But when it comes to their ability to do battle equally well in spite of some confusion which has been set up, and whatever the chapter of accidents may confront them with, (13) I admit that the tactics here are not so easy to understand, except for people trained under the laws of Lycurgus. Even movements which an instructor in heavy-armed warfare (14) might look upon as difficult are performed by the Lacedaemonians with the utmost ease. (15) Thus, the troops, we will suppose, are marching in column; one section of a company is of course stepping up behind another from the rear. (16) Now, if at such a moment a hostile force appears in front in battle order, the word is passed down to the commander of each section, "Deploy (into line) to the left." And so throughout the whole length of the column, until the line is formed facing the enemy. Or supposing while in this position an enemy appears in the rear. Each file performs a counter-march (17) with the effect of bringing the best men face to face with the enemy all along the line. (18) As to the point that the leader previously on the right finds himself now on the left, (19) they do not consider that they are necessarily losers thereby, but, as it may turn out, even gainers. If, for instance, the enemy attempted to turn their flank, he would find himself wrapping round, not their exposed, but their shielded flank. (20) Or if, for any reason, it be thought advisable for the general to keep the right wing, they turn the corps about, (21) and counter-march by ranks, until the leader is on the right, and the rear rank on the left. Or again, supposing a division of the enemy appears on the right whilst they are marching in column, they have nothing further to do but to wheel each company to the right, like a trireme, prow forwards, (22) to meet the enemy, and thus the rear company again finds itself on the right. If, however, the enemy should attack on the left, either they will not allow of that and push him aside, (23) or else they wheel their companies to the left to face the antagonist, and thus the rear company once more falls into position on the left.

(13) Or, "alongside of any comrade who may have fallen in their way." See Plut. "Pelop." 23 (Clough, ii. 222); Thuc. v. 72.

(14) Or, "drill sergeant."

(15) See Jebb, note to "Theophr." viii. 3.

(16) Or, "marching in rear of another."

(17) See Rustow and Kochly, p. 127.

(18) Or, "every time."

(19) See Thuc. v. 67, 71.

(20) See Rustow and Kochly, p. 127.

(21) For these movements, see "Dict. of Antiq." "Exercitus"; Grote, "H. G." vii. 111.

(22) See "Hell." VII. v. 23.

(23) I am indebted to Professor Jebb for the following suggestions with regard to this passage: "The words {oude touto eosin, all apothousin e}, etc., contain some corruption. The sense ought clearly to be roughly parallel with that of the phrase used a little before, {ouden allo pragmateuontai e}, etc. Perhaps {apothousin} is a corruption of {apothen ousin}, and this corruption occasioned the insertion of {e}. Probably Xenophon wrote {oude touto eosin, all apothen ousin antipalous}, etc.: 'while the enemy is still some way off, they turn their companies so as to face him.' The words {apothen ousin} indirectly suggest the celerity of the Spartan movement."



XII

I will now speak of the mode of encampment sanctioned by the regulation of Lycurgus. To avoid the waste incidental to the angles of a square, (1) the encampment, according to him, should be circular, except where there was the security of a hill, (2) or fortification, or where they had a river in their rear. He had sentinels posted during the day along the place of arms and facing inwards; (3) since they are appointed not so much for the sake of the enemy as to keep an eye on friends. The enemy is sufficiently watched by mounted troopers perched on various points commanding the widest prospect.

(1) Or, "Regarding the angles of a square as a useless inconvenience, he arranged that an encampment should be circular," etc. See Polyb. vi. 31, 42.

(2) Cf. "Hell." VI. iv. 14; Polyaen. II. iii. 11, ap. Schneider.

(3) Lit. "these," {tas men}. Or, "He had lines of sentinels posted throughout the day; one line facing inwards towards the place of arms (and these were appointed, etc.); while observation of the enemy was secured by mounted troopers," etc.

To guard against hostile approach by night, sentinel duty according to the ordinance was performed by the Sciritae (4) outside the main body. At the present time the rule is so far modified that the duty is entrusted to foreigners, (5) if there be a foreign contingent present, with a leaven of Spartans themselves to keep them company. (6)

(4) See Muller's "Dorians," ii. 253; "Hell." VI. v. 24; "Cyrop." IV. ii. 1; Thuc. v. 67, 71; Grote, "H. G." vii. 110.

(5) See "Hipparch." ix. 4.

(6) Reading {auton de}. The passage is probably corrupt. See L. Dindorf ad loc.

The custom of always taking their spears (7) with them when they go their rounds must certainly be attributed to the same cause which makes them exclude their slaves from the place of arms. Nor need we be surprised if, when retiring for necessary purposes, they only withdraw just far enough from one another, or from the place of arms itself, not to create annoyance. The need of precaution is the whole explanation.

