[Here follows the relation of the awful calamities that befell certain persons, both Spaniards and natives, in consequence of their neglect and scorn of the Holy Child. The narration is continued:]

In this triennium I became prior of the convent of Santisimo Nino de Jesus, which has in the city of Manila some six hundred pesos of annuity, which is the source of that house's growth in the sixty-eight years of the Spaniards' occupation. In the year 1628 I sent a religious to collect that money. He was a conventual in that convent, virtuous, an excellent preacher, and very zealous for that convent; he was a native of Sevilla. He was empowered sufficiently to attend to what might arise for the good of that convent. He made his trip to Manila successfully, and returned to his convent after concluding what had been entrusted to him. On August 29 of the same year, he left Manila aboard a champan, the "San Nicolas," belonging to the alcalde-mayor of Panay, for he had to make in the island some collections of rice that were given to the said convent. He took two Spaniards with him—one Jacinto de Lanzacorta, who had married there; the other Alferez Pena—both devotees of San Nicolas de Tolentino as no less was the owner of the champan, which he had commended to that saint. As they were coming in the boat one night, aided by the vendaval, and as they neared Ilagan (one of the longest crossings that voyagers have to make there), the wind strengthened so that the waves rolled sky-high. Either through the carelessness of the steersman, or because the rudder was out of order, or the sea too heavy, the rudder parted atwain, and the boat was without other help than that of heaven. For these Sangley boats are flat bottomed, and the mast is very high; accordingly, all the strength lies in the rudder by which they are directed—better than the best bitted horse is governed. The champan tossed fearfully, so that it was regarded as a good plan to cut down the mast. That was a precaution that the Sangleys do not practice, and hence the sea easily swallows them. This being done, the champan was very quiet; and, although they were in evident danger of death, they did not lose the hopes which they placed in the glorious saint, confident, by his intercession, of life and arrival at Panay. For three days they were the sport of wind and weather, awaiting what the Lord would do with them, until on Saturday afternoon the same champan entered the port of an islet two leguas from Burias. It was a miraculous thing, for when they were rowing the champan and that but slowly, they were not able to know the route, and hit upon it without any guidance, for already they had left it. It was God's mercy which was extended to that religious; for, had not the champan made port, they had fallen into the hands of the men of Jolo, who were sailing about those islands of Burias and Masbate. They remained there a fortnight, without being able to repair the champan in order to make their journey until our Lord was pleased to have the same mast that they cut down in the champan drift into the port, for the islet contained no suitable trees. They repaired the champan with that mast, made a half-way rudder and a jury-mast, and set sail on the sea for Panay, from which they were not very far. But, after sighting the land of Panay, so furious a storm struck them that they were unable to contend with it, as the champan lacked strength in the rudder. They ran aground stern first on the coast of Camarines, which was very near by, and which they had been prevented from reaching by a calm, and had been awaiting a slight breeze. It was our Lord's pleasure that they should be espied by a fleet of Camucones, who were going through that region, plundering whatever they might encounter in their raids. These are a very warlike people, and so cruel that, whenever they capture a Spaniard, they will not let him escape alive under any consideration; for after they have tied him to the mast of the boat, they cut off his head and drink from the skull. They slit the religious up the back and roast them, or set them in the sun, for they say, just as we do, "So many enemies the less." Then indeed did they re-commend themselves to St. Nicholas; as they believed (and rightly) that this was a greater danger than the past one, because of the less mercy that they could find in the bowels of those utter barbarians. At length, they boarded the tender of the champan and rowed ashore. The glorious saint whom they were taking as patron hid their route from the Camucones in such wise that they were not followed, for they could have easily been overtaken in two strokes of the oar. They betook themselves inland to the mountains, where their sufferings were not abated, for they were barefoot and naked, until they reached the convents of our father St. Francis, where they found hospitable welcome, aid, care, and provision. In their journeyings they reached the shipyard, where a vessel was being built; for it was necessary to get a champan there to go to Panay, and they found one. They left the shipyard November 21, and reached Panay next day. After a few days the enemy from Jolo went to the shipyard, burned it, killed many people, captured others, took away the artillery, and committed great damage, although there were sufficient men in the shipyard to defend it from a greater force. But the Spaniard can never be persuaded of any danger, until it is upon him. Juan Martin, the best and most reliable shipmaster in the Filipinas, was killed there. It was a great loss, for there was no other who could fill the position like him. But the Lord did not choose that the champan should be lost; for the Camucones did not break it up, as is their wont, but abandoned it after having plundered its articles of value—which were considerable, and which caused great loss to the province. The Sangleys, after seeing that the enemy had gone, went out to the champan, righted it, and returned it to its owner—who never lost hope of obtaining it, for he believed thoroughly in the saint. Sargento Jacinto de Lanzacorta, very thankful for this, celebrates a feast to St. Nicholas every year. Father Fray Pedro de Torres [67] says that he arrived at Sugbu in the first part of February, where he had been regarded as lost, for he was more than five months in making the trip from Manila to Sugbu. During the whole time he suffered very many hardships, from which St. Nicholas freed him. The most Holy Child returned to His house, so that He might be served therein.

In the beginning of this triennium, as the fathers of Ilocos were going to their province, two or three of them feared the horror of the journey by land, which is terrible. Accordingly, as they found a suitable boat, father Fray Diego Abalos prior of Narbacan, father Fray Juan Gallegos, [68] prior of Laguag, and father Fray Francisco del Portillo, [69] prior of Purao, taking the provision for their convents, went along the coast to Ilocos. But so furious a storm struck them, that they gave themselves up as lost. Accordingly, as servants of God, they had recourse to Him, sincerely confessing themselves and praying earnestly—as well as their terror allowed—to God to beg pardon for their sins. The Sangleys already, with loosened hair (which means their last hope gone), did not attempt to do a thing in the champan, for they thought that they could not escape from it. At last, encouraged by the fathers, after setting a scrap of sail, they yielded to the force of the stern-wind, and in less than thirty hours reached the Chinese coasts. They made more than three hundred leguas in that short time and route, which, even in fine weather, would take fifteen or twenty days, or one or two months. They landed, where no little danger awaited them, as the people tried to kill them. But at last the Lord's mercy was not found wanting in that country, for through it they went from land to land, until they reached Macan, a city held by the Portuguese in the country of China. They were succored there with great generosity, for in works of charity the Portuguese are most generous. In Manila, they were thought to have been drowned. As such, the masses and suffrages that are wont to be said in this province of the order, for the religious who die in it, were said for them in all the convents. Afterward, the Portuguese who came to Manila informed Ours of the [above] event, whereat all rejoiced greatly; for those regarded as lost were religious who were held in much esteem. Two of them soon came, namely, father Fray Diego de Abalos and father Fray Juan Gallegos The third, father Fray Francisco del Portillo, went to the island of Hermosa, which belonged then to our Spaniards, and took possession of a convent with the solemnity decreed by law. Then he came back, and all three returned to their priorates, to which others had already been appointed by our father provincial.

The enemy from Jolo had often made incursions, to the great loss of the islands; for they caused many deaths, made many captives, and occasioned not few expenses, which had been incurred for his Majesty in opposing them, but all to no purpose. For either the Spaniards did not try to look for them, or did not find them, or indeed, when they met them, the enemy took to their heels; for on the one hand their boats are swifter, and on the other they come more as soldiers than our men, who seem to have inherited the carelessness and phlegm of the country. And truly, I think injustice has been done to the Joloans, and injustice should be done to no one, even one's enemy. But we shall consider how God avenged the injuries committed by Saul on the Ammonites, who did not stop until these were atoned for—which was ended by David, who delivered to them all of Saul's descendants, all of whom they hanged. And the scriptures say: Suspenderunt eos in patibulis in conspectu solis. [70] For a criminal punished shines like the sun in the sight of God. These Joloans were going to and returning from Manila in the character of friends, taking and carrying away necessaries to both parties. Once, when returning from Manila, they were charged with robbing and making captives. The governor sent Alferez Don Fernando de Figueroa after them. After meeting them, he brought them back, after taking away their cargo, which is reported to have amounted to more than four thousand pesos. They remained idle in Manila, until they were freely dismissed, as no crime appeared against them. Governor Don Alonso Fajardo died, and the Ioloans returned to their own country, with the intention of asking the new governor, on his arrival, for what was taken from them; since nothing was proved against them for which they merited the punishment of the confiscation of their property. They acted accordingly, and returned to the presence of Don Fernando de Silva and of his successor, Don Juan Nino de Tabora. Those barbarians endured very great delay, until, finding themselves in a desperate condition and poorly equipped, they returned, committing signal depredations on the way; and since then they have continued their incursions, to the very great injury of all the country. And although expeditions have been made against them from Sugbu and Panay, nothing of importance has been accomplished. It was resolved to build a good fleet and invade their country. This was done very secretly, but I am surprised that they did not hear of it. Its chief officer was Don Cristobal de Lugo, who filled the position of lieutenant-governor and captain-general of those provinces. He assembled a goodly force, both soldiers and Indians, who would willingly go to avenge themselves, as they said. For the act of vengeance among the Indians is a terrible thing; and, if possible, they do not miss it.

