They arrived, then, at that island, after reducing to their service on the way, all the islands in their path. These are not few, such as those of Masbate, Sibuyan or Sigan, Bantong, Romblon, Marinduque, and Mindoro. The island of Manila is as large as I have already stated. Access to it is obtained through [a bay with] two entrances, which are caused by an island between them, called Mariveles. There is a corregidor there, whose only duty is to set fires on the highest part of the island. [41] These are seen from Manila, and give notice of what is passing, in accordance with the signals that the governor has made or given. A Chinese vessel is signaled by one fire; one from Macan by two; one from India by three; and one from Castilla by four. Both entrances are navigable, for both are very deep. Then the entrance expands into the most beautiful bay that I think the world possesses; for it is more than forty leguas in circumference. [42] Anchorage can be found in all parts of it, and its maximum depth is not over forty brazas. The bottom is sand and mud, without a single pebble. A marvelous number of rivers and creeks empty into the bay, which cause the latter to be more frequented. It is so filled with fish that, although so great a town is fed by them, it never begs alms outside. When the vendavals blow, the weather is terrific; for they come from the sea, and the waves sweep in from the sea, and become so violent that ships cannot navigate without great danger. Since the vessels are laden in the time of vendaval season, and the distance from Manila to Cavite—the port—is two leguas eastward, the crossing is very dangerous during the vendaval, and great misfortunes have occurred, both to property and to life, without the governors being able to remedy it—or rather, caring to do so, for they could easily remedy it. But let us leave their government, which does not concern us. The settlement, then most flourishing, was located where the city of Manila is situated, namely, at the mouth of the Pasig River where it empties into the sea, and on the south side of it. On the north side is located another settlement, which formerly was very large, and even now is not small; for what it lacks in Tagals, it makes up in Chinese Christians, and those who have settled there. It is called Tondo, [43] and our convent there is a very handsome building, being entirely of cut stone. The convent contains the equipage of the father provincials, who have gone there to live. This seems well advised, because they do not stay in Manila, nor can they stay there; and by this method they save themselves innumerable inconveniences and importunities. Besides, whenever necessary, they can reach Manila very quickly by taking a boat just outside the court of the church and descending a salt-water stream; then they cross the Pasig River—all this in less than one-half hour—and disembark at the very gate of Santo Domingo. Our adelantado thought rightly that the conflict with those Moros must cost much blood, as the latter were aided by many other towns—both along the coast, and up along the river—which endure unto this day, still as flourishing and numerous as before. Already these peoples had been informed of events in Sugbu, of the victory over the Portuguese, and the subjection of the other islands. It seemed a difficult thing for them to stem the tide, and to kick against the pricks; and accordingly, they came to regard as well that which—according as affairs were going, with wind and tide in favor of the adelantado—they should have considered as ill.

The greatest chiefs of that country then were the old Raja, Raja Soliman, and Lacandola. These men, as they already observed the pernicious worship of Mahoma, imitated Mahometan names, as well as their customs. On the part of the Spaniards, their coming thither and the advantages that the natives could derive therefrom were proposed. These would not be few, since they would enjoy entire peace, whereby all their affairs would prosper. Fiat pax in virtute tua et abundantia. [44] The principal thing would be, that they would be freed from the error of the law under which they were living; for the only true law, and way of salvation, was the law of the Christians. That law those religious whom the Spaniards brought there would teach them. The religious had come with only this object, and time would prove the truth. All this was very easy for them, but in what pertains to the changing of the law they found most difficulty; for they thought that they could attain life eternal by means of the law under which they were living. The cursed Mahoma made the law, and ordered his believers not to dispute his law; for he knew that his lies would immediately be laid open at the first attack. On the other hand he advised them that each one was saved by his own law. Therefore, cursed demon, if thus you have advised, how in spite of torments, do you contrive that your law is received? This law Mahoma introduced into the world with force and arms. I am not surprised that these natives were so sorry to leave their religion, for they were persuaded that there was salvation thereby. But they preferred to follow Mahoma—homicide, drunkard, incestuous, robber, and sensual—than Christ, exposed naked on a cross, who preached fasting, mortification, chastity, penitence, love for one's enemy, and other virtues. The Borneans who were living in their country offered the greatest opposition to them, and were persuading them to the contrary, with the cessation of their cursed religion. But as this was a matter that could not be concluded in one day, but only gradually, and they had to be convinced of their errors and superstitions by the true and forcible arguments of our religion, it was left for the fathers—whose fasting, abstinence, prayers, and sermons were to cast out that demon, so strongly fortified in the hearts of those poor wretches. Hoc genus (demoniorum) non ejicitur nisi per orationem et jejunium. [45]

