There was a general stampede of those who could get away; numbers of families fled up the Pasig River towards the Lake of Bay. The approaches to Manila from the north were held by the rebels; Cavite Province threw off the cloak of pacification and sent fresh levies to invest the highroads leading from the south to the capital. General Augusti's wife and children, who had been conducted for safety to Macabebe (Lower Pampanga), were kidnapped by the rebels. All Americans (about 25), except one family, took refuge on board foreign ships in the bay. The one exception was a Mr. Johnson, who had been travelling through the Islands with a cinematograph show, and he refused to remove his wife, who had just given birth. The well-known s.s. Esmeralda took on board a crowd of passengers for Hong-Kong at fancy rates of passage. Refugees offered as much as four times the usual passage-money for a saloon berth, and deck-passengers were willing to pay three times the normal rate. The Chinese were leaving the Islands by hundreds by any available opportunity, for they had just as much to fear from the loyal as the rebel faction. The rich Chinese were robbed and the labouring class were pressed into service fit for beasts of burden. Despised by the Spaniards and hated by the natives, their lives were not safe anywhere. Foreign families of neutral nationality sought more tranquil asylum far beyond the suburbs or on ships lying in the harbour. Two days before the Americans arrived a native regiment was suspected of disaffection. The Spanish officers therefore picked out six corporals and shot them forthwith, threatening to do the same on the morrow if the ringleaders were not handed over. During the night the whole regiment went over to the rebels with their rifles and accoutrements. No intelligent European foreigner entertained any doubt as to the result of the coming contest, but the general fear (which happily proved to be unfounded) was that it would be followed by an indiscriminate massacre of the Spaniards.

There were warships of several nations in the bay, and the Spanish fleet was moored off Cavite awaiting the arrival of the adversary's squadron. The Spanish men-of-war, which were always painted white, had their colour changed to dark grey like the American ships. All coast lights were extinguished. The Island of Corregidor and Funta Restinga were hastily supplied with a few 6-inch guns from the Castilla. Punta Gorda, Punta Larisi, the rock El Fraile, and Caballo Island had toy batteries compared with the American armament.

The American men-of-war left Mirs Bay (opposite to Hong-Kong Island) on April 27, under the command of Commodore Dewey, and on the way made a reconnaissance at Subig, but finding no opponent there, they steamed on to Manila. With all lights put out the American ships entered the bay, passing Corregidor Island at 3 a.m. on Sunday, May 1, 1898. The Olympia, with Commodore Dewey aboard, led the way. The defenders of Corregidor Island [193] were apparently slumbering, for the Olympia had already passed when a solitary cannon-shot was heard and responded to. Then a shot or two were fired from the rock El Fraile and from the battery of Punta Sangley. The American squadron kept its course in line of battle; the Spanish ships, under the command of Admiral Montojo, who was on board the Reina Cristina, cleared for action, and the opposing fleets took up positions off the north of Cavite (vide plan of Cavite).

After an intimation of "no surrender" from the Spaniards, by a cannon-shot fired from the Fort of Santiago towards the approaching United States fleet, the American ships opened fire, to which the Spanish fleet responded with a furious broadside; but being badly directed it did very little damage. The Don Antonio de Ulloa discharged a broadside at the enemy's ships with almost no effect, and simultaneously the drums were beaten, whilst the officers and crews shouted "Long live the King, Queen, and Spain!" Firing on both sides then became general. The well-aimed shots of the Americans were beginning to tell forcibly against the Spaniards. The Don Juan de Austria advanced towards the Olympia and was met with a shower of shot and shell, obliging her to turn back. The Reina Cristina, seeing the failure of the Don Juan de Austria, steamed full-speed towards the Olympia, intending to engage her at short range, but a perfect hurricane of projectiles from the Olympia made her retreat with her decks strewn with the dead and dying. The Baltimore had one gun put out of action by the Hontoria guns of Punta Sangley, whilst half a dozen men were slightly injured. The Boston also was slightly damaged, but further than that the American ships suffered little or nothing. By 7.30 a.m. the Spanish flagship Reina Cristina was in flames, so a boat was lowered to transfer the Admiral and his staff to the Isla de Cuba. The captain of the Reina Cristina, Don Luis Cadarso, although mortally wounded, heroically commanded his men up to the moment of death. By 8 a.m. the Spanish ships were decidedly crippled, and the American squadron withdrew to another part of the bay, where, behind a number of foreign war and merchant ships, they had left two supply transports, from which they took fresh ammunition. Meantime the little Spanish gunboats General Lezo, Marques del Duero, Manila, Velasco, and Argos, which were quite unfit for action, ran ashore at Cavite Viejo. The three shore-batteries of Fort Santiago, the Luneta battlement, and Fort San Antonio Abad (Malate) respectively continued ineffectual firing towards the American fleet until the Commodore sent a message telling them to cease fire or he would shell the city. At 11 a.m. the Americans returned in line of battle, and opened fire on the Spanish ships which still had their flags flying, and cannonaded and silenced the forts at Punta Sangley and Canacao. These operations lasted about one hour. Of the Spanish ships the Castillo, and Reina Cristina were burnt; the Don Juan de Austria was blown up, and the Don Antonio de Ulloa, pierced all over with shot, sank after the action, and about half of her crew which had survived the battle were drowned. Only the two cruisers Isla de Cuba and Isla de Luzon remained in fighting condition, but the position was so hopeless that Admiral Montojo ordered them to run aground in the Bay of Bacoor.

The Americans then opened fire on the Arsenal and Fort of Cavite, which had not a single gun left in place. Soon a Spanish officer, named Lostoa, signalled for a truce to save the women, children, and wounded. An American officer met him and replied that having destroyed the fleet the American mission was ended for the present, and agreed to suspend firing provided the shore-batteries at the river-mouth were silent. General Augusti was consulted as to this condition, and agreed to it. The mail-steamer Isla de Mindanao was aground off Las Pinas, and being armed as a cruiser the Americans fired on her and she was soon ablaze. There was still another parley with reference to Cavite. The Americans demanded the surrender of the Arsenal, the Admiral, and the surviving crews of the destroyed fleet. As General Pena declined to surrender Cavite, the Americans gave the Spaniards two hours to evacuate, under the threat of bombarding Manila if the demand were not complied with. Again the answer was negative, and five hours were allowed so that General Pena could consult with the Captain-General. General Augusti having authorized the evacuation, in less than two hours Cavite and the whole isthmus, including San Roque, Caridad, Estanzuela, and Dalahican, were under American control. All the Spanish families returned to Manila by land. The next day (May 2) the debriswas cleared away from Cavite and the environs, and the dwellings were cleansed and put in order for indefinite military occupation.

The evacuation of Corregidor Island was demanded by the Americans, and the 100 men composing the garrison were allowed to depart in boats for Naig on the west coast of Cavite. Their commander, however, surrendered himself prisoner, and went on board the Baltimore with his family. He was at once offered (but wisely refused) his liberty, and later on he was put ashore at Balanga (Bataan).

On the Spanish side the losses in men and officers amounted to about 400 killed. It was a decisive victory for the Americans; the entire Spanish fleet in Philippine waters was destroyed, excepting a few small gunboats stationed about the southern islands. [194] After a 15 months' cruise one of these—the Callao—steamed into Manila Bay on May 12 in complete ignorance of what had happened. The Americans fired a warning shot, and ordered her to lower her flag. With little hesitation she did so, in view of the immensely superior force displayed. The vessel became a prize, and the commander a prisoner of war. But he was shortly offered his liberty on parole, which he unfortunately accepted, for the Spaniards in Manila had so lost their heads that they accused him of cowardice in not having fought the whole American squadron! He was actually court-martialled and condemned to death, but afterwards reprieved.

The Spaniards exhibited great bravery in the battle of Cavite, and man for man they proved themselves to be in no way inferior to their opponents. Considering the wretched condition of their old-fashioned ships and armament compared with the splendid modern equipment which the Americans brought, no other result could have been expected. The American losses were seven men wounded, none killed, and only slight damage to one vessel.

Long before sunset Admiral Montojo and his surviving officers found their way to Manila. [195] In the evening the Admiral serenely passed the hours in his suburban villa, whilst the Americans were in possession of the Port of Manila, and the stars and stripes floated over the town and arsenal of Cavite, and the forts of Canacao and Punta Sangley. So little did the people and the ignorant Spanish priests understand how a modern military occupation was conducted that when Commodore Dewey landed his marines a deputation of friars and nuns met him to humbly crave clemency for the vanquished. The entry of the American squadron, without opposition, into the Bay of Manila, was a great surprise to the inhabitants of the capital. Whilst the women and children were driven off to the suburbs of the city and near-lying villages, male Spaniards, from the highest to the lowest—merchants, State dependents, Spanish troops, and even those native auxiliaries who still remained loyal hastened to assure the Gov.-General that "the enemy should not land in Manila without passing over their dead bodies." Subsequent facts, however, proved these pompous vows to be merely a figure of speech. From the city walls, the terraces of houses, the church towers, and every available height, thousands of curious sightseers witnessed the brave defence and the complete defeat of the Spaniards. As the American fleet advanced in line of battle a Spanish transport was scuttled at the mouth of the Pasig River to bar the entrance. All the small steamers and sailing-craft in the river moved up as near as possible to the Puente de Espana. The obsolete guns on the Luneta battlement fired a few solitary shots without the least effect; the Fort of Santiago, defending the Pasig River entrance, was almost silent, although guns, said to be over a century old, had been hastily mounted there, notwithstanding the fact that the colonel, who was instructed to have the rust chipped off these ancient pieces of artillery, committed suicide in despair. Not a single torpedo had been brought into action by the Spaniards. There were several in stock at Cavite Arsenal, but, when wanted, each had an important piece missing, so they were unserviceable. About 4.30 p.m. the American ships changed their position, and moved towards Manila City. A formal demand was made on the Gov.-General Augusti to surrender the capital. The British Consul, who had received instructions to look after American interests pending hostilities, served as the medium of communication between the representatives of the conflicting parties. The Consuls had an interview with the Captain-General, who, after a brief consultation with his colleagues, gave the customary Spanish reply to the effect that he would resist to the last drop of blood in his veins. Frequent intercourse took place between the Spanish Gov.-General and the American Commodore through the intermediary of the British Consul. The same afternoon another British, another French, and another German man-of-war entered the Bay. Rear-Admiral Dewey (for he had just been promoted in rank) declared the port blockaded.

