duch men of Pruse, And Esterlings, which might not be forborne, Out of Flanders, but it were verely lorne. For they bring in the substance of the Beere, That they drinken feele too good chepe, not dere. Yee haue heard that two Flemings togider Will vndertake or they goe any whither, Or they rise once to drinke a Ferkin full, Of good Beerekin: so sore they hall and pull. Vnder the board they pissen as they sit: This commeth of couenant of a worthie wit. Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked When they fled home, and when they leysure lacked To holde their siege, they went like as a Doe: Well was that Fleming that might trusse, and goe. For feare they turned backe and hyed fast, My Lord of Glocester made hem so agast With his commimg, and sought hem in her land, And brent and slowe as he had take on hand: So that our enemies durst not bide, nor stere, They fled to mewe, they durst no more appeare, Rebuked sore for euer so shamefully, Vnto her vtter euerlasting villany.

Nowe Beere and Bakon bene fro Pruse ybrought Into Flanders, as loued and farre ysought: Osmond, Copper, Bow-staues, Steele, and Wexe, Peltreware and grey Pitch, Terre, Board, and flexe, And Colleyne threed, Fustian and Canuas, Card, Bukeram: of olde time thus it was. But the Flemings among these things dere, In common louen best Bakon and Beere. Also Pruse men maken her aduenture Of Plate of siluer of wedges good and sure In great plentie which they bring and bye, Out of the lands of Beame and Hungarie: Which is increase full great vnto their land, And they bene laden, I vnderstand, With wollen cloth all maner of colours By dyers crafted full diuers, that ben ours. And they aduenture full greatly vnto the Bay, for salt that is needefull withouten nay. Thus if they would not our friends bee, We might lightly stoppe hem in the see: They should not passe our streemes withouten leue, It would not be, but if we should hem greue.

Of the commodities of the Genuoys and her great Caracks. Chap. 6.

The Genuois comen in sundry wies Into this land with diuers marchandises In great Caracks, arrayed withouten lacke With cloth of gold, silke, and pepper blacke They bring with them, and of crood [6] great plentee, Woll Oyle, Woad ashen, by vessel in the see, Cotton, Rochalum, and good gold of Genne. And then be charged with wolle againe I wenne, And wollen cloth of ours of colours all. And they aduenture, as ofte it doth befall, Into Flanders with such things as they bye, That is their chefe staple sekerly: And if they would be our full enemies, They should not passe our stremes with merchandise.

[Footnote 6: Woad.]

The comodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines, with their Gallees. Chap. 7.

The great Galees of Venice and Florence Be well laden with things of complacence, All spicery and of grossers ware: With sweete wines all maner of chaffare, Apes, and Iapes, and marmusets tayled, Nifles and trifles that little haue auayled: And things with which they fetely blere our eye: With things not induring that we bye. For much of this chaffare that is wastable Might be forborne for dere and deceiuable. And that I wene as for infirmities In our England are such commodities Withouten helpe of any other lond Which by witte and practise both yfound: That all humors might be voyded sure, With that we gleder with our English cure: That we should haue no neede of Scamonie, Turbit, enforbe, correct Diagredie, Rubarbe, Sene, and yet they ben to needefull, But I know things al so speedefull, That growen here, as those things sayd. Let of this matter no man be dismayde; But that a man may voyde infirmitie Without degrees fet fro beyond the sea. And yet they should except be any thing It were but sugre, trust to my saying: He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence, Let him better search experience. In this matter I will not ferther prease, Who so not beleeueth, let him leaue and cease. Thus these galeys for this licking ware, And eating ware, bare hence out best chaffare. Cloth, woll, and tinne, which as I sayd before, Out of this lond worst might be forbore, For ech other land of necessitie Haue great neede to buy some of them three: And we receiue of hem into this coste Ware and chaffare that lightly wilbe loste. And would Iesus, that our Lord is wold Consider this well both yong and old: Namely old that haue experience, That might the yong exhorte to prudence; What harme, what hurt, and what hinderance Is done to vs, vnto our great grieuance, Of such lands, and of such nations: As experte men know by probations, By writings as discouered our counsailes, And false colour alwaies the countertailes Of our enimies: that doth vs hindering Vnto our goods, our Relme, and to the king: As wise men haue shewed well at eye; And all this is couloured by marchandye.