Upon this, those Moros or Tagals received the peace offered them, and rendered homage to King Don Felipe, our sovereign—whom may God keep in His glory—and to his successors, the sovereigns of Espana. The adelantado set up the standard for him and in his name. This was concluded and effected in the year 1571, day of the glorious St. Andrew, the patron saint of Manila. On that day, the standard is carried in that city, the capital of the islands, in the same manner as we related in describing the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus in the island of Sugbu. It is now carried with much less pomp than formerly, for all things are declining; and as affairs had their beginning, so they must have their middle and their end, for they are perishable and finite, and consequently must end.



Chapter XV

Continuation of the preceding chapter

Inasmuch as all one's affairs are subject to change, those things which apparently have greatest stability show, when one least thinks it, their defects [muestran la hilaza] and reveal their mutability. So it happened here. The adelantado was very happy indeed at the extremely good outcome of events, and at the peace so fortunately obtained in a matter, which, in his constant opinion, to buy cheaply had to be at the cost of much bloodshed. For everything he, as so thorough a servant of God, rendered thanks to the Lord, whose will governs all things; and man on his part does but little. But his happiness was of short duration, for that inconstant race, with the ease already mentioned, turned about, and tried to employ war in order to relieve themselves from the yoke that had been placed on their necks—in their opinion with little wisdom [on their part]; for without testing the ranks of the foreign enemy they had surrendered their land, where each one is a lion. In short, they perjured themselves, after having given their word, by breaking it. But as the Moro keeps no promise, except when to his own advantage, they made their forts and mounted therein a few small pieces obtained by exchange from Borney—whence they obtained these things, as being related by religion. All was already war and the din thereof, so that, necessarily, the voices of the preachers were not listened to—although, as they were so fervent, they did not discontinue performing their duties and efforts with all, and busying themselves in learning the [native] language. For, although nearly all the languages resemble one another in construction, yet they have so many different words that each one must be learned with special care, so that the native can better understand the father. The Tagal language is the principal one spoken in the island of Luzon. Father Fray Diego de Ordonez learned this language very quickly, and with it obtained what result those warlike confusions and rumors permitted him. The aged and holy Fray Juan de Alba, who had previously been stationed in the river Alaguer, in the island of Panay, had come with father Fray Diego de Herrera. Although one would think that his advanced years would excuse him from learning like a child, yet, to the end that he might serve our Lord, whose work it was, he endeavored to become young, even making it his duty. And what is more, while the struggle was in progress, and a general stampede was looked for daily, he descended to the hostile natives, contrary to the advice of many, preached to them, taught them, and exhorted them to peace, without on that account being in any evident danger, for the Lord protected him as another prophet Elias.

[The religious hold an important position in the colony. In 1571 two vessels bring an increase of six fathers: Alonso de Alvarado, [46] one of the Villalobos expedition; Geronimo Marin, [47] who afterward goes to China, and transacts affairs in Mexico and Spain; Francisco de Ortega, [48] who dies as bishop of Camarines; Agustin de Alburquerque, [49] who becomes provincial; Francisco Merino; [50] and Juan de Orta. [51] All of these die in the islands. The first fruit of these religious is the old Raja, who is baptized while sick. At his death he is interred with Christian rites. Father Alvarado, filled with zeal, fearlessly ascends the Pasig River and preaches in Laguna de Taguig and Taytay, where he is peaceably received. The Tagals are soon convinced of the good intentions and mildness of the Spaniards, and begin readily to receive the faith. Medina continues:]

Two buildings were being erected in Manila, for the temporal and the spiritual. The temporal was in the shape of a fort, which was being built. With such a possession friends feel secure, enemies fear, and one's strength is increased. How much the spiritual edifice was growing is seen, since the number of workers was increasing, the people were becoming more and more capable of understanding what we were teaching them, and were estimating the inequality between the two beliefs. Hence it was needful that they should embrace what was good, and throw away the other as wicked and evil. The fathers kept school in the convent. They taught the boys to read and reckon. They were training some of them in the sacristy, teaching them to aid in the mass; so that, by having nearer at hand what we were teaching them, they should learn it more easily. All this was necessary in order to conquer natives, who were so hardened and so much accustomed to evil, that they regarded everything evil as good. For to such a pass can evil come, as says the prophet Isaiah: Vae qui dicitis bonum malum. [52] And as the lads returned home every day with something new, which they told to their fathers and mothers, the result was that they gave the latter food for reflection, which caused the spark to course through their hearts; and as the spark was fire, and still more from God, it must strike deep and work its effect. Thus the number of Christians continued to increase. And, not less, certain hopes arose that they would be multiplied daily, and extended through all those nations who were viewing events in Luzon, as being the greatest island of all, and with the most warlike inhabitants.