(7) See Critias, ap. Schneider ad loc.

The frequency with which they change their encampments is another point. It is done quite as much for the sake of benefiting their friends as of annoying their enemies.

Further, the law enjoins upon all Lacedaemonians, during the whole period of an expedition, the constant practice of gymnastic (8) exercises, whereby their pride (9) in themselves is increased, and they appear freer and of a more liberal aspect than the rest of the world. (10) The walk and the running ground must not exceed in length (11) the space covered by a regimental division, (12) so that no one may find himself far from his own stand of arms. After the gymnastic exercises the senior polemarch gives the order (by herald) to be seated. This serves all the purposes of an inspection. After this the order is given "to get breakfast," and for "the outposts (13) to be relieved." After this, again, come pastimes and relaxations before the evening exercises, after which the herald's cry is heard "to take the evening meal." When they have sung a hymn to the gods to whom the offerings of happy omen had been performed, the final order, "Retire to rest at the place of arms," (14) is given.

(8) Cf. Herod. vii. 208; Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 113 foll.)

(9) Reading {megalophronesterous} (L. Dindorf's emendation) for the vulg. {megaloprepesterous}. Xen "Opusc. polit." Ox. MDCCCLVI.

(10) Or, "the proud self-consciousness of their own splendour is increased, and by comparison with others they bear more notably the impress of freemen."

(11) The word {masso} is "poetical" (old Attic?). See "Cyrop." II. iv. 27, and L. Dindorf ad loc.

(12) A single mora, or an army corps.

(13) Or, "vedettes," {proskopon}. See "Cyrop." V. ii. 6.

(14)? Or, "on your arms." See Sturz, "Lex. Xen." s.v.

If the story is a little long the reader must not be surprised, since it would be difficult to find any point in military matters omitted by the Lacedaemonians which seems to demand attention.



XIII

I will now give a detailed account of the power and privilege assigned by Lycurgus to the king during a campaign. To begin with, so long as he is on active service, the state maintains the king and those with him. (1) The polemarchs mess with him and share his quarters, so that by dint of constant intercourse they may be all the better able to consult in common in case of need. Besides the polemarch three other members of the peers (2) share the royal quarters, mess, etc. The duty of these is to attend to all matters of commisariat, (3) in order that the king and the rest may have unbroken leisure to attend to affairs of actual warfare.

(1) I.e. "the Thirty." See "Ages." i. 7; "Hell." III. iv. 2; Plut. "Ages." 6 (Clough, iv. 6); Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 29.

(2) For these {oi omoioi}, see "Cyrop." I. v. 5; "Hell." III. iii. 5.

(3) Lit. "supplies and necessaries."

But I will resume at a somewhat higher point and describe the manner in which the king sets out on an expedition. As a preliminary step, before leaving home he offers sacrifice (in company with (4) his staff) to Zeus Agetor (the Leader), and if the victims prove favourable then and there the priest, (5) who bears the sacred fire, takes thereof from off the altar and leads the way to the boundaries of the land. Here for the second time the king does sacrifice (6) to Zeus and Athena; and as soon as the offerings are accepted by those two divinities he steps across the boundaries of the land. And all the while the fire from those sacrifices leads the way, and is never suffered to go out. Behind follow beasts for sacrifice of every sort.

(4) Lit. reading {kai oi sun auto}, after L. Dindorf, "he and those with him."

(5) Lit. "the Purphuros." See Nic. Damasc. ap. Stob. "Fl." 44, 41; Hesych. ap. Schneider, n. ad loc.

(6) These are the {diabateria}, so often mentioned in the "Hellenica."

Invariably when he offers sacrifice the king begins the work in the gloaming ere the day has broken, being minded to anticipate the goodwill of the god. And round about the place of sacrifice are present the polemarchs and captains, the lieutenants and sub-lieutenants, with the commandants of the baggage train, and any general of the states (7) who may care to assist. There, too, are to be seen two of the ephors, who neither meddle nor make, save only at the summons of the king, yet have they their eyes fixed on the proceedings of each one there and keep all in order, (8) as may well be guessed. When the sacrifices are accomplished the king summons all and issues his orders (9) as to what has to be done. And all with such method that, to witness the proceedings, you might fairly suppose the rest of the world to be but bungling experimenters, (10) and the Lacedaemonians alone true handicraftsmen in the art of soldiering.

(7) I.e. "allied"? or "perioecid"?

(8) {sophronizousin}, "keep every one in his sober senses."

(9) See Thuc. v. 66.

(10) {autoskhediastai, tekhnitai}. See Jebb, "Theophr." x. 3.