An example of deceite

Also they bere the gold out of this land, And sucke the thrift away out of our hand: As the Waspe souketh honie fro the bee, So minisheth our commoditee. Nor wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere. Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then vtterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money haue, They will it profer, their subtiltie to saue, To English marchants to yeue it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiuing and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelue pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol haue of payment A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound: as eft soone again, For two moneths twelue pence must he pay. In the English pound what is that to say, But shillings three? So that in pound fell For hurt and harme hard is with hem to dwell. And when English marchants haue content This eschange in England of assent, That these sayd Venecians haue in woone And Florentines to bere her gold soone Ouer the see into Flanders againe: And thus they liue in Flanders sooth to saine, And in London with such cheuisance, That men call vsury, to our losse and hinderance.

Another example of deceite.

Now lesten well how they made vs a valeys When they borrowed at the town of Caleis As they were wont, their woll that was hem lent, For yere and yere they should make payment. And sometimes als two yere and two yeare. This was fayre [7] loue: but yet will ye heare How they to Bruges would her woll carie, And for hem take payment withouten tarie, And sell it fast for ready money in hand. For fifty pounds of money of losse they wold not wond In a thousand pound, and liue thereby Till the day of payment easily, Come againe in exchange: making Full like vsury, as men make vndertaking. Than whan this payment of a thousand pound Was well content, they should haue chaffare sound If they wold fro the Staple full, Receiue againe three thousand pound in woll. In Cotteswold also they ride about, And all England, and buy withouten doubte What them list with freedome and franchise, More then we English may gitten many wise But would God that without lenger delayes These galees were vnfraught in fortie dayes, And in fortie dayes charged againe, And that they might be put to certaine To goe to oste, as we there with hem doe. It were expedient that they did right soe, As we doe there. If the king would it: Ah what worship wold fall to English wit? What profite also to our marchandie Which wold of nede be cherished hertilie? For I would witte, why now our nauie fayleth, [Note diligently] When manie a foe vs at our doore assayleth.

[Sidenote: A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come. A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants.]

Now in these dayes, that if there come a nede, What nauie should we haue it is to drede. In Denmarke were full noble conquerours In time past, full worthy warriours: Which when they had their marchants destroyed, To pouerty they fell, thus were they noyed: And so they stand at mischiefe at this day. This learned I late well writon, this no nay. Therefore beware, I can no better will, If grace it woll, of other mennis perill. For if marchants were cherished to her speede, We were not likely to fayle in any neede. If they be rich, then in prosperitee Shalbe our londe, lords, and commontee, And in worship. Now thinke I on the sonne Of Marchandy Richard of Whitingdon;

[Sidenote: The prayse of Richard of Whittingdon marchant.]

That load sterre, and chiefe chosen floure: What hath by him our England of honour, And what profite hath bin of his riches, And yet lasteth dayly in worthines? That pen and paper may not me suffice Him to describe: so high he was of price Aboue marchants, that set him one of the best: I can no more, but God haue him in rest.

[Footnote 7: Or, lone.]

Now the principal matter.

What reason is it that we should goe to oste In their countries, & in this English coste They should not so? bat haue more liberty Then we our selues now also motte I thee. I would to gifts men should take no heede That letteth our thing publicke for to speede For this we see well euery day at eye, Gifts and fests stopen our policie. Now see that fooles ben either they or wee But euer we haue the worse in this countree. Therefore let hem vnto oste go here, Or be we free with hem in like manere In their countrees: and if it will not bee, Compell them vnto oste, and yee shall see Moch auantage, and moch profite arise, Moch more then I can write in any wise.

Of our charge and discharge at her marts.