While awaiting the time to go in Sugbu, where the forces were gathered—who, as they were many, occupied all the houses, even the smallest ones—some soldiers were cleaning their weapons in one near the residence of the Recollect fathers. One fired his arquebus, which, unknown to him, was loaded. It caught in the thatch which formed the roof of that little house; and, as the sun was hot, and the wind the greater brisa, the house quickly caught fire. The father prior, Fray Pedro de San Nicolas, was very much annoyed; and he came out, and with reason rebuked the soldiers, who lost all their effects. The father returned to his house, where he learned that more had happened than he thought; for, as he was going up stairs, he saw that the greater part of his house was burned. By dint of ringing the bells, a number of people came in, but they could not prevent the burning of the house. This happened March 9, 1628, at one o'clock in the afternoon. It was a great pity, and cause for compassion; for the convent, by the efforts of father Fray Pedro de San Nicolas, was very well finished. He had been most diligent in both the building and the furnishing and adornment of it; and his province lost more than five thousand pesos by the fire.

Everything was well advanced for the expedition. Accordingly, all the forces embarked, being accompanied by a father of the Society, an Italian named Fabricio de Sorsale. The commander was a devotee of the most Holy Child, although he did not take Him as patron this time, a thing he was wont to do. Yet he would not go without bidding Him farewell, which he did with great devotion, a ceremony which did not lack many candles. The Child showed Himself so pleased, that I was obliged to tell the commander that he should take comfort, and that I promised him in the Child's name a very fortunate expedition, as happened—and it would have been better, had they known how to use their victory. The fleet left Sugbu on the fourth of the same month, with more than one hundred Spaniards and three hundred Indians. There were two captains of infantry, subordinate to the commander—one Francisco Benitez, the other Juan del Rio. Other volunteers accompanied them. They reached Jolo, found it unprepared, and burned the town, the king's houses, the ships, and whatever they found. Had they followed the people, they would have found them in confusion and hiding in the grass; for on account of the long peace, the Joloans had not provisioned their stronghold, which was impregnable. The soldiers contented themselves with this, and let slip the best opportunity that could have been desired.

Upon the day that this occurred, some Spaniards happened to be in our church with father Fray Pedro de Torres, and they saw that the Child was laughing. This was the church that had been built by the said father Fray Pedro de Torres—a fatal one, I call it. For four days after the fleet had left, on the eighth of the same month, while I was in the refectory dining with the Recollect fathers, whom I had brought to our convent, another Recollect came from Manila, who was coming to be ordained. While recounting to him the misfortune that had occurred, the prior said: "Tell me, brother, if you saw this convent ablaze, would you not feel compassion?" We went up stairs, and at one o'clock the fire began in the middle of the city, to the windward. It originated from some tobacco; cursed be it, and the harm that that infernal plant has brought, which must have come from hell. The wind was brisk, and blowing toward the convent. In short, everything was burned, though we saved the silver and whatever was possible. The Holy Child willed to allow His house and most of the city to be burned, although no two houses had ever before been burned in that city at the same time. This happened on Saturday, the eve of Passion Sunday. I gathered together all that escaped from the convent of San Nicolas, and set about going to Manila, to repair that loss as far as possible.

While on the way to the island of Panay, my boat was overturned by a heavy storm, and it was a miracle that I escaped with my life—which happened, through God's mercy, by the efforts of my Sugbu Indians. Finally when the storm was appeased, I reached the convent of Salog, without shoes, naked, and perishing of hunger, on the fifteenth of the said month of April. The father of that convent, called father Fray Francisco de Oliva, [71] and all the others of that island, aided both the convent, and me especially, with the greatest charity. Thus I obtained there two very large contributions of all necessary for the convent. I found father Fray Esteban de Peralta, definitor of the province, there visiting the island. I went to Manila with him, where I tried to go from Manila to Espana. The superior did not impose obedience in regard to it, so that I turned all my efforts to caring for my house, for which many religious aided from their stores with great charity.

At this juncture the ships came from Espana. They brought the governor's wife, Dona Magdalena de Onate. They had been four whole months in making the port of Cavite and had suffered very severe weather. Those two ships were very staunch ones, and had better accommodations for cargo than any that have been seen in the islands. They were called the "San Luis" and the "San Raimundo." As commander of the flagship came Don Juan de Quinones, in whose ship sailed the governor's wife. It also bore the religious of our father St. Dominic; while in the almiranta sailed Don Diego Munoz, Bishop Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, the latter of whom was at the point of death, so that his escape was a marvel. We saw above how our father Mentrida sent him to Espana as procurator. He made a prosperous trip [to Espana], and when he reached Espana found himself a bishop, a negotiation effected by heaven rather than his own efforts. For one always recognized very great grace (I mean humility) in his Lordship, like the grand religious that he always was. But his many hardships, journeys, and services in the islands made him worthy of this and of other greater honors. He went and returned in three years, bringing an unusually fine company [of religious]. But the plague decimated them, taking the best of the men, as follows:

1. Father Fray Francisco Osorio, reader of theology in Espana, and an eloquent preacher; and, above all, of most noble temper and blood.

2. Father Fray Juan Bermans, a preacher from Flanders. He died chaste; and was a brother of Father Bermans of the Society, who is to be canonized, and who serves as a model.

3. Father Fray Diego Bonifaz, a very virtuous religious.

4. Father Fray Bartolome de Eraso, a preacher and quite indispensable.

5. Brother Fray Francisco Gonzalez, chorister.

6. Brother Fray Francisco Diego, chorister.

7. Brother Fray Antonio de Salazar, chorister.

Those who entered [port] alive were:

1. Father Fray Francisco de Azuara, from Valencia, lecturer in theology.

2. Father Fray Pedro de Quesada, lecturer in arts, from Castilla.

3. Father Fray Luis de Villerias, a creole, a debater in the university. [72]

4. Father Fray Bartolome de Esterlik, a preacher, an Irishman. [73]

5. Father Fray Dionisio Suarez, chorister.

6. Father Fray Juan de Prado, from Castilla, a preacher.

7. Father Fray Justo Ubeda, from Castilla, a priest.

8. Father Fray Alonso Ramos, from Castilla, a priest.

9. Father Fray Francisco de Abendano, from Castilla, a priest.

10. Brother Fray Alonso Quijano, from Castilla, chorister.

11. Brother Fray Diego Tamayo, from Andalucia, chorister.

12. Father Fray Gonzalo de la Palma, from Castilla, chorister.

13. Brother Fray Juan Lozano, from Castilla, chorister.

14. Brother Fray Miguel Dicastis.

15. Father Fray Gaspar de Castilla, a preacher.

16. Brother Fray Agustin de Chauru, from Castilla, chorister. [74]

They were welcomed gladly, although with grief for the great loss that they had sustained. Those religious suffered greatly; for the storms compelled them to disembark between Bacon and Verde Island, which must have cost them dear. Afterward they suffered not a little on land until they reached Manila, where they were well received and feasted. The priests began to labor, and the brothers, after ordination, did the same, since they had come for that purpose.