Anon the king puts himself at the head of the troops, and if no enemy appears he heads the line of march, no one preceding him except the Sciritae, and the mounted troopers exploring in front. (11) If, however, there is any reason to anticipate a battle, the king takes the leading column of the first army corps (12) and wheels to the right until he has got into position with two army corps and two generals of division on either flank. The disposition of the supports is assigned to the eldest of the royal council (13) (or staff corps) acting as brigadier—the staff consisting of all peers who share the royal mess and quarters, with the soothsayers, surgeons, (14) and pipers, whose place is in the front of the troops, (15) with, finally, any volunteers who happen to be present. So that there is no check or hesitation in anything to be done; every contingency is provided for.

(11) Or, "who are on scouting duty. If, however, they expect a battle," etc.

(12) Technically, "mora."

(13) {ton peri damosian}. See "Hell." IV. v. 8; vii. 4.

(14) See "Anab." III. iv. 30; "Cyrop." I. vi. 15; L. Dindorf, n. ad loc.

(15) Schneider refers to Polyaenus, i. 10.

The following details also seem to me of high utility among the inventions of Lycurgus with a view to the final arbitrament of battle. Whensoever, the enemy being now close enough to watch the proceedings, (16) the goat is sacrificed; then, says the law, let all the pipers, in their places, play upon the pipes, and let every Lacedaemonian don a wreath. Then, too, so runs the order, let the shields be brightly polished. The privilege is accorded to the young man to enter battle with his long locks combed. (17) To be of cheery countenance—that, too, is of good repute. Onwards they pass the word of command to the subaltern (18) in command of his section, since it is impossible to hear along the whole of each section from the particular subaltern posted on the outside. It devolves, finally, on the polemarch to see that all goes well.

(16) See Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 114); and for the goat sacrificed to Artemis Agrotera, see "Hell." IV. ii. 20; Pause. IX. xiii. 4; Plut. "Marcell." 22 (Clough, ii. 264).

(17) See Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 114). The passage is corrupt, and possibly out of its place. I cite the words as they run in the MSS. with various proposed emendations. See Schneider, n. ad loc. {exesti de to neo kai kekrimeno eis makhen sunienai kai phaidron einai kai eudokimon. kai parakeleuontai de k.t.l.} Zeune, {kekrimeno komen}, after Plut. "Lycurg." 22. Weiske, {kai komen diakekrimeno}. Cobet, {exesti de to neo liparo kai tas komas diakekrimeno eis makhen ienai}.

(18) Lit. "to the enomotarch."

When the right moment for encamping has come, the king is responsible for that, and has to point out the proper place. The despatch of emissaries, however, whether to friends or to foes, is (not) (19) the king's affair. Petitioners in general wishing to transact anything treat, in the first instance, with the king. If the case concerns some point of justice, the king despatches the petitioner to the Hellanodikai (who form the court-martial); if of money, to the paymasters. (20) If the petitioner brings booty, he is sent off to the Laphuropolai (or sellers of spoil). This being the mode of procedure, no other duty is left to the king, whilst he is on active service, except to play the part of priest in matters concerning the gods and of commander-in-chief in his relationship to men. (21)

(19) The MSS. give {au}, "is again," but the word {mentoi}, "however," and certain passages in "Hell." II. ii. 12, 13; II. iv. 38 suggest the negative {ou} in place of {au}. If {au} be right, then we should read {ephoren} in place of {basileos}, "belongs to the ephors."

(20) Technically the {tamiai}.

(21) See Aristot. "Pol." iii. 14.



XIV (1)

Now, if the question be put to me, Do you maintain that the laws of Lycurgus remain still to this day unchanged? that indeed is an assertion which I should no longer venture to maintain; knowing, as I do, that in former times the Lacedaemonians preferred to live at home on moderate means, content to associate exclusively with themselves rather than to play the part of governor-general (2) in foreign states and to be corrupted by flattery; knowing further, as I do, that formerly they dreaded to be detected in the possession of gold, whereas nowadays there are not a few who make it their glory and their boast to be possessed of it. I am very well aware that in former days alien acts (3) were put in force for this very object. To live abroad was not allowed. And why? Simply in order that the citizens of Sparta might not take the infection of dishonesty and light-living from foreigners; whereas now I am very well aware that those who are reputed to be leading citizens have but one ambition, and that is to live to the end of their days as governors-general on a foreign soil. (4) The days were when their sole anxiety was to fit themselves to lead the rest of Hellas. But nowadays they concern themselves much more to wield command than to be fit themselves to rule. And so it has come to pass that whereas in old days the states of Hellas flocked to Lacedaemon seeking her leadership (5) against the supposed wrongdoer, now numbers are inviting one another to prevent the Lacedaemonians again recovering their empire. (6) Yet, if they have incurred all these reproaches, we need not wonder, seeing that they are so plainly disobedient to the god himself and to the laws of their own lawgiver Lycurgus.