On May 2 he demanded to be put in possession of the telegraph-station, and on this being refused he ordered the cable connecting Luzon with Hong-Kong to be cut. The Spanish authorities had just time before this measure was taken to report the bare facts to Madrid by cable. The news produced immense consternation in the Spanish capital. The whole city was instantly in uproar. Mobs of people filled the streets, wildly denouncing the incapability of a Government which could lead them to such disaster. The newspaper offices were thronged. Special supplements were issued as quickly as possible. The cafes, clubs, and other public meeting-places were besieged. General Borbon drove out in a carriage from which he harangued the populace, and was, in consequence, sent to a fortress for three months. There was an attempt at holding a mass meeting in the Puerta del Sol, but the surging crowd started down the Calle de Sevilla and the Carrera de San Geronimo shouting, "Long live Weyler!" "To the house of Weyler!" They reached his residence, and after a series of frantic vivas for the army, navy, etc., they called on General Weyler to appear at the balcony. But being himself in somewhat strained relations with the existing Government, he did not think it prudent to show himself. Then some one having set up the cry of "Down with the whole Government!" which was responded to with frenzied applause, the rioters set out for Sagasta's house, returning by the Carrera de San Geronimo. At that moment the mounted civil guard met and charged the crowd. Many were trodden under foot, and arrests were made. The Civil Governor, Senor Aguilera, followed up in his carriage, and when the military police had dispersed the general mass, leaving only here and there a group, the Civil Governor stepped out of his carriage and addressed them. His words were hissed from the balcony of a club, and it was already past midnight when the first outburst of public indignation and despair had exhausted itself. On May 2 the Heraldo of Madrid, calmly reviewing the naval disaster, commented as follows:—

It was no caprice of the fortune of war. From the very first cannon-shot our fragile ships were at the mercy of the formidable hostile squadron; were condemned to fall one after the other under the fire of the American batteries; they were powerless to strike, and were defended only by the valour and breasts of their sailors. What has been gained by the illusion that Manila was fortified? What has been gained by the intimation that the broad and beautiful bay on whose bosom the Spanish Fleet perished yesterday had been rendered inaccessible? What use was made of the famous Island of Corregidor? What was done with its guns? Where were the torpedoes? Where were those defensive preparations concerning which we were requested to keep silence?

Several merchant vessels were seized in and about Manila Bay, and supplies from seawards were cut off from the city, which was quite at the mercy of Admiral Dewey, who could have bombarded it and forced surrender the same day. But it was not easy to foresee what might follow. Admiral Dewey had full discretion to act as circumstances might seem to guide him, but it was evident that whatever the surrender of the Captain-General of the Archipelago might theoretically imply, a military occupation of Manila was far from being tantamount to possession of the Islands. Hemmed in everywhere on land by the insurgent forces which now occupied and collected taxes in several Luzon provinces, the Spaniards could have been shelled out of the capital and forced to capitulate, or driven to extermination by the thousands of armed natives thirsting for their blood. The Americans had, consequently, a third party to consider. The natives' anxiety to oust the Spaniards was far stronger than their wish to be under American, or indeed any foreign, control. But whilst a certain section of the common people was perfectly indifferent about such matters, others, wavering at the critical moment between their opposition to the Spaniards and repulsion of the foreign invader, whoever he might be, proclaimed their intention to cast in their lot with the former. Lastly, there was Aguinaldo's old rebel party, which rallied to the one cry "Independence." "Nothing succeeds like success," and if the rebel version of the alleged Treaty of Biac-na-bato had been fulfilled in the spirit, no doubt Aguinaldo would have been unanimously revered as a great reformer. But the relinquishment of the strife by the leaders, the money transaction, and the immediate renewal of Spanish severities, together created an impression in the minds of the rebel rank-and-file that, in some way, their general welfare had been sacrificed to personal interest. It was doubtful, therefore, how Aguinaldo would be received on his return to the Islands. With the object of investigating the feelings of the old rebel party, the leader Jose Alejandrino and two other rebels accompanied the American expedition to Cavite, where they disembarked. Several days passed in convincing the rebels of Aguinaldo's good faith in all that had occurred, and in the meantime Aguinaldo himself arrived on May 19 with 12 other rebel leaders in the American despatch-boat Hugh McCulloch. It yet remained doubtful whether he still held the confidence of the rank-and-file; but when he at length landed at Cavite, his old companions-in-arms, and many more, rallied to his standard with the greatest enthusiasm. The rebels at that date were computed to number 30,000, and Aguinaldo, on taking the command, declared himself Dictator. Aguinaldo was, naturally, at that period, on the most amicable terms with Admiral Dewey, who allowed him to have two modern field-pieces, 500 rifles, and 200,000 rounds of ammunition, enjoining on him the strict observance of his engagement to repress reprisals against the Spaniards.

To prepare the natives for the arrival of the Americans, Emilio Aguinaldo sent over in advance of the American Fleet the following exhortation:—



Compatriots:—

Divine Providence is about to place independence within our reach, in a manner most acceptable to a free and independent people.

The Americans, not for mercenary motives but for the sake of humanity, in response to the woes of the persecuted, have thought fit to extend their protecting arm to our beloved country, now that they have been obliged to sever their relations with Spain on account of the tyranny practised in Cuba, to the great prejudice of the large commercial interests which the Americans have there. An American squadron is at this moment preparing to sail for the Philippines. We, your brothers, fear you may be induced to fire on the Americans. No, brothers, never make this mistake. Rather blow out your own brains than treat with enmity those who are your liberators.

Your natural enemies, your executioners, the authors of your misery and your woe, are the Spaniards who rule you. Raise against these your weapons and your hatred. Understand well, against the Spaniards; never against the Americans. Do not heed the Governor-General's decree, calling you to arms, even though it cost you your lives. Die rather than be ungrateful to our American liberators. The Governor-General calls you to arms. Why? To defend your Spanish tyrants? To defend those who have despised you and in public speeches called for your extermination—those who have treated you little better than savages? No! no! a thousand times, no!

Glance at history and you will see that in all Spain's wars undertaken in the Far East, Philippine blood has been sacrificed; we were sent to fight for the French in Cochin China over a matter which in no way concerned us; we were forced by Simon de Anda to spill our blood against the English, who, in any case, would have been better rulers than the Spaniards; every year our sons are taken away to be sacrificed in Mindanao and Sulu against those who, we are led to believe, are our enemies when, in reality, they are our brothers, fighting, like us, for their liberty. After such a sacrifice of blood against the English, the Annamites, the Mindanaos, etc., what reward or thanks have we received from the Spanish Government? Obscurity, poverty, the slaughter of our dear ones. Enough, brothers, of this Spanish tutelage!

Note that the Americans will attack by sea and prevent any reinforcements coming from Spain, therefore the insurgents must attack by land.

You will, probably, have more than sufficient arms, because the Americans, having arms, will find means to help us. Wherever you see the American flag, there flock in numbers. They are our redeemers.

Our unworthy names are nothing, but we all invoke the name of the greatest patriot our country has seen, certain in the hope that his spirit will be with us and guide us to victory, our immortal Jose Rizal.



Cavite being occupied by the American forces, foreign Manila residents were permitted to take refuge there, for no one could tell when the Spaniards would be forced to capitulate, or what might happen if they did. Meantime the rebels had cut off, to a considerable extent, but not entirely, supplies of food to the capital, which was, however, well stored; and at no time during the three and a half months' siege was there a danger of famine among the civilian population, although prices of commodities gradually advanced to about double the normal rates. Even the hotels in the city only charged double prices. The Spanish troops fared far worse; their condition became more and more deplorable. All were badly and insufficiently fed, as much from disorganized commissariat arrangements as from actual want of supplies. The latest arrivals of youthful raw recruits particularly felt the pangs of hunger, and as the swarming rebels took one outpost after another from its emaciated defenders and raided the adjacent provinces, the Spanish prisoners in their hands (soldiers, friars, and civil servants) reached the figure of thousands. Among them was Brig.-General Garcia Pena (lately in command of Cavite), a colonel, several other officers, a civil governor, etc., and some hundreds of volunteers.