I, who had obtained by entreaty what I could to buy two ornaments and all that was necessary, returned to my field of labor; so that I left the convent with a house, church, sacristy, and ornaments, better than before; and all that was necessary for the house, more abundantly and fully than before. I also increased its annual income by more than three hundred pesos.



CHAPTER XLI

Continuation of the preceding

Governor Don Fernando de Silva thought that the trade of this country with China was annually decreasing, because of the Chinese pirates, who were now very bold, so that the traders could not leave port without manifest danger to their property and lives. And indeed, if any came, it was to bring rather people than cloth and the other things that the country needed. Besides this, since the Chinese had Portuguese in their country, they could transport their cloth without so much danger and sell it to the Portuguese. The latter brought it from Macan to Manila, and sold it there at whatever price they pleased; for the Spaniards had to export something, as otherwise they could not live. For their other incomes, acquired through encomiendas—I know not how they are valued—do not suffice or enrich, and least of all satisfy. Perhaps the reason is that in collecting them no attention is paid to what is produced. Besides that, the governor knew that the Dutch were settled in Hermosa Island, a very large island, which lies more than two hundred leguas north of Manila. It is called Hermosa [i.e., "Beautiful"] Island because of its fertility. It is quite near China, although it is inhabited by Indians, like the rest of the islands. The governor thought that, from that place, the Dutch were depriving us of the trade; this would mean the destruction of Manila, which only a lucrative trade could sustain. To remedy all this, he thought to capture Hermosa Island, and he discussed and conferred about this plan. The Dominican fathers, influenced by the gain of souls, encouraged this affair, because of the nearness of the island to China. As all are dependent on the governor in these regions, no one dares to contradict him in whatever pleases him; for they fear his anger upon them, which often deprives them of sustenance. But, I think time has proved what an unwise thing was done; for none of those injuries have been remedied, but have remained. The forces, which are daily becoming fewer in the islands, were divided, and there were innumerable other inconveniences. Finally, the governor sent troops to the island, and possession of it was taken, more than forty or sixty leguas from the Dutch fort. Only Dominican religious went on this occasion. Then it befell that many of the troops died, for the island is very cold. Most of the fruits of Castilla are raised there. Its inhabitants are fierce, and live without law or reason, but more as their chiefs dictate. Ours have suffered signal hardships there. Sargento-mayor N. Careno was governor of that fort and the troops; and he did his utmost. The Chinese came and offered many things when the soldiers had money; but, when money failed, all was about to perish. That year, 1626, Don Juan Nino de Tabora came as governor. He was told of Hermosa Island and its great importance. Accordingly, he resolved to make an expedition thither, with as many of the remaining soldiers as possible. They filled three large galleons and other smaller ones. Captain Lazaro de Torres, of whom we have made so much mention, sailed in the "Trinidad," the smallest of all the ships. They left in August, after the despatch [for New Spain] of the vessels of 1627. The weather was rough, so that the governor grew afraid. After incurring so great expenses for his Majesty, and sailing in galleons which carried fifty or sixty pieces of artillery, a return was made to Cavite. Only Lazaro de Torres went ahead, with whom sailed father Fray Lucas de Atienza, of our order, as prior and vicar-provincial. They suffered terrible storms, and ran manifest dangers; especially when, running with the lower sail on the foremast, they ran aground on an island, which they had not seen because of a dense fog. At last they all got away. They flung out, or rather raised, the greater yard (which they were carrying down), shook out the sails full, and then were able to make land with the sides under water, and the sea running sky-high. They just missed scraping the sunken rocks about the island. The most courageous man among them was our religious, for no one, neither soldier nor sailor, met the danger with greater courage or resolution. At length they reached Hermosa Island at a time that proved the redemption of those men, for already were they eating rats. They were in the extreme of necessity; for neither did any Chinese come, nor had the Spaniards any silver to attract them, for that is the most efficacious allurement. Captain Don Antonio de Vera had gone out with twenty men; but some Indian chiefs daringly killed him and his men. Captain Lazaro de Torres rallied to this necessity. He went outside, relieved the fort, gave what food he had, and then—having nothing to do, and suspecting that the governor had put back into port—he returned with our religious. The latter came near dying on account of his great hardships; and indeed death overcame him after he returned to the land of Manila—where because of those sufferings he never again raised his head in health.

During this same time, I mean in 1628, the house of our convent of Bisayas was burned—the one which I had built with so much trouble. It was the best in the province. It is suspected that the rebellious Indians burned it, as it was not the time when fires are wont to happen, for it was Christmas, when it is always rainy.

During the triennium of our father Fray Juan Enriquez, the church and house of Dumangas were burned. They were fine edifices. Both fires occurred during the night, so that it was a miracle that the religious escaped; for they were asleep, a sign that the fire was set on purpose.

During this triennium the Manila Parian was burned. It was a miracle that the city was not burned; and the interests that were ruined were very large. Although the church of the Parian was so near to the houses, and entirely of wood, it did not burn, whereat all the Sangleys were much surprised. They said afterward in their broken language, "Here St. Mary great" [aqui Sta. Maria grande]. The walls and supports were aglow with the fire and brightness, or rather, were ablaze, as they were so hot that the hand could not be placed upon them. This made the wonder all the greater, and the Sangleys became more attentive to the consideration of our truths. The Parian was rebuilt better; its houses were roofed with tile, so that it is very sightly; and, with the point adjoining it on the river, which has been finished, it has added glory and honor to the city. All was done, as I have said, at the cost of the Sangleys. But they cause the Castilian to pay it, by raising prices universally.

[The chapter closes with several miraculous occurrences and pious observations that emphasize the grandeur of the Christian religion. These marvels are interspersed with other matter as follows:]

During the triennium of our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida, the sending of a religious to Maluco was discontinued, and the convent of Cavite was completely abandoned. It must have been the opinion of grave fathers that that was not of importance. Many things are kept, which although they are of no use at the present time, are at least preserved for the hopes which are entertained that they will be useful in the future, and that they will prove of advantage. No notice was taken of that, for four eyes are worth more than two; and what has appeared in one way to me may appear to others in an entirely different light. Hence I shall leave the discussion of this matter.

In the first part of the year 1629, the most holy sacrament was found missing from the altar of the cathedral of Manila.

It was a thing that troubled all greatly; but it most troubled the archbishop of Manila. The greatest and most painstaking efforts imaginable were made. Many were arrested, and put to severe torture; and, for many months, no other efforts were made than to ascertain whether the aggressor could be discovered by any manner or means. But that one was never found, nor could they discover who stole it, nor what was done with it. The archbishop retired to San Francisco del Monte, which is a convent of the religious of our father St. Francis, who spend their lives there in the contemplative life with notable perfection and spirituality. There then our archbishop took refuge, and spent many days in other similar works, furnishing an example to all the country; and although it is true that he was always an example during all his life, he seems on this occasion to have redoubled his acts of penitence—praying God, as a truly contrite man, that, if that lamentable case and one so worthy of sorrow throughout the islands had happened through his omissions. He would pardon him and regard those sheep which had been committed to him with eyes of pity and kindness; and that he might not be the cause that their punishments be multiplied. He caused prayers to be said by the convents and parishes, noting that beyond doubt the sins of the people were great, since the Lord was working against them and permitted that the sacrament be taken from its place and dwelling in so sacrilegious a manner. For no less in the present desecration than in that which these sacrilegious Jews practiced toward our Lord in the garden, the gravity of the sin is recognized, since He allows such treatment. And no less is the love recognized which He has for us, accepting and receiving to Himself the insults which He does not wish to fall upon His people—like the pious mother who shielded the dear body of her son, whom she loved, with her own, so that the tyrant might not wound him, preferring the welfare of her son to her own.