Conceiue wel here, that Englishmen at martes Be discharged, for all her craftes and artes, In Brabant of her marchandy In fourteene dayes, and ageine hastily In the same dayes fourteene acharged eft. And if they bide lenger all is bereft, Anon they should forfeit her goods all, Or marchandy: it should no better fall. And we to martis in Brabant charged beene With English cloth full good and fayre to seene: We ben againe charged with mercerie, Haburdasher ware, and with grosserie: To which marts, that English men call fayres, Ech nation oft maketh her repayres: English, and French, Lombards, Iennoyes, Catalones, thedre they take her wayes: Scots, Spaniards, Irishmen there abides, With great plenty bringing of sale hides. And I here say that we in Brabant bye, Flanders and Zeland more of marchandy In common vse then done all other nations: This haue I heard of marchants relations: And if the English ben not in the marts They ben feeble, and as nought bene her parts. For they byemore, and fro purse put out More marchandie then all the other rowte. Kept then the see, shippes should not bring ne fetch, And then the carreys wold not thidre stretch: And so those marts wold full euill thee, If we manly kept about the see.

Of the commodities of Brabant and Zeland and Henauld and marchandy carried by land to the martes. Cap. 8.

Yet marchandy of Brabant and Zeland The Madre and Woad, that dyers take on hand To dyen with, Garlike and Onions, And saltfishe als for husband and commons. But they of Holland at Caleis byen our felles, And wolles our, that Englishmen hem selles. And the chaffare that Englishmen doe byen In the marts, that noe man may denien, Is not made in Brabant that cuntree: It commeth from out of Henauld, not by see, But al by land, by carts, and from France, Bourgoyne, Colem, Cameret in substance, Therefore at marts if there be a restraint, Men seyne plainely that list no fables paynt, If Englishmen be withdrawen away, Is great rebuke and losse to her affray: As though we sent into the land of France Ten thousand people, men of good puissance, To werre vnto her hindring multifarie. So ben our English marchants necessarie. If it be thus assay, and we shall witten Of men experte, by whom I haue this written.

[Sidenote: What our marchants bye in that cost more then all other.]

For sayd is that this carted marchandy Draweth in value as much verily, As all the goods that come in shippes thider, Which Englishmen bye most and bring it hither. For her marts ben febel, shame to say, But Englishmen thither dresse her way.

A conclusion of this depending of keeping of the sea.

Than I conclude, if neuer so much by land Were by carres brought vnto their hand, If well the sea were kept in gouernance They should by sea haue no deliuerance. Wee should hem stop, and we should hem destroy, As prisoners we should hem bring to annoy. And so we should of our cruell enimies Make our friends for feare of marchandies, If they were not suffered for to passe Into Flanders. But we be frayle as glasse And also brittle, not thought neuer abiding, But when grace shineth soone are we sliding, We will it not receiue in any wise: That maken lust, enuie, and couetise: Expone me this; and yee shall sooth it find, Bere it away, and keepe it in your mind. Then shuld worship vnto our Noble bee In feate and forme to lord and Maiestie: Liche as the seale the greatest of this land On the one side hath, as I vnderstand, A prince riding with his swerd ydraw, In the other side sitting, soth it is in saw, Betokening good rule and punishing In very deede of England by the king. And it is so God blessed mought he bee. So in likewise I would were on the see By the Noble, that swerde should haue power, And the ships on the sea about vs here. What needeth a garland which is made of Iuie Shewe a tauerne winelesse, also thriue I? If men were wise, the Frenchmen and Fleming Shuld bere no state in sea by werring. Then Hankin lyons shuld not be so bold To stoppe wine, and shippes for to hold Vnto our shame. He had be beten thence Alas, alas, why did we this offence, Fully to shend the old English fames; And the profits of England and their names: Why is this power called of couetise; With false colours cast beforn our eyes? That if good men called werriours Would take in hand for the commons succours, To purge the sea vnto our great auayle, And winne hem goods, and haue vp the sayle, And on our enimies their liues to impart, So that they might their prises well departe, As reson wold, iustice and equitie; To make land haue lordship of the sea.