Of the neutral warships in the bay, Germany had sent the largest number, and the actions of their commanders caused much anxiety to the blockading forces. In the city the German Consul made little secret of his sympathies for Spain, and was in frequent consultation with the Captain-General. German and Spanish officers fraternized freely in the streets and cafes. On May 18 a German steamer, with cargo and provisions, was reported outside Manila Bay, but her entry into the port was forbidden by the Americans. Later on the commander of a German man-of-war and his staff were received and feted by the Captain-General. These German officers were invited to a picnic at San Juan del Monte accompanied by several general and other high Spanish military officers. The German commander's post-prandial oration at the feast was much commented upon, for he is said to have declared (presumably on his own responsibility) that so long as William II was Emperor of Germany the Philippines should never come under American sway. The party then rode back to Manila, watched by the rebels, who were too wise to intercept them and so jeopardize their own cause by creating international complications. There is little doubt that the attitude taken up by the Germans nurtured the hope entertained by Spaniards all over the world, that at the last hour some political entanglement between the other Powers might operate beneficially for Spain's interests.

The city and commercial suburb of Binondo wore their usual aspect, although trade was almost at a standstill. The undisguised sympathies of Great Britain for America revived the long dormant feeling of distrust and ill-will towards the British residents, which now became so marked that the Captain-General issued a proclamation commanding due respect to be paid to neutral foreigners. Even this did not prevent a Spanish officer spitting in the face of an Englishman. Indeed, at any time, there was far more danger to all civilian classes from the Spanish soldiery than from the rebels, who were strictly enjoined by Admiral Dewey not to attempt to enter the city. Had they done so, certainly their choicest prize would have been the Archbishop Nozaleda, who, well aware of this, escaped, long before the capitulation of the city, to Shanghai on board the German warship Darmstadt.

The volunteers, too, were constantly giving trouble to the Spanish authorities, from whom they demanded their pay, and once when this was refused they threatened to seize the stores.

Although trade in and with Manila had been more or less suspended, and at intervals absolutely so, since the great naval engagement, just a few profited by the circumstances of war. One British firm there, figuratively speaking, "coined" money. They were able frequently to run a steamer, well known in Chinese waters (in which I have travelled myself), between Manila and Hong-Kong carrying refugees, who were willing to pay abnormally high rates of passage. In ordinary times fares ranged from P50 saloon accommodation to P8 a deck passage. On one trip, for instance, this steamer, with the cabins filled at P125 each, carried 1,200 deck passengers (no food) at P20, and 30 deck passengers (with food) at P30. Their unsold cargoes on the way in steamers when Manila was blockaded came in for enormously advanced prices. Shiploads of produce which planters and native middlemen were glad to convert into pesos at panic rates were picked up "dirt cheap," leaving rich profits to the buyers. When steamers could not leave Manila, a Britisher, Mr. B——, walked for several days under the tropical sun to embark for Yloilo with trade news, and steamers were run at high war rates in and out of Borneo, Hong-Kong, and the Philippine southern ports. One British firm obtained a special licence to run a steamer between Hong-Kong and the port of Dagupan, hitherto closed to foreign traffic. These were, naturally, the exceptions, for, upon the whole, the dislocation and stoppage of trade entailed very serious losses to the general body of merchants. A few days after the bombardment of Cavite the natives refused to accept the notes of the Banco Espanol Filipino (the Spanish bank), and a run was made on the bank to convert them into silver. However, the managers of the Hong-Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, and the Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China, came to the rescue of the Banco Espanol-Filipino and agreed to honour the paper issue in order to check the scare. The three banks thereupon opened their doors and satisfied the note-holders, ordinary business being, meanwhile, suspended.

Aguinaldo had not only been busy organizing his forces, but had, in several engagements with the Spaniards, driven them back with loss, made prisoners, and replenished his own armouries. He then assumed the Dictatorship and issued the following proclamation:—

Filipinos:—

The Great North American nation, example of true liberty, and, as such, the friend of freedom for our country oppressed and subjugated by the tyranny and despotism of its rulers, has come to offer its inhabitants protection as decisive as it is disinterested, regarding our unfortunate country as gifted with sufficient civilization and aptitude for self-government. In order to justify this high conception formed of us by the great American nation, we ought to abstain from all acts which would destroy that opinion, such as pillage, robbery and every kind of outrage against persons or property. So as to avoid international conflicts during the period of our campaign I order as follows:—

Article 1.—The lives and properties of all foreigners shall be respected, including in this denomination the Chinese and all Spaniards who have not directly or indirectly contributed to the bearing of arms against us.

Article 2.—Those of the enemy who shall surrender their arms shall be, in like manner, respected.

Article 3.—Medical establishments and ambulances shall also be respected as well as the persons and effects connected therewith, provided they show no hostility.

Article 4.—Persons disobeying the above three articles shall be summarily tried and executed if their disobedience should lead to assassination, incendiarism, robbery or rape.

Given at Cavite, May 24, 1898.

Emilio Aguinaldo.



On June 8, at 5 p.m., a Philippine deputation, headed by Dr. Santos, waited on the American Consul-General in Singapore and delivered to him a congratulatory address on the American successes in the war with Spain. In reply to this address, the Consul-General made some pleasing remarks which were received with vociferous cheers by the Filipinos for the President of the United States and all sympathizers with their welfare. At the close of the reception a band of Philippine musicians played a selection of graceful airs of their native isles.

With his despatch No. 229, dated Singapore, June 9, the Consul-General sent press reports of these proceedings to the Secretary of State in Washington, who replied as follows [196]:—

No. 87.

Department of State,

Washington, July 20, 1898.

Sir,—

Your No. 229 of the 9th ultimo, inclosing printed copies of a report from the Straits Times of the same day ... with a view to its communication to the Press, has been received and considered. By Department's telegram of the 17th of June you were instructed to avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents. The reasons for this instruction were conveyed to you in my No. 78 of the 16th of June, by which the President's views on the subject of your relations with General Aguinaldo were fully expressed. The extract now communicated by you from the Straits Times of the 9th of June, has occasioned a feeling of disquietude and a doubt as to whether some of your acts may not have borne a significance and produced an impression which this Government would be compelled to regret. The address presented to you by the 25 or 30 Filipinos who gathered about the consulate discloses an understanding on their part that the object of Admiral Dewey was to support the cause of General Aguinaldo, and that the ultimate object of our action is to secure the independence of the Philippines "under the protection of the United States." Your address does not repel this implication, and it moreover represents that General Aguinaldo was "sought out by you," whereas it had been the understanding of the Department that you received him only upon the request of a British subject ... who formerly lived in the Philippines. Your further reference to General Aguinaldo as "the man for the occasion" and to your "bringing about" the "arrangement" between "General Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey which has resulted so happily" also represents the matter in a light which causes apprehension lest your action may have laid the ground of future misunderstandings and complications. For these reasons the Department has not caused the article to be given to the Press, lest it might seem thereby to lend a sanction to views, the expression of which it had not authorized.

Respectfully yours,

William R. Day.



During the first few weeks following the Cavite naval battle nothing remarkable occurred between the belligerents. The British Consul and Vice-Consul were indefatigable in the services they rendered as intermediaries between Admiral Dewey and General Augusti. The American fleet was well supplied with coal from British vessels. The Manila-Dagupan Railway was in working order, and bringing supplies into the city. The Spanish authorities issued a decree regulating the price of meat and other commodities. American vessels made occasional trips outside the Bay, and brought in captive sailing-vessels. Neutral passenger-steamers were allowed to take away refugees other than Spanish subjects. The rebels outside Manila were very active in the work of burning and pillaging churches and other property. Streams of smoke were daily seen rising from the valleys. In the outskirts of the city, skirmishes between Spanish troops and rebels were of frequent occurrence. The Spaniards still managed to preserve routes of communication with the country districts, although, little by little, the rebels were closing in upon them. Aguinaldo and his subordinate leaders were making strenuous efforts effectually to cut off all supplies to the city, with the view of co-operating with the Americans to starve the Spaniards into capitulation. The hospitals in the capital were crowded with wounded soldiers, brought in at great risk from the rural districts. Spanish soldiers sauntered about the city and Binondo—sad spectacles of emaciation in which body and soul were only kept together by small doles of rice and dried fish. The volunteers who had enlisted on the conditions of pay, food, and clothing, raised an unheeded cry of protest, and threatened revolt, whilst the officers whiled away the time in the cafes with resigned indifference. The Archbishop issued his Pastoral Letter, in which he told the natives that if the foreigners obtained possession of the Islands there would be an end to all they most dearly cherished. Their altars would be desecrated; the churches would become temples of heresy; Christian morality would be banished, and vice would become rampant. He reminded them (with the proviso "circumstances permitting") that he had appointed June 17 as the day on which the consecration of these Islands to the "Heart of Jesus" would be solemnly confirmed.

To draw the remnant of loyalty to his side, the Gov.-General instituted a reformed "Consulting Assembly" composed of 15 half-castes and natives, under the nominal presidency of Pedro A. Paterno, the mediator in the Biac-na-bato negotiations. Senor Paterno, whose sympathy for Spain was still unalienated, issued a Manifiesto of which the following is a translation (published in El Comercio of Manila on June 2, 1898):—

Filipinos: Beloved Brethren.