CHAPTER XLII

Of the election of our father Fray Juan de Henao

Our father Fray Francisco Bonifacio, with the mildness which we have seen, with which he began and divided his government, ended it with the same, not leaving any religious any ground for complaint. For he loved them all equally, and equally strove for their spiritual welfare, acting toward them in every respect as a true father and shepherd. He had cast his eyes on father Fray Jeronimo de Medrano as his successor. The latter was then definitor, and he was a person of great talent for what the office requires, and had preached at Manila in a very satisfactory manner. But since there are so many different understandings in a province, all men cannot judge of a thing by the same method, for every one feels regarding it as his own judgment dictates. Consequently, there was a following which tried to elect father Fray Francisco Coronel, a man of vast learning, and of whom very great hopes were entertained for the future. But that following never could gain the full game, nor even check the other faction. Thereupon they settled on a scheme which did not succeed badly, and that was to cast their votes for our father Fray Juan de Henao, who belonged to the other faction, and had the father president on his side. By this means, the election was conferred upon the man who was least expected [to gain it]. One would believe that the Lord chose to give him therein the dignity which He had taken from him six years before—the reader will remember what we have said about that.

At this time the fathers born in the Indias, although they were few, had obtained a bull from his Holiness, so that between them and the fathers from Castilla there should be alternation [in the celebration of Corpus Christi]. Its execution was committed to the archdean of Manila, Alonso Garcia, a creole, who was much inclined to it. Accordingly he proceeded without allowing any appeal or argument, although those presented by the Castilian fathers were very cogent. Finally he proceeded to extreme measures, by declaring the fathers excommunicated. Here the province refused to admit the letters of excommunication. Finally, our father Henao was elected in this contention, with father Fray Esteban de Peralta acting as presiding officer of the chapter. The definitors elected were: father Fray Juan de Tapia; the second, Fray Juan de Medina; the third, Fray Nicolas de Herrera; [75] and the fourth, Fray Martin de Errasti. [76] The visitors were father Fray Jeronimo Medrano and father Fray Cristobal de Miranda. [77]

The father provincial and the other father definitors looked after the affairs of the province with great prudence, and discussed the most important matter of that time—namely, the choice of a person to go to the court of Roma to represent the causes which had moved them not to accept the alternation, giving him the money for expenses which the other fathers are accustomed to carry, with additional pay, and as the case required. The father master, Fray Pedro Garcia, was selected for that purpose. He was the brother of the archbishop and a person of great talent and resources, who would be well received anywhere because of his person, learning, and excellent mode of procedure. But the Lord was pleased not to allow him to reach Nueva Espana. The creole fathers also requested that permission be granted to them, for they wished to send a procurator on their own account; and their request was granted. Accordingly they sent father Fray Alonso de Figueroa, [78] a person of much ability, and the most suitable that could be selected among the men of his following.

Father Fray Hernando de Cabrera, an admirable minister of the Tagalos, of whom we have already spoken, asked for leave to go to Espana. Together with the father master, Fray Pedro Garcia, he took passage on the flagship "San Juan," a new ship whose first voyage this was. Aboard it was Don Fernando de Silva, who had governed these islands, four procurators for the city of Manila, who were being sent to look after the property of the citizens, on account of unfair dealings by those of Nueva Espana in the returns made for it [i.e., for goods exported thither from Manila]. Further, two fathers and a brother named Fray Juan de Pena took passage with them. Two of our religious embarked aboard the almiranta—father Fray Lorenzo [sic] de Figueroa as procurator of the creole fathers, and a brother named Fray Francisco de San Nicolas. They left the port of Cavite, August 4; they experienced considerable suffering, for the vendavals were blowing vigorously, and those winds make it difficult to get out of the bay. At last it was God's good pleasure to give them weather which enabled them to make their voyage. In this line, on the return trip to Mejico, the ships do not sail in company, but each one takes the direction which is most expedient for it, relying on God, who will aid them. The storms were frightful. The almiranta suffered the most terrible voyage that ever ship has suffered. For after a few blasts they had to cut down the mast, and, when they reached thirty-six degrees, they lost their rudder. In such plight they agreed to return, suffering destructive hurricanes, so that, had not the ship been so staunch, it would have been swallowed up in the sea a thousand times. Finally God was pleased to have it return, as if by a miracle; and as such was it considered by all the inhabitants of Manila. The other vessel, being a new and larger ship, on perceiving the storm, went to a lower latitude. It continued to plow the sea, to the great discomfort of all, for it was six months on the voyage. The father master, Fray Pedro, died on that voyage, with so excellent an example that there was no one aboard the ship who was not edified. Father Cabrera also died with great piety, and like a devoted religious, as he was. The brother lived. Even the chaplain aboard the ship died. In all the dead numbered ninety-nine persons, who could have peopled a world. Those who arrived were in such condition that it was necessary to let them regain their strength in the port of Valdebanderas. The procurators on both sides had this lot, which was plainly that which occurred to all. But against the will of God there is no one who can go; what is important is, that His will be always done.

Archbishop Don Fray Miguel Garcia saw that the time was approaching for the provincial chapter. He hastened and left Manila to visit and confirm those of his jurisdiction. It is certain that, had Ours detained him, affairs would have come out better. Finally, being constrained, they had to summon him; and his coming adjusted affairs. He returned to his confirmation, being desirous of concluding it in order to return for the feast of Corpus Christi in the city, which was his greatest devotion. But his haste cost him his life. He was corpulent, and had been ailing many days; his blood became heated, and gave him a fever. He was not attended to in time, and when they took care of him he was a dead man. His death occurred on that same day of the most holy sacrament, at nine o'clock at night. He died as an apostle, after having done his whole duty as religious and bishop. Great was the concourse of people, for his great sagacity and prudence made him not only liked but loved by all. He was buried in our convent, at the foot of the high altar, among the religious. Beyond doubt our Lord chose to snatch him from this life on that day which he so much venerated, so that he should see the reward which the Lord gave him for so great devotion. He was a liberal almsgiver, and at the time of his death had nothing that was his own. All his possessions had been expended in charitable works many days before. The city grieved much over his death, but his church grieved more; for, besides remaining orphaned, there was no other who would thus look after it. The bishop of Sugbu came to govern it, by indult of his Holiness, with which he has governed twice at Manila.

[After dwelling at some length on the virtue of a Bengal slave woman and her miraculous escape from death, she having been dangerously wounded by her would-be seducer, Medina continues:]

In our father Fray Juan Henao's first year, when we had already entered upon the year 1630, the orders considered the little security that they had from the Moros, for the latter were becoming insolent with their successful forays; and thus, without giving our people any breathing-space, were destroying the villages and missions in charge of the orders—and more especially they were pressing the Jesuits, as those fathers were established in places more exposed to the insolence and violence of the enemies. The governor, in an endeavor to uproot so great an evil at one blow, had a fleet built in the islands—the largest ever made by Indians—at the expense of the king our sovereign, and of the Indians and encomenderos. A great sum of money was expended upon it. Command of it was entrusted to the master-of-camp of the forces at Manila, Don Lorenzo de Olazu, a soldier, and one of those of highest reputation in those regions. The fleet bore more than four thousand Indians, taken from all districts at great expense, and more than five hundred Spaniards, picked men, commanded by captains of note. The fleet was composed of two galleys, three brigantines, a number of caracoas, and champans to carry food. With this fleet it was confidently expected to subdue not only Jolo, but all the hostile islands.