[Sidenote: Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause. False colouring of goods by Lombards. Alas for bribes & gift of good feasts & other means that stoppen our policie. This is the very state of our time.]

Then shall Lombards and other fained friends Make her chalenges by colour false offends, And say their chaffare in the shippes is, And chalenge al. Looke if this be amisse. For thus may al that men haue bought to sore, Ben soone excused, and saued by false colour. Beware yee men that bere the great in hand That they destroy the policie of this land, By gifte and good, and the fine golden clothis, And silke, and other: say yee not this soth is? But if we had very experience That they take meede with prime violence, Carpets, and things of price and pleasance, Whereby stopped should be good gouernance: And if it were as yee say to mee, Than wold I say, alas cupiditie, That they that haue her liues put in drede, Shalbe soone out of winning, all for meed, And lose her costes, and brought to pouerty, That they shall neuer haue lust to goe to sea.

An exhortation to make an ordinance against colour of maintainers and excusers of folkes goods

[Sidenote: It is a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of the land may haue no remedie of so many as take heselues wise men of gouernance.]

For this colour that must be sayd alofte And be declared of the great full ofte, That our seamen wol by many wise Spoile our friends in steede of our enimies: For which colour and Lombards maintenance, The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle, I trowe, That friends should from enimies be knowe, Our enimies taken and our friends spared: The remedy of hem must be declared. Thus may the sea be kept in no sell, For if ought be spoken, wot yee well, We haue the strokes, and enemies haue the winning: But mayntainers are parteners of the finning. We liue in lust and bide in couetise; This is our rule to maintaine marchandise, And policie that wee haue on the sea, And, but God helpe, it will no other bee.

Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish: with an incident of Wales. Chap. 9.

I cast to speake of Ireland but a litle: Commodities of it I will entitle, Hides, and fish, Salmon, Hake, Herringe, Irish wooll, and linen cloth, faldinge, And marterns goode ben her marchandie, Hertes Hides, and other of Venerie.[8] Skinnes of Otter, Squirell and Irish hare, Of sheepe, lambe, and Fox, is her chaffare, Felles of Kiddes, and Conies great plentie. So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea, Because the King cleped is Rex Angli, And is Dominus also Hyberni, Old possessed by Progenitours: The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend, That no enemie should hurt ne offend, Ireland ne vs: but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea: For they haue hauens great, and goodly bayes, Sure, wyde and deepe, of good assayes, At Waterford, and costes many one. And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens, ships in to ride, No more sure for enemies to abide, Why speake I thus so much of Ireland? For all so much as I can vnderstand, It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien, loke who lust to knowe, So large, so good, and so commodious, That to declare is strange and maruailous.

[Footnote 8: Hunting.]

[Sidenote: Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland.]

For of siluer and golde there is the oore, Among the wilde Irish though they be poore. For they are rude can thereon no skill: So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine, and metal for to pure, In wilde Irish might we finde the cure, As in London saith a Iuellere, Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here, Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene, As they touch, no better could be seene. Nowe here beware and heartily take intent, As yee will answere at last iudgement, That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost. For it is a boterasse and a post, Vnder England, and Wales another: God forbid, but ech were others brother, Of one ligeance due vnto the king. But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement: I am aferde that Ireland will be shent: It must awey, it wol bee lost from vs, But if thou helpe, thou Iesu gracious, And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside. For much thing in my herte is hide, Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site, Of fertile Ireland, wich might not be forborne, But if England were nigh as goode as gone. God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge, After her conqueste for our last puissance, And hinder vs by other lands alliance. Wise men seyn, wich felin not, ne douten, That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs, as likenesse may be Like as England to sheeris two or three Of this our land is made comparable: So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend, and of none power, That our ground is there a litle corner, To all Ireland in true comparison. It needeth no more this matter to expon. Which if it bee lost, as Christ Iesu forbed, Farewel Wales, then England commeth to dred, For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine,

[Sidenote: This is now to be greatly feared.]