I love our country as none other does. I want it to be great, free, and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to its desires and aspirations. Therefore, I respect all the vital forces in it at the cost of my life and my fortune. A long time ago I risked my existence for the rights and liberties of the Philippine people, who were sorely agitated, by bringing the majority together, and directing the salvation of their interests based on liberty and justice. My ideas are neither strange nor new; they are the result of study and political experience, and not recently conceived under the existing circumstances. I desire, with all the vehemence of my soul, to see my country strong and great—its honour and dignity respected and in the enjoyment of the greatest happiness. But however great our efforts may be we need an ally. Let us imitate the example of the Great Powers; they cannot exist alone, however strong and great they may be. They need help, and the union of strength increases their power. Russia seeks France; Germany seeks Italy and Austria. Unhappy is the Power that isolates itself! And what better ally can we have than Spain, a nation with which we are united for nearly four centuries in religion, laws, morals, and customs, understanding full well her virtues and her defects? The evil days of Spanish colonization are over, and by dint of experience and the sacrifice of blood Spain has understood that we are already of age, and require reforms in our territory such as the formation of Philippine Militia, which gives us the force of arms, and the Consulting Assembly, which gives us the power of speech, participation in the higher public employments, and the ability to control the peaceful development and progress of society. Spain is at war with the United States; we neither know that nation nor its language. The Americans will endeavour by all imaginable means to induce us to help them against Spain. And then, alas! they, the all-powerful, will absorb us and reward our treachery to Spain by betraying us, making us slaves and imposing upon us all the evils of a new colonization. On the other hand, by helping Spain, if we die, we do so in the fulfilment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil war. We shall not die! No! Under the flag which shields us and our garrisons, fighting with faith, decision, and ardour, as a country does which yearns to be free and great, the enemy will disappear like the wave which washes the seashore. Let us hope to obtain from Spain all the good that the American stranger can offer to us. Let us help our old ally, our old friend Spain, and realize, with her, more quickly our aspirations. These are they:—With the greatest decentralization possible consistent with national unity, the organization and attributions of public powers must be based on three principles:—(1) Spanish sovereignty. (2) Local representation. (3) Colonial Government responsibility. Three institutions correspond to these three principles, viz.: (1) The institution of the General Government of the Philippines. (2) The Insular Deputation or Philippine Assembly. (3) The Governative Council. In this way the rights of the Government and those of the Colony are harmonized. Let us shun the policy of suspicion and doubt. With these firm and solid guarantees let us establish civil and political liberty. The Assembly, representing the will of the people, deliberates and resolves as one would treat one's own affairs in private life, and thus constitutes the legislative power of the Archipelago. Its resolution will be put into practice with all fidelity by the executive power in its character of responsible government. There are only Spaniards in the Archipelago; we are all Filipinos and all European Spaniards. Such is the programme of the party who want home rule for the Philippines—ever Spanish! Thus shall we see the destinies of this country guided under the orange and red flag. Thus will my beloved country be governed, without detriment to the integrity of Spain. Finally, under Spain our future is clear, and with all certainty we shall be free and rule. Under the Americans our future is cloudy; we shall certainly be sold and lose our unity; some provinces will become English, others German, others French, others Russian or Chinese. Let us struggle, therefore, side by side with Spain, we who love the Philippines united and free. Long live Spain!

Pedro Alejandro Paterno. Manila, 31st of May, 1898.



This Manifiesto was replied to a week later by the rebel party, who published a Refutation, of which the following is a translation:—

Refutation of the Manifiesto of Senor Paterno.

"Actions speak louder than words."

A better phrase, or idea, could not be found with which to reply to the Manifiesto of Don Pedro A. Paterno, published in El Comercio of the 2nd instant, than the epigraph which heads these lines.

Senor Paterno begins by saying that he loves his country as none other does; he wants it to be great, free, and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to its own desires and aspirations. Would to God such beautiful language represented the truth, for it is just what we wish and what we have, long ago, been aiming at, at the risk of our lives and property, as proved by our actions and our arguments, especially since the middle of the glorious year of 1896, the period in which we commenced the conquest, by force of arms, of our most cherished liberties. May Senor Paterno forgive us if we cite a little of the history of this movement, so that he may see that neither are we ungrateful, nor are we acting with precipitation, but as a logical and undeniable consequence of the vile conduct and bad faith of the Spanish Government.

For over 300 years the country slumbered in ignorance of all that referred to its rights and political liberties. It was resigned to the Spanish governmental system of spoliation, and no one thought of reforms. But when the Revolution of September, 1868, broke out in Spain and overthrew the throne of Isabella II., the first revolutionary leaders, inspired by ideas of humanity and justice, caused an Assembly of Reformists to be established here, one of the members of which, if we remember rightly, was Don Maximo Molo Paterno, father of Don Pedro. The Assembly agreed to and proposed good and appropriate reforms, amongst which was that relating to the incumbencies which were monopolized by the friars. What did the Spanish Government do with these reforms? What did the friars do? Ah! though it may appear cruel to Senor Paterno, historical facts oblige us to remind him that the Government, in agreement with the friars, engineered the military rising of the City of Cavite in January, 1872, and at the instigation of its authors and accomplices, sentenced the secular priests Father Jose Burgos, Father Jacinto Zamora, Father Mariano Gomez, parish priests of Manila, Santa Cruz (suburb), and Bacoor (Cavite) respectively, to be garotted. Moreover, another secular priest, Father Agustin, the Philippine lawyers and landed proprietors, Don Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Don Antonio Regidor, Don Pedro Carrillo, Don Jose Basa, and others, amongst whom was Don Maximo Molo Paterno, the father of Don Pedro, were banished to the Ladrone Islands. This virtuous grand old man (Don Maximo Paterno) did indeed (and we proclaim it with pride) make sacrifices of health and fortune for the advancement of the liberties of his native country. From the year 1872 the Spanish Government carried on a persistent persecution of all the Philippine reformers by unjust imprisonment and banishment. In 1888 the authorities went so far as to prosecute 700 representative men of the suburbs of Manila, simply for having presented a petition of rights and aspirations to the Gov.-General Don Emilio Terrero. There is not a single insalubrious island or gloomy corner in the country which has not been the forced home of some banished Filipino. No one was sure of his personal liberty; none were safe in their homes, and if three or four Filipinos met together for an innocent purpose, they were spied, arrested, and banished. Calumny has brought about enough banishments to Fernando Po, Chafarinas Islands, Ceuta, and other African and Spanish places to demonstrate the bad faith, cruelty, and injustice of the Spanish Government with respect to the Philippine people. This virile, intelligent people received the supreme decree of reforms with joy and enthusiasm, sharing the feelings of those who felt in their souls the flame of liberty. This people worked, through legitimate channels, to advance its ideal, inspired by the purest loyalty to Spain. How did the Spanish Government fulfil, on its part, the decree spontaneously issued in 1868? By prosecuting and banishing the reformists, and employing a system of terror to damp the courage of the Filipinos. Vain, ridiculous fallacy!—for it ought to have known better after three centuries of rule of that country of intelligence, birthplace of Rizal, Luna, Rosario and other living examples of Philippine energy. The Filipinos, lovers of their liberty and independence, had no other recourse open to them than an appeal to arms, to bring force against force, terror against terror, death for death, resolute and sworn to practise the system of fire and blood, until they should attain for the whole Philippine Archipelago absolute freedom from the ignominious sovereignty of Spain. Now let us continue our comments on the Manifiesto.

Senor Paterno says that a long time ago he risked his existence for the rights and liberties of the Philippine people, even at the cost of his health and his fortune. We, however, do not see how he put into practice such magnificent ideas, for what we do know is that Senor Paterno passed his younger days in Madrid, where, by dint of lavish expenditure, he was very well treated by the foremost men in Spanish politics, without gaining from Spain anything whereby the Philippine people were made free and happy during that long period of his brilliant existence. On the contrary, the very epoch of the persecutions narrated above coincided with the period of Don Pedro A. Paterno's brilliant position and easy life in Madrid, where, because he published a collection of poems under the title of "Sampaguitas," he became distinguished by the nickname of Sampaguitero. We know, also, that Senor Paterno came back to this, his native soil, appointed director of a Philippine Library and Museum not yet established, without salary, but with the decoration of the Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic. This was no gain to us, no distinction to him, seeing that the same decoration was given to the Chinaman Palanca and two others, without their leaving their homes to obtain them.

How are we then to understand those generous sacrifices of health and fortune for the cause of Philippine liberty? Perhaps he refers to the recently created Philippine Militia and Consulting Assembly. Well, admitting for argument sake, that with such Militia and Consulting Assembly the liberty and happiness of the Philippines were assured (a doubtful hypothesis, Senor Paterno), this happiness is not due to Senor Paterno's efforts, but simply to the circumstances. Spain is at war with North America, and now offers us this sugar-plum to draw us to her side to defend her against invasion.

We ask you again, Senor Paterno, where are those sacrifices?

We do not see them, although we seek them with the light of impartiality, for, as the splendour of justice shines on our flag, we should not fail to do this even for our greatest enemies, amongst whom we do not count you.