The Jolog group consists of many islands, but the principal one, where the king lives, has a hill in the middle of it like a volcano. It has only one very steep ascent, and is an impregnable point, and as such it is regarded by all. Accordingly, when the Indians are visited by enemies, they fortify the hill, and then imagine themselves secure against any force. But when, about two years ago, Admiral Don Cristobal de Lugo had burned their villages, and they knew that the Castilians were about to attack them, they had fortified the hill strongly, mounting thereon the guns that they had taken from the [Spanish] shipyard. The master-of-camp believed himself sufficient to take that hill alone. Accordingly as soon as he arrived, he landed, and heading them, led his men up the hill without delay. That fleet was accompanied by one of our religious, father Fray Fulgencio, an excellent preacher, and a very good worker, who was preeminent among the others who went. There was also a Recollect father named Fray Miguel, who did not move from the side of the master-of-camp. The latter, finding himself almost alone on the height and near the stockade, many sharpened stakes and bamboos hardened in the fire were hurled at him, so that the master-of-camp fell, while others of the more courageous were wounded, and some killed. Thereupon, had the others ascended and entered, as the attack would have been less difficult after that first fury, they would have gained the fort, which had but few men, as was afterward learned; but they remained inactive. The master-of-camp arose, and retired without doing more than this; and with this result, that that fleet, that had made every one afraid, returned. My opinion is, that the Spaniards were punished for the arrogance that they must have displayed there; and that along those coasts, and at the expense of the wretched subjects, they tried to find the pearls of the king of Jolo, which were said to be most beautiful. And accordingly this was proclaimed, to the sound of drum, in the port of Ilong-ilong and in Sugbu, and a reward promised to whoever would seize them; for they considered the victory their own already, and shouted it forth before obtaining it. If they, as Christians, had gone with good intent to punish those Mahometan enemies for the desecrations that they had committed against the churches and sacred images, who doubts that the Lord, whose cause that was, would have aided them? But they were greedy for their own interests, and had their eyes on their own convenience. Thus they lost both the moneys expended and their reputation; and to save reputation one should expend much toil, for by it are conserved monarchies and kingdoms. They returned to Manila the laughing-stock of all the islands. From that time the Indians of Cagayan began to talk among themselves of lifting the yoke, placed on their necks by the Castilians; for as has been seen, all is not gold that glitters. Many deaths occurred among the Indians of different districts. The expenses of the natives, as above stated, were great, for although no one goes from his village except with very liberal aid, in this case that aid was unusually generous. Thus there was no encomienda that had a thousand Indians that did not expend more than a thousand pesos, besides rice—in addition to their tribute, personal services, and other taxes. It should be considered and recognized how these poor wretches were continually harassed; hence, why should one wonder that events do not succeed as one would desire?

In the present year the vessel "San Juan" returned, the ill-fortune of which was feared, because the almiranta had put back to port. It gave report of its voyage, whereupon the order voted what was important. [79] They appointed a procurator who went to Espana. This was the father reader, Fray Pedro de la Pena, [80] who was prior of Macabebe in Pampanga. He took passage on the flagship "San Luis." In the almiranta embarked another father, from Valencia, named father Fray Vicente Lidon. These vessels left the port of Cavite on August 4. They put back to the same port to lighten, and set sail again as heavily laden as before. They experienced no better voyage than the last ones had; for, besides putting back, they did not lack misfortunes. The flagship cut down its mast on the high sea, and was all but lost. The other vessel also suffered greatly, and between them both they threw overboard more than one hundred and forty [dead] people, while the others were like to die of hunger, for the voyage lasted seven and one-half months. Nueva Espana no longer expected them, and therefore despatched [to the islands] two small vessels from Peru, in which came the visitor of the islands, Don Francisco de Rojas. Both vessels suffered greatly. They lost their rudders, and their arrival was a miracle. It is quite apparent that the Lord is very merciful toward the islands. We surmise that these vessels arrived, one in July and the other in August of 1631. The worst thing resulting to the order in what happened to the vessels was, that no one would take passage on the ships, so that the province came to a condition of the utmost peril. For, if procurators are lacking in Espana, there is no hope of getting religious; and the religious who are here now are dying daily. For never have I seen a triennium when there were not more than twenty deaths, and sometimes even thirty; while few are invested with the habit. Thus, perforce, the province is always in need of men.

Nevertheless, I, who had always been desiring to go to Espana, at last obtained my wish this year of 1631, under the greatest strife and oppositions that can be told; but I will not speak of them, as they are personal, although a not small history might be made of them. Finally I embarked in the flagship (where I went as vicar), in which no other priest embarked. The ship was a new one, and had been built in Cavite, during the residence of Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora, who named it "La Magdalena" for his wife. It was always said that the ship had no strength and ought not to make the trip. The people said this among themselves; but, when they spoke of it to the governor, they praised it, and said that it was the best vessel in the world, for the contrary grieved him greatly. It was laden, and then its weakness was evident, so that they had to change their tune to that very governor. It was said that it would be made all right by putting in some stiffening—namely, three planks on each side, very thick and heavy—whereby it seemed that the vessel would be strengthened. Accordingly, the people embarked, a thing that ought not to have been done. On Thursday, at dawn, we were about to set sail; and when they weighed the anchor that held the ship, it listed to starboard so rapidly that, had not the point of the largest yard caught on the shore, the ship would doubtless have turned keel up. To see so many men perish there and so much property lost, was a day of judgment—an event such as no one remembers to have heard told before. The artillery was fired at intervals from the fort of Cavite, whereat the governor and many vessels came up. I was the first to escape from the ship, but as by a miracle; for I jumped into the water from the lantern, clothed as I was with my black habit. By God's help I was enabled to reach a small boat, in which I escaped, as above described. May the Lord's will be fulfilled. With this I have been in danger of death seven times from the water while in the islands, whence the Lord by His mercy has miraculously drawn and freed me. The first was shortly after my arrival in the country, at Aclan. While bathing in the river, suddenly a current came whose rapidity seized me and bore me beyond my depth. I was already lost and surrendered myself to the mercy of the water, for I could not swim. God inspired a sacristan who was there, who dived quickly into the water, followed me, and, catching hold of me, drew me ashore. The second was while prior of Ibahay, and when I was visiting the islands. While crossing to one, so fierce a storm struck me that the Indians gave up hope, and thought only of dying. The little boat was a poor one, without helm or sail. All human aid being exhausted, I had recourse to the [departed] souls, who obtained a change of wind from the Lord; thus, with a powerful north wind, and the anchor thrown astern from a cable to aid as a rudder, we reached a little islet at two o'clock at night. There we moored, that stormy night. As soon as we reached the islet, the vendaval began to blow again, so that it would seem that the north wind had blown only for that. The third was in the same river of Ibahay. While ascending it when it had a very large strong current (for it is a furious river), it overturned my little boat, and drew me under; but, although I did not know how to swim, the water was drawn from under me, and I remained on the surface of the water, in such manner that I did not sink beyond my girdle. And thus, with half my body out of the water, the current carried me a long distance. The Indians were following me in all haste with the little boat, supporting it with their hands; and, when it overtook me, I climbed on top of it, overturned as it was, and in that manner they dragged me ashore. From there I went to the village, passing through streams as deep as my waist, or even to the shoulders, and many times even up to the throat, at the imminent risk of attack by crocodiles, and of life, and health; for I did not dare enter the boat again. The fourth was in Laglag, when I was going on horseback to the visitas of that district. The road was so close to the edge of the river that it could not be followed without risk. The rest of the country was so rough that it could not be penetrated. I was going carefully, but the horse knew little of the reins, and made a misstep and fell into the river—from so high a precipice that surely, had there not been much water in the river at that time, we had broken all our bones. But it was deep and had a strong current, so that when we fell into it we sank. The horse reached the shore immediately by swimming. The current carried me above water for a very great distance, until I seized some reed-grass by which I was able to reach the shore, where I thanked God for so many mercies. The fifth was by falling into the Dumangas River from a little boat. The above one of the ship is the sixth. I have left untold countless other dangers, while on the sea so many times—now from enemies, now from the weather. The seventh time is the loss of Sugbu, after the burning of that city and convent. It is not little to tell what the missionaries suffer here; but, as they are caused by works for God, His [Divine] Majesty aids us with His help and protection, when by any other means it seems impossible to save one's life on account of the enemies and hardships that surround a religious on all sides. May thanks be given to His [Divine] Majesty for all. Amen.

In 1631 there happened a wonderful thing in Sugbu. On account of the ill-success achieved at Jolo, the governor sent Sargento-mayor Tufino to Sugbu, so that, being posted in Dapitan (situated in Mindanao), he might prove an obstacle to the Joloans, so that they should not infest the islands. He reached the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and was lodged in a house belonging to the convent, opposite the prison; the two houses are separated only by a very wide street. The sargento-mayor stored his powder, amounting to sixteen barrels, in his house. The prison caught afire. All the people ran thither, since if the fire leaped to the house opposite, and caught in the powder, the city would surely be blown to pieces. The most Holy Child was immediately taken out, at sight of whom the fire was checked, and burned only the nipas of that piece, and left the supports on which it rests intact. This is the latest thing [of this sort] that has been seen. It was a solemn miracle; but that Lord who is omnipotent in all things can do this.