And other moe, as the pety Bretaine, And so haue enemies enuiron round about. I beseech God, that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said apparance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable. But all onely for perill that I see Thus imminent, it's likely for to bee, And well I wotte, that from hence to Rome, And, as men say, in all Christendome, Is no ground ne land to Ireland liche, So large, so good, so plenteous, so riche, That to this worde Dominus doe long. Then mee semeth that right were and no wrong, To get the lande: and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dommus. And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue the ground obeysant wilde and tame. That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect, Vnto the king wel shal it bee detect, In the litle booke that I of spake. I trowe reson al this wol vndertake, And I knowe wel howe it stante, Alas fortune beginneth so to scant, Or ellis grace, that deade is gouernance. For so minisheth parties of our puissance, In that land that wee lese euery yere, More ground and more, as well as yee may here. I herd a man speake to mee full late, Which was a lord [9] of full great estate; Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere. And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere, But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here, Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste, In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste. And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne: Which were it worth yerely, if wee not feyne: I wol declare, who so luste to looke, I trowe full plainely in my litle booke. But couetise, and singularitie Of owne profite, enuie, crueltie, Hath doon vs harme, and doe vs euery day, And musters made that shame is to say: Our money spent al to litle auaile, And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile, That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte.

[Footnote 9: This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter, that he would vndertake it, in pain of losse of al his liuelihood. But this proffer could not be admitted. Ergo mal.]

An exhortation to the keeping of Wales

Beware of Wales, Christ Iesu mutt vs keepe, That it make not our childers childe to weepe, Ne vs also, so if it goe his way, By vnwarenes: seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion, By great tokens and ostentation: Seche the meanes with a discrete auise, And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell, that Christ it forbede. Looke wel aboute, for God wote yee haue neede, Vnfainingly, vnfeyning and vnfeynt, That conscience for slought you not atteynt: Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed, Or afore God mutte yee ben accused.

Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea, with an incident of the keeping of Caleis. Chap. 10.

[Sidenote: The trade of Bristow to Island.] [Sidenote: The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North.]

Of Island to write is litle nede, Saue of Stock fish. Yet forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe, and costes many one, Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while, Within twelue yere, and without perill Gon and come, as men were wont of old Of Scarborough, vnto the costes cold. And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware, That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare: Island might not make hem to bee fraught Vnto the Hawys: thus much harme they caught. Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas: Este and Weste, South and North they bee. And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see, Betweene Douer and Caleis: and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs: And they abide our danger in the length, What for our costis and Caleis in our strength.

An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis.

And for the loue of God, and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is. See well thereto, and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen, that woll no lies paint, And as yee know that writing commeth from thence: Doe not to England for slought so great offence, But that redressed it bee for any thing: Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing. For litle wenith the foole who so might chese What harme it were good Caleis for to lese: What wo it were for all this English ground.

[Sidenote: The ioy of Sigismund the Emperour that Caleis was English.]

Which wel concerned the Emperour Sigismound, That of all ioyes made it one of the moste, That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste. Him thought it was a iewel most of all, And so the same in Latine did it call. And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe, I cast to write within a litle scrowe, Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie. Loke how hard it was at the first to get; And by my counsell lightly doe not it let. For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully, it is for lacke of grace. Howe was Harflew [10] cried vpon, and Rone,[11] That they were likely for shought to be gone: Howe was it warned and cried on in England, I make record with this pen in my hand. It was warened plainely in Normandie, And in England, and I thereon did crie. The world was defrauded, it betyde right so. Farewell Harflew: lewdly it was a go. Nowe ware Caleis, I can say no better: My soule discharge I by this present letter.

[Footnote 10: Harfleur, which was lost in 1449.] [Footnote 11: Rouen]

After the Chapitles of commodities, of diuers lands, sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron, by a storie of King Edgar and two incidents of King Edward the third, and King Henrie the fifth. Chap. 11.