Do you allude to the Peace of Biac-na-bato? If so, we ask, what have you done with that peace to which we subscribed in good faith, and which you and General Primo de Rivera together have stupidly and scandalously torn into shreds? You have, indeed, bungled the amnesty when many of the banished are, up to now, suffering the miseries of their sad and unjust fate.

You have put off the promised reforms which, even yet, have not come.

You have delayed the payment of the P400,000 for the second and third instalments of the agreed sum.

You have not delivered into the hands of our chief, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, the money as agreed upon.

Ah! You thought that when we had surrendered to you our arms and our garrisoned strongholds—when our forces were dispersed and we were absent—you could turn back to the Government of iniquity without reflecting that Divine Providence could permit, in the hour of great injustice, her emissary Don Emilio Aguinaldo to return resolved to chastise energetically the immoral and impotent Spanish Government.

Then comes Senor Paterno, telling us that however great our efforts may be in the cause of liberty, we cannot live without an ally, and that we can find no better alliance than the sovereignty of Spain. Frankly, we must say that this is inconceivably incompatible with Senor Paterno's clear intelligence. How do you understand an alliance with sovereignty? How can you imagine a people great, free and happy under the sovereignty of Spain? Senor Paterno cites, as examples, the alliances between Russia and France, Germany and Italy and Austria, but, so far, we do not know that Russia is the sovereign power of the French, nor the Germans that of the Italians and Austrians. Senor Paterno further says that by helping Spain in the war with the United States, if we die, we do so in the fulfilment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil war. Know, Senor Paterno, and let all know, that in less than six days' operations in several provinces we have already taken 1,500 prisoners, amongst whom is the Brigadier-General Garcia Pena, one Colonel, several Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors and officers, besides the Governor of the Province of Bulacan, his wife and all the civil service staff of that province. We also have about 500 Philippine volunteers as prisoners, of whom 10 have died and 40 are wounded, whilst among the European prisoners there is only one wounded. This goes to prove that the Europeans were too cowardly to defend the sovereignty of Spain in these Islands, therefore we do not understand the appeal you make to the Filipinos to defend Spain as a duty, when the Spaniards themselves are heedless of that which ought to be a more rigorous and strict obligation with them, seeing that they defend their own possession which brings them so much lucre and profit. This does not say much for the duty when the favoured ones themselves forget it and trample upon it. To die to-day for cowardly Spain! This implies not only want of dignity and delicate feeling, but also gross stupidity in weaving a sovereignty of frightened Spaniards over the heads of brave Filipinos. It is astonishing that in the face of such an eloquent example of impotence there should still be a Filipino who defends the sovereignty of Spain.

Remember, Senor Paterno, that we make war without the help of any one, not even the North Americans; but no! we have the help of God, who is the eternal ally of the great and just causes such as that which we defend against Spain—our own beloved independence!!!

Senor Paterno concludes by explaining his political and administrative principles on the basis of Spanish sovereignty, but, as we have charged that sovereignty with cowardice and immorality, we dismiss this detail.

To conclude, we will draw the attention of Senor Paterno to two things, viz.:

1. That he commits an injustice in imputing to the North Americans the intention of taking possession of these Islands as soon as we have conquered the Spaniards, for, besides having no grounds on which to make such an allegation against a nation distinguished for its humanity like the Federal Republic, there is the fact that its own constitution prohibits the absorption of territory outside America, in accordance with that principle laid down by the immortal Monroe, of America for the Americans. There is, moreover, the historical antecedent that the independence of South America, once under Spanish dominion, is largely due to the protection of the United States; and

2. That Senor Paterno should reflect on the fact that the Spaniards would never have allowed him to publish his Manifiesto had it not been for the existence and attitude of our Dictator, Don Emilio Aguinaldo. This ought to serve Senor Paterno as further proof of the cowardice of the Spaniards, who, notwithstanding all that has been shown, insist on creating discord by provoking civil war: on their heads will fall the responsibilities of the moment and of the historical past.

Cavite, 9th of June, 1898.

The Revolutionists.



The feeling against Don Pedro A. Paterno in the rebel camp was very strong for the time being, because of his supposed complicity in the alleged Biac-na-bato fraud.

The rebels stopped all the traffic on the Tondo-Malabon steam tramway line, and shortly afterwards the Manila-Dagupan railway trains had temporarily to cease running.

On June 10, 1898, General Monet received, through a Chinaman, a message from the Gov.-General to hasten to Manila with all the force he could bring. Monet had been so long in the northern provinces unsuccessfully trying to hold them against the rebels that his fate was, for a time, despaired of in the capital. Hemmed in on all sides by the enemy, concentration of all his detachments for general retreat was impossible. The forces spread over Tarlac, North Pangasinan and Nueva Ecija had to be left to their fate; their junction was quite impracticable, for, surrounded everywhere by the enemy, each group was then only just able to defend itself, and subsequently most of them fell prisoners. With only 600 fighting men, escorting 80 wounded, General Monet set out on his terrible southward march amidst recurring scenes of woe and despair. At every few miles between San Fernando and Macabebe his progress was hampered by an ever-increasing terror-stricken, weeping crowd of European women and children who besought him not to let them fall into the hands of a revengeful enemy. In the course of his march at most another hundred fighting men, a few of whom were natives, were able to join the retreating column. Their ammunition was scarce; they had no artillery waggons; every carromata (gig) of the districts traversed had been seized by the enemy. Near San Fernando his passage was disputed, but he entered the town, nevertheless, and evacuated it immediately after, having secured only 12 carts for the transport of the sick and the wounded and what little remained of the war-material. The greatest difficulty was how to feed the swelling mob of refugees. At 6 a.m. on June 14 a start was made for Santo Tomas, but they were so fiercely attacked on the road that, for the moment, annihilation seemed inevitable. Concentrated between Apalit, Santo Tomas, Bacolor, and Mexico the rebel forces were estimated at 9,000 well-armed men, between whom Monet's column had to pass or die. The sobs of the children, the lamentations of the women, the invocation of the saints by the helpless were drowned in the united yelling of half-starved troopers in their almost superhuman struggle for existence. Fortunately the best order possible, under such distressing circumstances, was maintained by the splendid officers supporting Monet. They were men personally known to many of us years before. Lieut.-Colonel Dujiols commanded the vanguard; the rearguard was under Major Roberto White; the refugee families were in charge of Lieut.-Colonel Oyarzabal, all under the superior orders of Colonel Perez Escotado. At length they cut their way through to Apalit, where the railway station served them as a stronghold, which they were able to defend whilst food was served out and some attention could be bestowed on the sick and wounded. On leaving Apalit a group of rebels approached the column with a white flag saying they were friendly Macabebes, but when they were close enough they opened fire. Nearly the whole town turned out against the fugitives, and Monet had to hasten the march by deploying his troops to keep the road clear. Understanding well that Monet was acting only on the defensive to cover his retreat, the rebels sent him an audacious message offering to spare the lives of his people if he would surrender their arms. The general's reply was in the negative, adding that if he once reached Santo Tomas not a stick or stone of it would he leave to mark its site. This defiant answer nonplussed the rebels, who had private interests to consider. To save their property they sent another message to General Monet, assuring him that he would not be further molested; and to guarantee their promise they sent him the son of a headman as hostage, whose life they said he could take if they broke their word. That night was, therefore, passed, without attack, at Mandaling, around which outposts were established and trenches occupied. The following day the retreating column and the refugees reached Macabebe safely, [197] but what became of their leader at this crisis we must leave to future historians to explain. Some nine months afterwards the acts of two generals were inquired into by a court of honour in Spain; one of them was disgraced, [198] and the other, who was accused of having abandoned his whole party to escape alone in disguise, was acquitted.

General Augusti's wife and family were chivalrously escorted from Macabebe, where they were quite safe, by a loyal Philippine volunteer named Blanco (the son of a planter in Pampanga), who was afterwards promoted to effective rank of colonel in Spain. They were conducted from the Hagonoy marshes to the Bay of Manila and found generous protection from the Americans, who allowed them to quit the Islands. The Spanish garrisons in the whole of La Laguna and Pampanga had surrendered to the rebels, who were in practical possession of two-thirds of Luzon Island. General Augusti was personally inclined to capitulate, but was dissuaded from doing so by his officers.

Several American generals arrived with reinforcements, more were en route, and about the middle of July the Commander-in-Chief, Maj.-General Wesley Merritt, reached the Islands and remained there until the end of the following month, that is to say, for about 10 or 12 days after the Spanish surrender and the American military occupation of Manila were accomplished facts. On the way out from San Francisco to Manila some American ships called at the Ladrone Islands and brought the Spanish garrison of about 40 men prisoners. The surrender of the capital had been again demanded and refused, for the Spaniards were far from being starved out, and the American commander had strictly forbidden Aguinaldo to make an attack on the city. Aguinaldo, however, had been wonderfully active elsewhere. In several engagements the Spaniards were completely routed, and in one encounter the rebel party took over 350 prisoners, including 28 officers; in another, 250 prisoners and four guns; and 150 Spaniards who fled to Cavite Viejo church were quietly starved into surrender. Amongst the prisoners were several provincial governors, one of whom attempted to commit suicide. At Bacoor a hotly-contested battle was fought which lasted about nine hours. The Spaniards were surprised very early one morning, and by the afternoon they were forced to retreat along the Cavite-Manila road to Las Pinas. The Spanish loss amounted approximately to 250 troops wounded, 300 dead, and 35 officers wounded or dead. The rebels are said to have lost more than double this number, but whatever may have been the sacrifice, the victory was theirs. The Spaniards would probably have come better out of this combat but for the fact that a native regiment, hitherto loyal, suddenly murdered their officers and went over to the rebels. The Spaniards undoubtedly suffered much from unexpected mutinies of native auxiliaries and volunteers at critical moments, whilst in no case did rebels pass over to the Spanish side. [199] They were not long left in possession of Las Pinas, where a subsequent attack in overwhelming numbers drove the survivors still nearer to the capital.