CHAPTER XLIII

Continuation of the preceding

The trade and commerce of the Japanese Islands has always been considered of great importance in these islands; for, as the former are rich in metals and foods, what is needed here can be brought thence at moderate prices. Formerly the Manila traders made much more profit by sending their goods to Japon than to Espana, for they saw the returns from them more quickly and at less risk. The governors have sought this trade very earnestly. Don Alfonso Fajardo sent two ambassadors, namely, Don Juan de Arceo and Don Fernando de Ayala, who were very influential men of Manila; they carried a goodly present with them. But that barbarian refused to admit them, whereupon they returned abashed, without effecting anything. All this rancor has arisen through his expulsion of the orders [from Japan], and his prohibition against preaching any new religion in his country. Although the emperors have done this in their zeal for their idolatries, the credence given to a falsehood told them by the Dutch has aided greatly in it. The Dutch told the emperor, in short, that he should beware of the European religious, for that by their means the king of Castilla made himself sovereign of foreign kingdoms; for after they had entered the country and reduced it to their religion, the rest was easy. It is not necessary to prove the falsity of this, so apparent is it. Disguised religious have not on that account discontinued going to Japon, but continue that work, although the severity of the persecution is ever increasing.

In the year 30, the governor sent out two large galleons, with five hundred soldiers, besides the sailors; they were ordered to capture and bring to Manila any Dutch vessel found on the coasts of Siam and Camboja. Don Juan de Alcarazo was commander of the galleons, and Don Pedro de Mendiola was admiral. They sailed the seas at signal risk, as they were not extra large ships, and the city was very anxious. For should those galleons be lost, then was lost the strength of the islands. But, finally, the Lord brought them safely home, which was not a little fortunate. In the course of their wanderings they seized two ships or junks, one belonging to Siamese, the other to Japanese. They sent the Siamese vessel to Manila, but sacked and even burned the Japanese vessel. It is said they found great riches on it. Who could know the truth? This was learned in Japon, whereupon the hate and ill-will of that people toward us redoubled. They tried to collect the value of the junk from the Portuguese, who trade with Japon. They said that, since the Castilians and Portuguese had the same king, it made no difference which one of them paid. They seized the goods of the Portuguese from them, and then the latter found their business quickly despatched. They sent their ambassadors to Manila, and a most dignified father of the Society came to manage the affair, namely, Father Moregon—a Castilian, but so changed into a Portuguese by his long intercourse with them, that he did nothing without them. Nothing was concluded upon this occasion. Later, in the year 1631, two junks came from Japon, one Portuguese, the other Japanese, with an embassy. The governor granted them audience in very circumspect fashion. On that occasion he assembled all the infantry in two columns, and had them escort the Japanese who acted as ambassadors, to whom he gave horses and trappings and a fine carriage. In short, they had come, in behalf of the governor of Nangasaqui, to confer about the junk, and the means by which trade could be opened. But it was straitly stipulated that no religious should go, for the Japanese had no liking for them. Two of our Japanese friars were the translators of all the matter contained in the letters. The governor satisfied them in everything, and treated them very well in Manila. The religious took the greatest pleasure from the embassy, considering the power of God. For when that gate was, in man's judgment, most tightly locked, the Lord opened it. For naught is impossible to Him. Non erit impossibile apud Deum omne verbum. [81] He who brought the Magian kings to the feet of One newly-born, by following a star, that same One brings the other nations to His bosom, when He wills, and opens the door to them so that they may enter into the bosom of His Church. The religious had the greatest hope of seeing the doors of Japon opened widely, so that those harvests might be gathered. The Lord, then, has been well pleased in those kingdoms with so much blood as has been shed there by His faithful ones, in testimony of His holy law. May He act as He shall see best in this matter.

It appears that in the year 1629 the orders were moved to send religious to Japon at their own cost. These were the Dominican fathers, the Franciscans, our Recollects, and those of our own order. They furnished the expenses on shares, built a champan, hired sailors, and paid a pilot. But that expedition could not have been for the best, for the Lord proceeded to defeat it, by allowing their champan to be wrecked. Afterward, although they bought another in China (or rather in Ilocos), it had no better success. Ours spent more than five hundred pesos. The father reader, Fray Pedro de Quesada, [82] and father Fray Agustin de Chauru went. The sufferings of the religious from storms, rains, roads, and famines would not be believed. It seems that they can say with St. Paul: Omnia superamus propter eum qui dilexit nos. [83] They had to return because their superiors thus ordered, for in any other way they would not have done it; as they know very well how to suffer with Christ and for Christ, whose hardships were sweet to them, as to another St. Paul: Mihi autem absit gloriari nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi. [84]

That same year certain splendid feasts were celebrated in Manila for the holy martyrs of Japon who were canonized by his Holiness Pope Urban VII. There were twenty-one of them. Three were dogicos of the Society; the others belonged to the order of our father St. Francis. The religious marched in glittering vestments, all at the cost of the pious and religious inhabitants of Manila. The orders invited one another. There was a general procession in which the altars were excellent. As for that of our house, if it were not the best one, none of the others were ahead of it. It is certain that the dances, comedies, and the other things which made the festival magnificent, could have been envied by the best cities of Espana, to the honor and glory of its sons; for they have so pacified this earth that even at the limits of the world may be seen so many grandeurs to the honor and glory of the Author of all. Of this not a little redounds to the Catholic sovereigns of Espana; for by their expenses of men and money the banners of the Church have floated over the most remote and unknown parts of the world. Our kings of Espana deserve much, no doubt, since God has made use of them for so great affairs in His service.

Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora sent Captain Juan Bautista, who had married one of his servants, to the fort and presidio of Caragan. He was a very energetic and courageous youth, as he had proved on all opportunities that arose—both in that presidio, where he made many successful expeditions, and in other places where he had been sent. He had been badly wounded in Jolo. When he beheld himself head of that fort, he resolved to make an entrance among the Tagabaloes. [85] He assembled many men from the friendly villages; as is the custom—although I know not with what justice they have taken to make forays on them, capturing them, carrying them away, and selling them, for those Indians where they go are not Moros, nor even have they done any harm to the Spaniards, but remaining quiet in their own lands, they eke out a miserable existence. But this [custom] is inherited from one [generation] to another. While about to make a foray in this manner, Captain Bautista quarreled with a chief of Caragan, the chief of all that district; and, not satisfied with treating him badly with words, the captain attacked him, threw him to the ground, and gave him many blows and kicks. Captain Bautista was unarmed, as were also the Spaniards with him, who are very self-reliant in all things. Then the chief returned to his own people and asked them if they were not ashamed of what had happened. "Then," said he, "how do you consent that the Castilians and captain treat me thus in your presence, when you could easily kill them?" As they were few and unarmed, the natives killed the captain and twelve soldiers, and Father Jacinto Cor, a Recollect father, who was going with them. After this first misfortune, resulting from the anger of an imprudent captain, the natives went about warning and killing all the Spaniards whom they found on their coasts, and tried to take the fort by strategy. But already the matter was known, and on that account they did not take the fort, which was the only means of recovering that post. They killed four more religious, among whom was father Fray Juan de Santo Tomas, prior in Tangda, who was near the same fort. He was a holy man, as he showed at his death; for, seeing them resolved to kill him, he asked permission to commend himself to God. He knelt down, and while he was commending his soul to God, they thrust him through with a lance. This religious was very learned and devout, and took especial care of his soul. Therefore it is believed that by that title of martyr our Lord chose to take him to His glory and crown him there. They wounded brother Fray Francisco, a layman, severely, as well as the father reader, Fray Lorenzo; but they did not die, and were afterward ransomed. The other religious were very devoted to God. How fortunate they, since they died so happily and in so heroic a quest; for those idolators killed them for hatred of their teachings. As much help was taken there as possible from Sugbu. The chief commander in this was Captain Chaves, encomendero of Caragan, who was living in Sugbu. He performed good services, repairing as much as possible the evil and harm that had been begun. Afterward, the commander-in-chief, Martin Larios, went with more soldiers to punish those Indians.