(1) For the relation of this chapter to the rest of the treatise, see Grote, ix. 325; Ern. Naumann, "de Xen. libro qui" {LAK. POLITEIA} inscribitur, p. 18 foll.; Newmann, "Pol. Aristot." ii. 326.

(2) Harmosts.

(3) "Xenelasies," {xenelasiai} technically called. See Plut. "Lycurg." 27; "Agis," 10; Thuc. ii. 39, where Pericles contrasts the liberal spirit of the democracy with Spartan exclusiveness; "Our city is thrown open to the world, and we never expel a foreigner or prevent him from seeing or learning anything of which the secret, if revealed to an enemy, might profit him."—Jowett, i. 118.

(4) Lit. "harmosts"; and for the taste of living abroad, see what is said of Dercylidas, "Hell." IV. iii. 2. The harmosts were not removed till just before Leuctra (371 B.C.), "Hell." VI. iv. 1, and after, see Paus. VIII. lii. 4; IX. lxiv.

(5) See Plut. "Lycurg." 30 (Clough, i. 124).

(6) This passage would seem to fix the date of the chapter xiv. as about the time of the Athenian confederacy of 378 B.C.; "Hell." V. iv. 34; "Rev." v. 6. See also Isocr. "Panegyr." 380 B.C.; Grote, "H. G." ix. 325. See the text of a treaty between Athens, Chios, Mytilene, and Byzantium; Kohler, "Herm." v. 10; Rangabe, "Antiq. Hellen." ii. 40, 373; Naumann, op. cit. 26.



XV

I wish to explain with sufficient detail the nature of the covenant between king and state as instituted by Lycurgus; for this, I take it, is the sole type of rule (1) which still preserves the original form in which it was first established; whereas other constitutions will be found either to have been already modified or else to be still undergoing modifications at this moment.

(1) Or, "magistracy"; the word {arkhe} at once signifies rule and governmental office.

Lycurgus laid it down as law that the king shall offer in behalf of the state all public sacrifices, as being himself of divine descent, (2) and whithersoever the state shall despatch her armies the king shall take the lead. He granted him to receive honorary gifts of the things offered in sacrifice, and he appointed him choice land in many of the provincial cities, enough to satisfy moderate needs without excess of wealth. And in order that the kings also might camp and mess in public he appointed them public quarters; and he honoured them with a double portion (3) each at the evening meal, not in order that they might actually eat twice as much as others, but that the king might have wherewithal to honour whomsoever he desired. He also granted as a gift to each of the two kings to choose two mess-fellows, which same are called Puthioi. He also granted them to receive out of every litter of swine one pig, so that the king might never be at a loss for victims if in aught he wished to consult the gods.

(2) I.e. a Heracleid, in whichever line descended, and, through Heracles, from Zeus himself. The kings are therefore "heroes," i.e. demigods. See below; and for their privileges, see Herod. vi. 56, 57.

(3) See "Ages." v. 1.

Close by the palace a lake affords an unrestricted supply of water; and how useful that is for various purposes they best can tell who lack the luxury. (4) Moreover, all rise from their seats to give place to the king, save only that the ephors rise not from their thrones of office. Monthly they exchange oaths, the ephors in behalf of the state, the king himself in his own behalf. And this is the oath on the king's part: "I will exercise my kingship in accordance with the established laws of the state." And on the part of the state the oath runs: "So long as he (5) (who exercises kingship) shall abide by his oaths we will not suffer his kingdom to be shaken." (6)

(4) See Hartman, "An. Xen. N." p. 274; but cf. "Cyneget." v. 34; "Anab." V. iii. 8.

(5) Lit. "he yonder."

(6) Lit. "we will keep it for him unshaken." See L. Dindorf, n. ad loc. and praef. p. 14 D.

These then are the honours bestowed upon the king during his lifetime (at home) (7)—honours by no means much exceeding those of private citizens, since the lawgiver was minded neither to suggest to the kings the pride of the despotic monarch, (8) nor, on the other hand, to engender in the heart of the citizen envy of their power. As to those other honours which are given to the king at his death, (9) the laws of Lycurgus would seem plainly to signify hereby that these kings of Lacedaemon are not mere mortals but heroic beings, and that is why they are preferred in honour. (10)

(7) The words "at home" look like an insertion.

(8) Lit. "the tyrant's pride."

(9) See "Hell." III. iii. 1; "Ages." xi. 16; Herod. vi. 58.

(10) Intentionally or not on the part of the writer, the concluding words, in which the intention of the Laws is conveyed, assume a metrical form:

{oukh os anthropous all os eroas tous Lakedaimonion basileis protetimekasin.}

See Ern. Naumann, op. cit. p. 18.

THE END