Long before the capitulation of Manila the rebels were as well armed as they could wish from three sources,—that is to say, the Americans, the Spanish arms seized in warfare, and consignments from China. They also made good use of their field-pieces, and ever and anon the booming of cannon was heard in the streets of Manila. The Spaniards, hard pressed on all sides, seemed determined to make their last stand in the old citadel. The British banks shipped away their specie to China, and the British community, whose members were never united as to the course they should adopt for general safety, was much relieved when several steamers were allowed, by the mutual consent of Admiral Dewey and General Augusti, to lie in the bay to take foreigners on board in case of bombardment. Emilio Aguinaldo, on his return to the Islands, had declared himself Dictator. The Dictatorial Government administered the provinces as they were conquered from the Spaniards, collected taxes, and enacted laws. In a month's time the management of these rural districts had so far assumed shape that Aguinaldo convened deputies therefrom and summoned a Congress on June 18. He changed the name of Dictatorial to Revolutionary Government, and on June 23 proclaimed the Constitution of that provisional government, of which the statutes are as follows:—

(Translation)

Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy,

President of the Philippine Revolutionary Government and Commander-in-Chief of its army

This Government, desirous of demonstrating to the Philippine people that one of its objects is to abolish with a firm hand the inveterate vices of Spanish administration, substituting a more simple and expeditious system of public administration for that superfluity of civil service and ponderous, tardy and ostentatious official routine, I hereby declare as follows, viz:—



CHAPTER I

Chapter I Of the Revolutionary Government

Article 1.—The Dictatorial Government shall be henceforth called the Revolutionary Government, whose object is to struggle for the independence of the Philippines, until all nations, including Spain, shall expressly recognize it, and to prepare the country for the establishment of a real Republic. The Dictator shall be henceforth styled the President of the Revolutionary Government.

Article 2.—Four Government Secretaryships are created: (1) of Foreign Affairs, Navy and Trade; (2) of War and Public Works; (3) of Police, Public Order, Justice, Public Education and Health; (4) of Finance, Agriculture, and Manufactures. The Government has power to increase the number of secretaryships when experience has shown that the above distribution of public offices is insufficient to meet public requirements.

Article 3.—Each Secretary shall assist the President in the administration of affairs concerning his particular branch. The Secretary at the head of each respective department shall not be responsible for the Presidential Decrees, but shall sign the same to give them authenticity. But if it should appear that the decree has been issued on the proposal of the Secretary of the corresponding branch, then the Secretary shall be jointly responsible with the President.

Article 4.—The Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs shall be divided into three centres, one of Diplomacy, one of Navy, and another of Trade. The first centre shall study and execute all affairs which concern the direction of diplomatic negotiations with other Powers and the correspondence of this Government connected therewith. The second shall study all that relates to the formation and organization of our Navy, and the fitting out of whatever expeditions the circumstances of the Revolution may require; and the third shall attend to all matters concerning home and foreign trade and the preliminary work in connection with the Treaties of Commerce to be made with other nations.

Article 5.—The Secretaryship of War shall be divided into two centres, the one exclusively of War and the other exclusively of Public Works. The first centre shall be divided into four sections, one of Campaign, one of Military Justice, one of Military Administration, and the other of Military Health.

The Campaign section shall draw up and attend to all matters concerning the service and enlistment of the Revolutionary Militia, the direction of campaigns, the making of plans, fortifications, and the editing of the announcements of battles, the study of military tactics for the Army, and organization of the respective staffs, artillery, and cavalry corps, and all other matters concerning campaigns and military operations.

The section of Military Justice shall attend to all matters concerning courts-martial and military sentences, the appointment of judges and assistant judges in all military-judicial affairs. The military administrator shall take charge of the commissariat department and all Army equipment, and the Military Health department shall take charge of matters concerning the health and salubrity of the Militia.

Article 6.—The other secretaryships shall be divided into so many centres corresponding to their functions, and each centre shall be sub-divided into sections as the nature and importance of the work requires.

Article 7.—The Secretary of each department shall inspect and watch over the work therein and be responsible to the President of the Government. At the head of each section there shall be a director, and in each section there shall be an official in charge assisted by the necessary staff.

Article 8.—The President shall have the sole right to appoint the secretaries, and in agreement with them he shall appoint all the staff subordinate to the respective departments. Nevertheless, in the election of individuals favouritism must be avoided on the understanding that the good name of the Fatherland and the triumph of the Revolution need the services of the most really capable persons.

Article 9.—The secretaries can take part in the sessions of the Revolutionary Congress, whenever they have a motion to present in the name of the President, or on the interpellation of any deputy, but when the question under debate, or the motion on which they have been summoned is put to the vote, they shall retire and not take part in that voting.

Article 10.—The President of the Government is the personification of the Philippine people, and as such he cannot be held responsible for any act whilst he holds that position. His position is irrevocable until the Revolution shall triumph, unless extraordinary circumstances should compel him to tender his resignation to Congress, in which case only Congress shall elect whomsoever is esteemed most fit.



CHAPTER 2

Chapter II Of the Revolutionary Congress

Article 11.—The Revolutionary Congress is the assembly of those deputies from the Philippine provinces, elected in due form, as prescribed in the Decree of the 18th inst. Nevertheless, if any province could not elect deputies because the majority of its towns had not yet been able to free themselves from Spanish dominion, the Government can nominate provisional deputies chosen from the persons of highest consideration by reason of their education and social position up to the number fixed by the said Decree, always provided that such persons shall have been born or have resided for a long time in the provinces to be represented.

Article 12.—When the deputies shall have met in the town and in the building to be provided by the Revolutionary Government the preliminary act shall be the election by majority of votes of a commission of five persons who shall examine the documents accrediting the personality of each person, and another commission of three persons who shall examine the documents exhibited by the first commission of five.

Article 13.—The next day the said deputies shall again meet and the two commissions shall read their respective reports on the validity of the said documents, all doubts on the same to be resolved by an absolute majority of votes. They shall then at once proceed to the election, by absolute majority, of a president, a vice-president, and two secretaries, to be chosen from among the same deputies, after which the Congress shall be held to be constituted, and notice of the same shall be given to the Government.

Article 14.—The meeting-place of Congress is sacred and inviolable, and no armed force can enter therein except on the summons of the President of the Congress for the purpose of restoring order, should the same have been disturbed by those who know not how to honour themselves and their solemn functions.

Article 15.—The powers of Congress are:—To look after the general interests of the Philippine people and the fulfilment of the revolutionary laws; to discuss and vote laws; to discuss and approve, before ratification, all treaties and loans to examine and approve the accounts of the general expenses which shall be presented annually by the Finance Secretary and to fix the extraordinary taxes, and others which, in future, may be imposed.

Article 16.—The voice of Congress shall also be heard in all matters of grave importance the resolution of which will admit of delay, but the President of the Government can resolve questions of an urgent character, rendering an account of his acts to Congress by means of a message.

Article 17.—Any Deputy can present a bill in Congress, and any Secretary can do so by order of the President of the Government.

Article 18.—The sessions of Congress shall be public, and only in cases where reserve is necessary shall secret sessions be held.

Article 19.—The order of debate and parliamentary usages shall be determined by instructions to be formulated by Congress. The President shall lead the debate, but shall not vote, unless there fail to be a majority, in which case he shall give his casting vote.

Article 20.—The President of the Government cannot, in any manner, impede the meeting of Congress, nor interfere with the sessions of the same.

Article 21.—Congress shall appoint a permanent judicial commission, to be presided over by the Vice-President, assisted by one of the Secretaries and composed of these persons and seven assessors, elected by majority of votes, from among the deputies. This commission shall revise the sentences given in criminal cases by the provincial councils, and shall judge and sentence, without right of further appeal, cases brought against the Government Secretaries, Provincial Chiefs and Provincial Councillors.

Article 22.—In the office of the Secretary to Congress there shall be a Book of Honour, in which shall be noted the great services rendered to the Fatherland and esteemed as such by Congress. Any Filipino, military or civil, can solicit of Congress inscription in the said book on producing the documents which prove the praiseworthy acts performed by him for the good of the Fatherland since the present Revolution began. For extraordinary services which may, in future, be rendered, the Government will propose the inscription, the proposal being accompanied by the necessary justification.

Article 23.—Congress shall determine, on the proposal of the Government, the money rewards to be paid, once for all, to the families of those who were victims to duty and patriotism in the execution of heroic acts.

Article 24.—The resolutions of Congress shall not be binding until they have received the sanction of the President of the Government. When the said President shall consider any resolution undesirable, or impracticable, or pernicious, he shall state his reasons to Congress for opposing its execution, and if Congress still insist on the resolution the said President can outvote it on his own responsibility.