It was reported as certain that those Indians, desirous of throwing off the yoke from themselves, revolted because of the result in Solog, aroused by what they saw in Jolo, among a people less resolute than themselves, as well as by the lack of bravery that they had witnessed in the Spaniards. The natives gathered, and held assemblies and tried to ally themselves with the Joloans, Mindanaos, and all the other neighboring natives that could help them. Things were not in the condition that they wished; so they were gathering, and biding their time. The above opportunity was presented, and they hurled themselves to their own greater loss, since they began what they could not finish. It was permitted by God, so that the many souls whom the fathers have baptized and hope to baptize there may not apostatize; for thereabout are multitudes of heathen Indians, among whom the worship of Mahomet has not yet entered, and with the care of the fathers the harvest, without doubt, will be very plentiful.

The Recollect fathers returned to visit, or rather, to rebuild their house burned in Sugbu. They built it better, and roofed it with tile, whereby it will be safer than a roofing of nipa, which is so exposed to fire and flames.

In August, 1629, the governor sent Captain Don Sebastian de Libite—a very noble Navarrese knight, who had been a very good soldier in Flandes—to the Pintados as commander-in-chief. He went with his wife and household to the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. The weather was very stormy, and they were often menaced by death. This lady, Dona Catalina de Aguilar, and her whole household were very devoted to the most Holy Child, and called upon Him with great anxiety. Finally, in a disastrous storm that struck them, where death was facing them, this lady said to her husband: "Listen, Don Sebastian, promise something to the Holy Child, so that He may help us, and may allow us to see Him." He promised one hundred pesos. "What, no more than that?" replied Dona Catalina; "If we are drowning, for what do we love Him?" Finally, he promised five hundred pesos. The most Holy Child beheld their devotion, and miraculously saved them from their danger and conveyed them safe to Sugbu, where they fulfilled their vow. And it is a fact that although they were persons of great wealth of spirit and nobility, they are people who have less of the temporal. But what they possess is greater, which, at the end, will be a pledge of their reaching heaven.

[Father Medina's editor, Father Coco, follows the narrative with a list of the Augustinian provincials in the Philippines from 1632-1893—eighty-two in all.]



DOCUMENTS OF 1630-1633

Royal letters and decree. Felipe IV; December 4-31, 1630. Letter to Felipe IV from the bishop of Cebu. Pedro de Arce; July 31, 1631. Royal orders, 1632-33. Felipe IV; January-March, 1632, and March, 1633. Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Nino de Tavora; July 8, 1632. Events in Filipinas, 1630-32. [Unsigned]; July 2, 1632. Letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe IV. Miguel Garcetas, and others; [undated, but 1632].

Sources: The first and third documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the second, fourth, and sixth, from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the fifth, from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid.

Translations: The fifth document, and the first letter each in the first and the third, are translated by Robert W. Haight; the remainder, by James A. Robertson.



ROYAL LETTERS AND DECREE

Letter to Tavora

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia which sits there. Your letter of August 4, 628, which treats of matters concerning the exchequer, has been received and examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, and this will be your answer.

As to what you say that it is not expedient to continue the custom introduced under the governorship of Don Juan de Silva, namely, that the officials of my royal exchequer in those islands should not make payments without your order—considering that they have not half the money which is needed, and that it will be necessary to set limits to the payments, so that they may be made only in the most necessary cases—you will observe the order which you have for this matter, taking care that the payments made be entirely justified.

I have looked into the difficulties which you mentioned as resulting from the sale of offices of notaries in the provinces of the islands; but as it seems that the considerations in favor of it are the weightiest, you will order that they be immediately sold, or at least one in the chief town of each province, and will advise me when this is put into execution, and the amount for which each one is sold.

It will be well, as you say, that with the approval of another council like that which was held in the time of Don Pedro Acuna, decisions should be made whether it would be best to make a new valuation of the produce in which the Indians are obliged to pay the tribute. Granting the arguments which you bring forward, you will take care that they pay some of their taxes in kind; because otherwise they would not take the care that is desirable in stock-raising and farming.

You will see to it that the payment of salaries to the auditors of that Audiencia be not postponed; but on the other hand you shall prefer them to all others, whereby the complaint which they make of you on that score will be avoided. [Madrid, December 4, 1630]

I the King Countersigned by Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras.



Royal decree to regulate shipbuilding

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be. It has been learned by my royal Council of the Indias that the warships which are built in those islands are so large that they can be used only to fight in a stationary position in any battle; and that they cannot avail for navigation, to make or leave port when desired, to sail to windward, to pursue, or for any other purpose; and that there are not sailors or soldiers or artillerymen in sufficient numbers with whom to man them, as the smallest ship is of a thousand toneladas' burden. In order to equip them many war supplies are needed, also huge cables and heavy anchors, of which there is a great scarcity in that country. We have been informed that, now and henceforth, it would be advisable that no ships of greater burden than five or six hundred toneladas be built which will be suitable for the commerce and trade with Nueva Espana, and for the war fleet. And inasmuch as it is advisable that the best plan be adopted in this matter, you shall assemble the persons of that city most experienced in shipbuilding and in navigation, and in accordance with their opinion you shall proceed in building the ships. You shall endeavor to consider in their construction what regards both strength and capacity, and the other matters above mentioned. You shall advise me of what resolution you shall adopt. Given in Madrid, December fourteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty.

I the King

Countersigned by Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras, and signed by the members of the Council.

[Endorsed: "To the governor of Philipinas, ordering him to assemble the persons of that city most experienced in shipbuilding and navigation, and in accordance with their opinion to regulate the building of ships."]



Letter to the Manila Audiencia

The King. To the auditors of my royal Audiencia of the city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands. Your letter of the first of [month omitted] 628 has been received and considered in my royal Council of the Indias, and I hereby give you answer to it.

In regard to what you say touching the fact that the officials of my royal treasury of those islands do not pay you your salaries promptly when due, saying that the governor has ordered them not to pay it without his decree, I am having the said governor ordered to endeavor not to delay the payment of your salaries; but that, on the contrary, you be preferred to all others in the payment of them.

You say that, in accordance with what was ordained by laws of the kingdom and ordinances of the Audiencia there, appeals have been admitted in it, from the decisions of the alcaldes-in-ordinary, [and] edicts of the governor; [but] that he has imposed a standard and measure, in matters of the political government, with certain penalties, on the Sangleys regarding the manner in which they have to make timber, tiling, and other like articles; and that the governor has prevented these causes from being appealed to that Audiencia, declaring his purpose to give me an account of it. As he has done this, and has asked for a declaration of what he ought to do, I have ordered him to observe, in the method of reporting these contentions to me, and in the form on which they must be grounded, the order that is given by various decrees; and in the meanwhile he shall observe the custom in similar cases. And if there are no similar cases, then no innovation shall be introduced in the trial of the said appeals.

The said governor also writes me in regard to what you say about his prohibiting disputes from going to that Audiencia, or to any of the auditors, as alcaldes of court, as he believes that the parties can go to place the disputes before the ordinary judges; so that, if there should be any act of injustice, the case may go on appeal to that Audiencia. In that regard, he has been answered to observe the existing laws on that matter.

What you say about ceasing to maintain a room, separate from the other collegiates, in the college of San Josef (which is under charge of the fathers of the Society), for the instruction of the Japanese in our holy faith, is approved for the present, as communication with that kingdom has ceased.

The other sections of the said letter were examined, but there is nothing to answer to them at present. Madrid, December 31, 1630.

I the King By order of the king our sovereign: Don Francisco Ruiz de Contreras



LETTER TO FELIPE IV FROM THE BISHOP OF CEBU

Sire:

July 26, 1631, I received three decrees from your Majesty, in which your Majesty granted me the favor to advise me of the birth of the prince, [86] our sovereign, whom may God preserve. I feel especial joy and satisfaction at the favor that our Lord has shown toward Espana, in giving us a successor to your Majesty. In regard to the thanks that your Majesty orders me to give to God, I shall take especial pains to do as your Majesty orders.

In the second decree of your Majesty, your Majesty orders that the natives of these islands be treated gently, and that they be relieved as far as possible from injuries and too heavy burdens. I have always done my utmost, so far as I am concerned, in regard to this; and now and henceforth, I shall do it more carefully, since your Majesty has ordered it.