Now see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Vnder the ship shewed there the sayle, And our king with royal apparayle, With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent; Should be lord of the sea about, To keepe enimies from within and without; To behold through Christianitee Master and lord enuiron of the see: All liuing men such a prince to dreed, Of such a regne to bee aferd indeed. Thus proue I well that it was thus of old; Which by a [*] Chronicle anon shalbe told, Right curious: but I will interprete It into English, as I did it gete: Of king Edgar: O most marueilous Prince liuing, wittie, and cheualerous: So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours. Hee was fortanate and more gracious Then other before, and more glorious: He was beneth no man in holines: Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes.

[Marginal note *: Dicit Chronica, quod iste Edgarus cunctis prdecessoribus suis flicior, nulli sanctitate inferior, omnibus morum suauitate prstantior fuerit Luxit ipse Anglis non minus memorabilis qum Cyrus Persis, Carolus Francis, Romulus ver Romanis.]

Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable: Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance, And as great Charles was to them of France, And as to the Romanes was great Romulus, So was to England this worthy Edgarus. I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time, ne of his holines: But to my matter I him exemplifie, Of conditions tweyne and of his policie: Within his land was one, this is no doubt, And another in the see without, That in time of Winter and of werre, When boystrous windes put see men into fere; Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through, perceiuing his princes, Lords, and others of the commontee, Who was oppressour, and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought, and who was clene in life, And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion: And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied: and his ministers als, Who did trought, and which of hem was fals: Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute, and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees, If they were well kept in all countrees: Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie, and other men's relation. Among other was his great busines, Well to ben ware, that great men of riches, And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression. Thus was he wont in this Winter tide, On such enforchise busily to abide. This was his labour for the publike thing, Thus was hee occupied: a passing holy King Nowe to purpose, in the Sommer faire Of lusty season, whan clered was the aire, He had redie shippes made before Great and huge, not fewe but many a store: Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe.

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica prparauerat naues robustissimas numero tria millia sexcenta: in quibus redeunte state omnem insulam ad terrorem extraneorum & ad suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu circumnauigare consueuerat.]

The Chronicles say, these shippes were full boysteous: Such things long to kings victorious. In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone, With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay. Who could hem well in any wise descriue? It were not light for eny man aliue. Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habiliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres, that ioyfull was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee, There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along, So regal liche about the English isle; To all strangers terrours and perile. Whose fame went about in all the world stout, Vnto great fere of all that be without, And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise, Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied; Winter and Somer he was thus occupied. Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike, that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King, And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing: For great worship and for profile also To defend his land fro euery foo. That worthy king I leue, Edgar by name, And all the Chronike of his worthy fame:

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica &c. vt non minus quantum ei etiam in hac vita bononum operum mercedem donauerit: cum aliquando ad maximam eius festiuitatem, reges, comites multarmque, prouinciarum protectores conuenissent, &c.]

Saffe onely this I may not passe away, A worde of mighty strength till that I say, That graunted him God such worship here, For his merites, hee was without pere, That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings, and Erles of many a countree, And princes fele were there present, And many Lords came thider by assent. To his worship: but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to be redie of aray: For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist, Hee assigned to Erles, Lords, and knights Many ships right goodly to sights: And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo, A good shippe, and entrede into it With eight kings, and downe did they sit; And eche of them an ore tooke in hand, At ore hales, as I vnderstand, And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde. Such another rowing I dare well say, Was not seene of Princes many a day. Lo than how hee in waters got the price, In lande, in see, that I may not suffice To tell, O right, O magnanimitee, That king Edgar had vpon the see.

An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third.

Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande, on sea yee knowe his worthines: The siege of Caleis, ye know well all the matter Round about by land, and by the water, Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe, After the battell of Crecye was ydoe: Howe it was closed enuiron about, Olde men sawe it, which liuen, this is no doubt.

[Sidenote: Caleis was yeelded to the English 1347.]

Old Knights say that the Duke of Borgoyn, Late rebuked for all his golden coyne; Of ship on see made no besieging there, For want of shippes that durst not come for feare. It was nothing besieged by the see: Thus call they it no siege for honestee. Gonnes assailed, but assault was there none, No siege, but fuge: well was he that might be gone: This maner carping haue knights ferre in age, Expert through age of this maner language.