CHAPTER III

Chapter III Of Military Justice

Article 25.—When any commandant of a detachment shall receive notice of an individual in the service having committed a fault or having performed any act reputed to be a military misdemeanour, he shall inform the Commandant of the District of the same, and this officer shall appoint a judge and secretary to constitute a Court of Inquiry in the form prescribed in the instructions dated 20th instant. If the accused held the rank of lieutenant, or a higher one, the same Commandant shall be the judge, and if the Commandant himself were the accused the Superior Commandant of the Province shall appoint as judge an officer of a higher rank, and if there were none such the same Commandant of the Province shall open the inquiry. The judge shall always hold the rank of chief.

Article 26.—When the Court of Inquiry has finished its labours, the Superior Commandant shall appoint three assistant judges of equal or superior rank to the judge, and a Court-Martial shall be composed of the three assistant judges, the judge, the assessor, and the president. The Commandant of the District shall be the judge if the accused held the rank of sergeant, or a lower one, and the Superior Commandant shall be judge if the accused held the rank of lieutenant, or a higher one. This court shall pass sentence in the same form as the Provincial Courts, but the sentence can be appealed against before the Superior Council of War.

Article 27.—The Superior Council of War shall be composed of six assistant judges, who shall hold the minimum rank of Brigadier-General, and the War Office adviser. If the number of generals residing in the capital of the Revolutionary Government be insufficient, the number shall be made up by deputies to be appointed on commission by Congress. The President of this Council shall be the general of the highest rank amongst them, and if there were more than one of the same rank, one shall be elected by themselves by majority of votes.

Article 28.—The Superior Council shall judge and sentence, without right of further appeal, Superior Commandants, Commandants of Districts, and all officers who hold rank of Commandant, or a higher one.

Article 29.—Military misdemeanours are the following:—

(1) Violation of the immunity due to foreigners, both as to their persons and their goods, and violation of the privileges appertaining to sanitary establishments and ambulances, as well as the persons and effects in, or belonging to, one or the other, and persons employed in the service of the same so long as they commit no hostile act. (2) Want of respect for the lives, money, and jewellery of the enemy who surrenders his arms, and for prisoners of war. (3) The entry of Filipinos into the service of the enemy as spies, or to discover war secrets, make plans of the revolutionists' positions and fortifications, or present themselves to parley without proving their mission or their individuality. (4) Violation of the immunity due to those who come with this mission, duly accredited, in the form prescribed by international law.

The following persons also commit military misdemeanours:—

(1) Those who endeavour to break up the union of the revolutionists, fomenting rivalry between the chiefs, and forming divisions and armed bands. (2) Those who collect taxes without being duly authorized by Government, or misappropriate public funds. (3) Those who, being armed, surrender to the enemy or commit any act of cowardice before the same; and (4) Those who sequester any person who has done no harm to the Revolution, or violate women, or assassinate, or seriously wound any undefended persons, or commit robbery or arson.

Article 30.—Those who commit any of the above-named misdemeanours shall be considered declared enemies of the Revolution and shall be punished on the highest scale of punishment provided for in the Spanish Penal Code. If the misdemeanour be not provided for in the said code, the culprit shall be confined until the Revolution has triumphed, unless his crime shall have caused an irreparable injury which, in the opinion of the court, would justify the imposition of capital punishment.



Additional Clauses

Article 31.—The Government shall establish abroad a Revolutionary Committee, composed of an indefinite number of the most competent persons in the Philippine Archipelago. This Committee shall be divided into three sections, viz.:—Of diplomacy; of the navy; and of the army. The diplomatic section shall negotiate with the foreign cabinets the recognition of belligerency and Philippine independence. The naval section shall be intrusted with the study and organization of a Philippine navy and prepare the expeditions which the circumstances of the Revolution may require. The army section shall study military tactics and the best form of organizing staff, artillery and engineer corps, and all that is necessary to put the Philippine army on a footing of modern advancement.

Article 32.—The Government shall dictate the necessary instructions for the execution of the present decree.

Article 33.—All decrees of the Dictatorial Government which may be in opposition to the present one are hereby rescinded.

Given at Cavite, June 23, 1898.

Emilio Aguinaldo.



The Promulgation of the Constitution of the Revolutionary Government was accompanied by a Message from Emilio Aguinaldo, of which the following is a translation:—

Message of the President of the Philippine Revolution

It is an established fact that a political Revolution, judiciously carried out, is the violent means employed by nations to recover the sovereignty which naturally belongs to them, when the same has been usurped and trodden under foot by tyrannical and arbitrary government. Therefore, the Philippine Revolution cannot be more justifiable than it is, because the country has only resorted to it after having exhausted all peaceful means which reason and experience dictated.

The old Kings of Castile were obliged to regard the Philippines as a sister nation united to Spain by a perfect similarity of aims and interests, so much so that in the Constitution of 1812, promulgated at Cadiz, as a consequence of the Spanish War of Independence, these Islands were represented in the Spanish Parliament. But the monastic communities, always unconditionally propped up by the Spanish Government, stepped in to oppose the sacred obligation, and the Philippine Islands were excluded from the Spanish Constitution, and the country placed at the mercy of the discretional or arbitrary powers of the Gov.-General.

Under these circumstances the country clamoured for justice, and demanded of the Peninsular Government the recognition and restitution of its secular rights, through reforms which should gradually assimilate it to Spain. But its voice was soon stifled, and its children were rewarded for their abnegation by punishment, martyrdom and death. The religious corporations, whose interests were always at variance with those of the Filipinos and identified with the Spanish Government, ridiculed these pretensions, calmly and persistently replying that liberty in Spain had only been gained by the sacrifice of blood.

What other channel, then, was open to the country through which to insist upon the recovery of its lawful rights? No other remedy remained but the application of force, and convinced of this, it had recourse to revolution.

Now its demands are no longer limited to assimilation with the Spanish Constitution. It asks for a definite separation therefrom; it struggles for its independence, with the certainty that the time has arrived when it is able and ought to rule itself.

Hence, it has constituted a Revolutionary Government, based on wise and just laws, suited to the abnormal circumstances it is passing through, preparatory to the founding of a real Republic. Accepting Right as the only standard of its acts, Justice as its sole aim, and honourable Labour as its sole means, it calls upon all Filipinos, without distinction of birth, and invites them to unite firmly with the object of forming a noble society, not by bloodshed, nor by pompous titles, but by labour and the personal merit of each one; a free society where no egoism shall exist—where no personal politics shall overflow and crush, nor envy nor partiality debase, nor vain boasting nor charlatanry throw it into ridicule.

Nothing else could be expected from a country which has proved by its long suffering and courage in tribulation and danger, and industry and studiousness in peace, that it is not made for slavery. That country is destined to become great; to become one of the most solid instruments of Providence for ruling the destinies of humanity. That country has resources and energy sufficient to free itself from the ruin and abasement into which the Spanish Government has drawn it, and to claim a modest, though worthy, place in the concert of free nations.

Given at Cavite, June 23, 1898.

Emilio Aguinaldo.



These public documents were supplemented by the issue, on June 27, of "Instructions," signed by Emilio Aguinaldo, which, as they relate solely to working details of the Revolutionary Government offices, are of minor interest to the general reader.

Since June 30 the rebels were in possession of Coloocan (the first, station—beyond Manila—on the Manila-Dagupan Railway) and the Manila suburbs of Santa Cruz and Tondo. The rebels purchased four vessels in Singapore and armed them, but, later on, Admiral Dewey forbade them to fly their flag pending the ultimate settlement of the whole Philippine problem. They also took possession of the waterworks of Santolan (near San Juan del Monte), but did not cut off the water-supply to the capital. Dissensions arose in the rebel camp between Emilio Aguinaldo and the leaders Yocson and Sandico. Yocson was the chief who carried on the war in the northern provinces during the absence of Aguinaldo and his companions (vide pp. 399, 407). The Americans had no less difficulty in dealing with the natives than with the Spaniards. There were frequent altercations between individual rebels and American soldiers which, in one case at least, near Cavite, resulted very seriously. The rebels were irritated because they considered themselves slighted, and that their importance as a factor in the hostilities was not duly recognized; in reality, there was nothing for them to do in co-operation with the Americans, who at any time could have brought matters to a crisis without them (by shelling the city) but for considerations of humanity. Aguinaldo's enemies were naturally the Spaniards, and he kept his forces actively employed in harassing them in the outlying districts; his troops had just gained a great victory in Dagupan (Pangasinan), where, on July 22, the whole Spanish garrison and a number of civilian Spaniards had to capitulate in due written form. But experience had taught him that any day an attempt might be made to create a rival faction. Such a contingency had been actually provided for in Article 29 of the Statutes of the Revolutionary Government already cited. Presumably with a view to maintaining his prestige and keeping his individuality well before the people, he was constantly issuing edicts and proclamations. He was wise enough to understand the proverbs, "L'union fait la force," and "A house divided against itself shall surely fall." Not the least of his talents was that of being able to keep united a force of 30,000 to 40,000 Filipinos for any object. His proclamation of the Constitution of the Revolutionary Government on June 23 implied a declaration of independence. He really sought to draw the American authorities into a recognition of it; but he did not seem to see, what others saw, the inopportunity of their doing so at that stage of America's relations with Spain. The generals were not the arbiters of the political situation. Then Aguinaldo adopted a course quite independently of the Great Power which had undertaken the solution of the Philippine question, and addressed a Memorandum to the foreign Governments, with a copy of an Act of Independence. The result was altogether negative; not a single Power chose to embarrass America, at that critical period, by a recognition of Aguinaldo's party. The Memorandum read as follows:—

(Translation)

To the Powers:—

The Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, on being constituted, explained, by means of a message of the 23rd June last, the real causes of the Philippine Revolution, and went on to show that this popular movement is the result of those laws which regulate the life of a nation ardently desiring progress, and the attainment of perfection by the only possible road of liberty.