In your third decree, your Majesty orders that the governor appoint an ecclesiastical person to assist him in the examinations in what concerns the royal patronage, because of the troubles that have occurred in the vacant see. What I can tell your Majesty in perfect truth is, that I have always tried to have benefices given to the most praiseworthy, and to those most suitable to minister to the Indians; but if your Majesty judges an agent advisable, I shall willingly obey what your Majesty orders.

Your Majesty has appointed the archdean of the church of Cebu, Don Alonso de Campos, to the dignity of schoolmaster in this church of Manila. He has not been graduated in any science, and in this regard he is not possessed of the qualities that the council of Trent demands, nor those which the dignity of this church demands, for he is not a bachelor of arts. He who now exercises that office ad interim is Don Alonso Ramirez Bravo. He has been graduated in both kinds of law, and is a man of good qualities, who is at present provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric. He has had in charge the bishoprics of Cubu and Camarines. He is a most praiseworthy person, in whom are found the necessary qualifications. Will your Majesty grant him the favor of this dignity? for he merits it, and is serving in it by appointment of the governor of these islands.

Your Majesty orders me by a decree of your Majesty, under date of March twenty-seven of the year twenty-nine, directed to the archbishop of this city of Manila—which I received, as I have in charge this church in the said vacancy—to make investigation regarding the claims of Doctor Don Juan de Quesada Hurtado de Mendoca, fiscal of this royal Audiencia, that he has been given a royal decree to act as protector of the Sangleys, as his predecessors have been. Your Majesty orders me to ascertain whether a protector is necessary, whether the Sangleys ask for one, and whether it be advisable that he should be the fiscal. The relation made in the royal decree, Sire, by the said Doctor Don Juan de Quesada, is the truth, without adding one jot to it. What I can say to your Majesty is that the Sangleys need a protector to defend them; and that they have no defense, as has been experienced, except when they have had the fiscals as protectors. This is the reason why they have always been appointed. Often many injuries and annoyances inflicted on the Sangleys are remedied by the sole authority of the fiscal, without commencing suit. The Sangleys, Sire, ask a protector, and ask that he be the fiscal. I have seen a petition which was presented to the governor of these islands, Don Juan Nino de Tabora, signed by very many Sangleys, in which they petition him to give them the said Don Juan de Quesada, the fiscal, as protector. He has not determined to appoint the latter, because of the decree that he has received from your Majesty. However, I am fully persuaded of the great advantage to the Sangleys in having the fiscal as protector. This is the reason why no other has been appointed; for the governor says that, in conscience, he finds it very desirable for the Sangleys that the fiscal be their protector. The Sangleys have always petitioned for a protector. They are the ones who pay him his salary, and not your Majesty; consequently I cannot see that there should be any inconvenience in your Majesty giving them the one whom they desire and whom they pay, especially when it does not militate against your Majesty or your royal treasury. The Sangleys are very unprotected since your Majesty ordered that the fiscal should not be their protector. They are much better off, as they have experienced (as we all experience) the Christian spirit and honesty with which the fiscal, Don Juan de Quesada, has served and serves your Majesty. Consequently, it seems to me advisable that the present fiscal, and those who shall fill that office hereafter, be the protectors of the Sangleys. The contrary, I believe, would result in harm to the Sangleys. No protector can have less trading and business relations with the Sangleys than the fiscal, to whom your Majesty has prohibited trade and traffic; and he has forsworn it. May our Lord preserve the Catholic person of your Majesty for many years for the welfare of His kingdoms. Manila, July last, 1631.

Fray Pedro, bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus.



ROYAL ORDERS, 1632-33

Letter to Tavora

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora of my Council of War, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there. Your letter of June 20 of the past year 630, concerning the exchequer, has been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, and an answer is given you in this concerning the matters thereof in which decision has been made, and those which require reply.

I have considered what you say in regard to the inexpediency of including these islands in the monopoly of playing-cards established in Mexico; [87] also the act which you issued to the effect that the [monopoly] contracted for with Don Francisco de la Torre, a citizen of that city, should be put into execution. You will order this to be observed and complied with, during the time that it shall last; for it is already agreed to, with this stipulation, and I have confirmed it. As for the future I wish to know the advantages or difficulties which may result to my royal exchequer from doing away with this income, and not including those islands in it, and whatever else in this matter may occur to you, you will inform me in regard to it very fully on the first occasion; and I likewise command, by a decree of this day, that the said Audiencia do this.

You say that the office of secretary of the cabildo of that city was sold for twelve thousand five hundred pesos in coin, with the condition of having a voice and vote in the cabildo—which you conceded because the greater part of the offices of regidor there of were vacant, as there was no one to buy them; and that the price of the said office should rise, as otherwise it would not pass six or eight thousand pesos. You also stated that it was sold under condition that, if I should find it inexpedient and for this reason should not confirm it, nothing should be returned to the buyer; and as the said condition of his having a voice and vote in the cabildo has appeared prejudicial and illegal, you will correct this immediately—supposing, as you say, that the contract need not be altered for this reason, or anything given back to the person concerned.

For repairing of the losses which result from the fact that the royal officials make the winning bids for the offices which are sold in those islands, without notifying you of the amount and the person to whom they are sold, I am sending a decree of this date to command them to comply with and execute, on all occasions which may arise, the act which you have issued to this effect, which I approve.

That the said royal officials may always be at peace with you and well disposed, letters are being written to them as to how they should conduct themselves; and you, on your part, will maintain friendly relations with them.

The additional pay of a thousand pesos which you set aside for the bishop of Cebu, during the time while he governs that archbishopric, has been approved, since the reasons which oblige you to it are so justifiable. [Madrid, January 27, 1632.]

I the King

By command of the king our lord: Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras



Decree forbidding secular priests from Eastern India in the Philippines

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, knight of the Order of Calatrava, member of my Council of War, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be. I have been informed that the secular priests who go to those islands from Eastern India with their trading-ships generally are those expelled and exiled; that they remain there, and are often employed in vicariates, curacies, and benefices, to the injury of the natives, and the patrimonial rights of the country. After examination of the matter by my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it proper to issue the present, by which I order you not to permit any of the secular priests from those districts [of Eastern India] to enter those islands; nor shall you admit them to any exercise of office, for this is my will. [Given in Madrid, March twenty-six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two.]

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign: Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

Signed by the Council.

[Endorsed: "To the governor of Philipinas, ordering him not to allow any of the secular priests who might go from Eastern India to the islands to enter therein or admit them to any exercise of office."]



Order to the city of Manila regarding the Mexican trade

The King. To the council, justices, and magistracy of the city of Manila, of the Philipinas Islands. In response to what Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of those islands, wrote me, in the former year of 1629, about your petition for the fulfilment of the decree of 1593 which permits the inhabitants of that island to go to sell their goods in Mexico, or to send them under charge of a satisfactory person—and not to send or consign them, except it be in the second place—in a section of a letter which I wrote on December 4 of the former year of 630 to the said my governor, I charged him that, if the encomenderos living in that city who had sent persons with their possessions to Mexico proceeded dishonestly, or formed trusts [ligas], or monopolies among themselves, they should be punished according to law; and that if, in addition to the inconveniences that should arise in the observance of the said decree, others should be discovered, he should advise me thereof, so that suitable measures might be enacted. I also had my viceroy of Nueva Espana ordered to watch carefully what the inhabitants of Mexico did, so that he might apply the advisable remedy. Now, Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, your procurator, has informed me that the decree given in the said year of 593, ordering that the inhabitants of those islands might send persons to Nueva Espana to sell or take care of their merchandise; and that no one might consign them, except to one of the persons appointed for that purpose, who would reside in Mexico, was put into execution; but that, in violation of it, many of the inhabitants secretly send large quantities of merchandise to Mexico, entrusting those goods to the passengers and sailors without registering them, although that city has persons of credit and trust in Mexico. Thus result many embarrassments and frauds to my royal duties. He petitioned me to be pleased to have my royal decree issued, ordering that such unlawful acts be not permitted. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, bearing in mind what my fiscal said there, I have considered it fitting to advise you of the aforesaid, so that you may understand it, and I order you, in so far as it pertains to you, to keep, obey, and execute, and cause to be kept, obeyed, and executed, what has been enacted in this respect. Madrid, March 25, 1633.