[Sidenote: King Edward had 700. English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis.]

But king Edward made a siege royall, And wanne the towne: and in especiall The sea was kept, and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record; In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie. Battell of Scluse,[12] yee may rede euery day, Howe it was done I leue and goe my way: It was so late done that yee it knowe, In comparison within a litle throwe: For which to God giue we honour and glorie, For Lord of see the king was with victorie.

[Footnote 12: The battle of L'Ecluse.]

Another incident of keeping of the see, in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince, King Henrie the fifth, and of his great shippes.

[Sidenote: The great ships of Henry the fift, made at Hampton.]

And if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift, what was his purposing, Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons, Which passed other great ships of all the commons, The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost, And other moe, which as nowe bee lost. What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes, and what in minde hee meant? It was not ellis, but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see. And when Harflew had her siege about, There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide, To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride.

[Sidenote: Great caracks of Genoa taken by the Duke of Bedford.]

My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure, Destroyed they were by that discomfiture.

[Sidenote: 1416.]

This was after the king Harflew had wonne, Whan our enemies to siege had begonne: That all was slaine or take, by true relation, To his worshippe, and of his English nation.

[Sidenote: The French nauie thus ouerthrowen was of fiue hundred saile.]

There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes; which knoweth this in certaine; He can it tell other wise then I: Aske him, and witte; I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence, Of great courage of wisedome, and prudence? Prouision, forewitte, audacitee, Of fortitude, iustice, and agilitee, Discretion, subtile auisednesse, Attemperance, Noblesse, and worthinesse: Science, prowesse, deuotion, equitie, Of most estate, with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar, and the saide Edward, As much of both liche hem as in regard. Where was on liue a man more victorious, And in so short time prince so marueilous? By land and sea, so well he him acquitte, To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse, Henry the fift, with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping, entending victorie I leaue endly: for about in the see No prince was of better strenuitee. And if he had to this time liued here, He had bene Prince named withouten pere:

[Sidenote: The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost]

His great ships should haue ben put in preefe, Vnto the ende that he ment of in cheefe, For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see: And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence, And wonne vs good, and wisely brought it thence: That no passage should be without danger, And his licence on see to moue and sterre.

Of vnitie, shewing of our keeping of the see: with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie. Chap. 12.

[Sidenote: Exhortatio generales in custodiam totius Angli per diligentiam custodi circutus maris circa littora eiusdem: qu debet esse per vnanimitatem Consilariorum regis, & hominum bon voluntatus.]

Now than for loue of Christ, and of his ioy, Bring it England out of trouble and noy: Take heart and witte, and set a gouernance, Set many wits withouten variance, To one accord and vnanimitee. Put to good will for to keepe the see. First for worship and profite also, And to rebuke of eche euill willed foe. Thus shall worship and riches to vs long. Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong, To beare that coyne in figure and in deede, To our courage, and to our enemies dreede: For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste, Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste. As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy; And by stories which proued well this parte: Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte, But many londs would seche her peace for nede, The see well kept: it must be doo for drede. Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs: it will non other bee, Within short while: and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours.

[Sidenote: Tres sunt caus prdict custodi scilcet, honor commodum regnum, & opprobrium inimicis.]

This vnitie is to God pleasance: And peace after the werres variance. The ende of battaile is peace sikerly, And power causeth peace finally. Kept than the sea about in speciall, Which of England is the towne wall. As though England were likened to a citie, And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England: And than is England kept by Goddes hande; That as for any thing that is without, England were at ease withouten doubt, And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie, Without rancour in very charitie, In rest and peace, to Christes great pleasance, Without strife, debate and variance. Which peace men should enserche with businesse, And knit it saddely holding in holinesse.

[Sidenote: Ephes. 4. Solliciti sitis seruare vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis.]

The Apostle seith, if ye list to see, Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace. Which is nedeful to all withouten lese. The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it, this is holy desire. Our Lord Iesu saith, Blessed motte they bee That maken peace; that is tranquillitee.