The Revolution, at the present moment, is predominant in the provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Mindoro, Tayabas, La Laguna, Morong, Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, La Union, La Infanta, and Zambales, and is besieging the capital, Manila. In these provinces the most perfect order and tranquillity reign; they are administered by the authorities elected by themselves in conformity with the decrees of the 18th and 23rd of June last.

Moreover, the Revolution has about 9,000 prisoners of war, who are treated with the same consideration observed by cultured nations, agreeably with the sentiments of humanity, and a regular organized army of more than 30,000 men fully equipped on a war footing.

Under these circumstances the representatives of the townships comprised within the provinces above mentioned, interpreting the popular will of those who have elected them, have proclaimed the Independence of the Philippines, and requested the Revolutionary Government to petition and solicit of the foreign Powers an acknowledgment of their belligerency and independence, under the conviction that the Philippine nation has arrived at that state in which it can and ought to govern itself. As a consequence, the annexed document has been signed by the said representatives. Wherefore the undersigned, using the faculties reserved to him as President of the Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, and in the name and representation of the Philippine nation, implores the protection of all the Powers of the civilized world, and beseeches them formally to recognize the belligerency, the Revolutionary Government, and the Independence of the Philippines, because these Powers are the bulwarks designated by Providence to maintain the equilibrium amongst nations by sustaining the weak and restraining the ambitions of the more powerful, in order that the most faultless justice may illuminate and render effective indefinitely the progress of humanity.

Given under my hand and seal in Bacoor, in the Province of Cavite, this 6th day of August 1898.

Emilio Aguinaldo,

The President of the Revolutionary Government.



The accompanying Act of Independence, dated August 1, 1898, and couched in the flowery language of the preceding edicts and proclamations, was signed by those Filipinos who had been appointed local presidents of the townships in the provinces referred to. The allusion to "the ambitions of the more powerful" could well be understood to signify an invitation to intervene in and counteract America's projects, which might, hereafter, clash with the Aguinaldo party's aspirations. At the same time a group of agitators, financed by the priests in and out of the Islands, was straining every nerve to disseminate false reports and create discord between the rebels and the Americans, in the hope of frustrating their coalition. But, even then, with a hostile host before Manila, and the city inevitably doomed to fall, the fate of Spanish sovereignty depended more on politicians than on warriors.

In the absence of a Spanish Ambassador at Washington the French and Austro-Hungarian Governments had accepted, conjointly, the protection of Spanish subjects and interests in the United States on terms set forth in the French Ambassador's letter to the Secretary of State in Washington, dated April 22, 1898. In August the city of Santiago de Cuba was beleaguered by the Americans under General Shafter; the forts had been destroyed by Admirals Schley and Sampson; General Linares, in command there, had been wounded and placed hors de combat; the large force of Spanish troops within the walls was well armed and munitioned, but being half-starved, the morale of the rank-and-file was at a low ebb, and General Toral, who succeeded General Linares, capitulated. The final blow to Spanish power and hopes in Cuba was the destruction of Admiral Cervera's fleet outside the port of Santiago de Cuba. Cuba was lost to Spain. No material advantage could then possibly accrue to any of the parties by a prolongation of hostilities, and on July 22 the Spanish Government addressed a Message to the President of the United States (Mr. William McKinley) to inquire on what terms peace might be re-established between the two countries. In reply to this inquiry the U.S. Secretary of State sent a despatch, dated July 30, conveying an outline of the terms to be stipulated. The French Ambassador at Washington, M. Jules Cambon, having been specially appointed "plenipotentiary to negotiate and sign," by decree of the Queen-Regent of Spain, dated August 11, 1898, peace negotiations were entered into, and a Protocol was signed by him and the U.S. Secretary of State, Mr. William R. Day, for their respective Governments at 4.25 p.m. on August 12, 1898. It is interesting to note the exact hour and date, in view of subsequent events.



Protocol of Peace

The English Text [200]

Article 1.—Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba.

Article 2.—Spain will cede to the United States the Island of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States.

Article 3.—The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbour of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines.

Article 4.—Spain will immediately evacuate Cuba, Porto Rico, and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies; and to this end each Government will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, appoint Commissioners, and the Commissioners so appointed shall, within 30 days after the signing of this protocol, meet at Havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Cuba and the adjacent Spanish islands; and each Government will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, also appoint other Commissioners, who shall, within 30 days after the signing of this protocol, meet at San Juan, in Porto Rico, for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies.

Article 5.—The United States and Spain will each appoint not more than five Commissioners to treat of peace, and the Commissioners so appointed shall meet at Paris not later than October 1, 1898, and proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty of peace, which treaty shall be subject to ratification according to the respective constitutional forms of the two countries.

Article 6.—Upon the conclusion and signing of this protocol, hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each Government to the commanders of its military and naval forces.

Done at Washington in duplicate, in English and in French, by the undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals, the 12th day of August, 1898.

William R. Day. Jules Cambon.



For a month before the Protocol was signed the relations between Spaniards and Americans were verging towards a crisis. The respective land forces were ever on the point of precipitating the end. General F. V. Greene had his brigade encamped along the Cavite-Manila road, about 2 1/2 miles from the Spanish fort at Malate, with outposts thrown forward to protect the camp. The rebel lines were situated nearer to Manila, between the Americans and Spaniards. On July 28 General Greene took possession of a line, from the road already occupied by his forces, in front of the rebels' advanced position, to be ready to start operations for the reduction of Manila. The American soldiers worked for three days at making trenches, almost unmolested by the Spaniards, who had a strong line of breastworks not more than 1,000 yards in front. No Americans were killed or wounded whilst so working.

On July 31, at 11 p.m., the Spaniards opened a furious infantry and artillery fire upon the American lines and kept it up for two hours. Fort San Antonio Abad (Malate) with five guns, Blockhouse No. 14 with two guns, and connecting infantry trenches, concentrated fire upon the American breastworks, which caused considerable annoyance to the Americans. The night was pitch-dark, it rained in torrents, there was mud and water everywhere, and the ground was too flat to drain. The 10th Pennsylvania Regiment and four guns of the Utah Batteries occupied the American line, with two batteries of the 3rd Foot Artillery in reserve. The last was brought up under a heavy fire, and taking up a position on the right, silenced the Spaniards, who were pouring in a flanking fire. The whole camp was under arms, and ammunition and reinforcements were sent. The regiments were standing expectantly in the rain. The 1st California was ordered forward, the bugle sounded the advance, the whole camp cheered, and the men were delighted at the idea of meeting the enemy. Over a flat ground the American troops advanced under a heavy Spanish fire of shell and Maueser rifles, but they were steady and checked the Spaniards' attack.

General Greene went forward to the trenches, firing was exchanged, and the wounded were being brought back from the front in carromatas. The contending parties were separated by bamboo thickets and swamp. The Americans lost that night 10 killed and 30 wounded. The Spanish loss was much heavier. Most of the Americans killed were shot in the head. The Maueser bullet has great penetrating power, but does not kill well; in fact it often makes a small wound which hardly bleeds. As pointed out at p. 369, four Maueser bullets passed right through Sancho Valenzuela at his execution and left him still alive. Captain Hobbs, of the 3rd Artillery, was shot through the thigh at night, and only the next morning saw the nature of the wound.

During the following week the Spaniards made three more night-attacks, the total killed and wounded Americans amounting to 10 men. The American soldiers were not allowed to return the fire, unless the Spaniards were evidently about to rush the breastworks. There was some grumbling in the camp. The Spaniards, however, got tired of firing to so little purpose, and after the third night there was silence. Meanwhile, in the daytime the Americans went on strengthening their line without being molested.

On August 7 Admiral Dewey and General Merritt sent a joint note to the Captain-General in Manila, giving him 48 hours to remove women and children, as, at any time after that, the city might be bombarded. The Captain-General replied thanking the Admiral and General for their kind consideration, but pointed out that he had no ships, and to send the women and children inland would be to place them at the mercy of the rebels. On the expiration of the 48 hours' notice, i.e., at noon on August 9, another joint note was addressed to General Augusti, pointing out the hopelessness of his holding out and formally demanding the surrender of the city, so that life and property of defenceless persons might be spared. The Captain-General replied requesting the American commanders to apply to Madrid; but this proposal being rejected, the correspondence ceased.

On August 11 a Council of War was held between Generals Merritt, Anderson, McArthur, and Greene, and the plan of combined attack arranged between General Merritt and Admiral Dewey was explained. For some hours a storm prevented the landing of more American troops with supplies, but these were later on landed at Paranaque when the weather cleared up, and were hurriedly sent on to the camp, where preparations were being made for the assault on the city.