A site had been chosen for the convent, which is today the best in the city, and the largest and finest; for it comprises an entire square, equal on each side. It has a vaulted church with its transept. The body of the church is adorned on each side with chapels. Truly, if the chapels had been built higher, according to the plan, so that there might have been a series of windows above, where the light would enter, it would rank with the fine buildings of Espana. But the lack of light is unfortunate for it. It has a very fine stone cloister, accompanied by its cells. There is a vault underneath also. All of this work has proved excellent, for although it is in a place where frequent earthquakes occur, it has suffered no damage of consequence. [53] Rather, I think that the fathers of the Society, upon seeing this, have planned to build their church with a vault, and are correcting in it the faults of ours. Thus it will result in a very fine building indeed, and just as the affairs of that so distinguished and holy order are wont to result. The rest is yet to be built, for now everything is very dear. Since the money is derived from outside sources, they must be guided by the alms received; but the faithful assist according to their means—if they have little, with little; and, as [now] they have not anything, it is a matter of necessity that they cannot give us even that little. I can only acknowledge that as we were the first [to enter here], our houses ought to be, at the end of sixty-six years very strong in this regard. But the fact is that there is no community in Manila that does [not] excel us in this; and we remain only with the name [of being well-to-do], which does us no little harm. For, with the title of powerful ones, no one remembers us, except to beg from us and take away our lands; and, as they say in Espana: "What matters it to me if my father is called hogaza [i.e., "large loaf of bread"], if I die of hunger?" But, finally, the little that covetousness influences us will be evident to all, even if I am not pleased at the abandoning of what belongs to us lawfully; as says our great father: Et ideo quanta amplius rem communem, quam propriam curaveritis, tanto vos amplius proficere noveritis. [54] Yet am I glad that in such manner are we so greedy of the rich patrimony of poverty, and such masters in it, that we cannot keep anything. For, after all, we are all sons of one father, of whom it is written that, although he was a bishop, he made no will at his death, for he had nothing. Testamentum nullum fecit; quia unde faceret pauper Christi non habuit. [55] I made the above remarks, for later an occasion so apropos may not arise.



Chapter XVI

Of the assembly held by our religious in these islands, where they elected a provincial; and of other events.

[With the increase of their numbers, the missionaries felt the need of electing a provincial. Accordingly a general assembly was called, and in the early part of May, 1572, Martin de Rada was elected provincial—"a person of whom we have said so much and of whom we shall say much, and of whom there is plenty to say; for he was a subject worthy of all things, and his memory is as green today in the islands as if he were alive; and his achievements are extolled by Spaniards and Indians, who hold his sayings as prophecies.... In this assembly the priests had a vote, for as there were no fixed convents, and all were participating in the same labor, the responsibility of voting was divided among them all. The first thing that they discussed after the election was the despatching of a religious to Nueva Espana, and thence to Espana, to give account of the condition of the province, and of their ministry; and to request religious for the continuation of the work, and permission for our most reverend father to divide the province among them with full authority of proceeding in their elections and government, as in the other provinces which are not dependent." Diego de Herrera was chosen for this mission, and left Manila in the beginning of August, 1572. The new provincial set vigorously to work, "correcting, if there were aught to be corrected, anything in those first laborers that gave the lie to the perfection that they were professing (and in religious any puerility gives the lie to perfection, just as in a beautiful face any mark shows out, however small it be). The religious are the face of the community, the most unblemished of it, and all men are looking at them. Consequently there must be nothing that gives the lie to it; for, however slight it be, it must be immediately seen." Convents, churches, and houses, "not costly, but with the moderation of that time," were erected. Medina continues:]

... A convent was established in the town of Taal. There is a lake there, generally known as the lake of Bongbong. Its water is salt, and so deep that the bottom cannot be reached in some parts. It is about forty leguas in circumference, counting in its gulfs and bays. [56] Shad are caught there, or rather tunny-fish, which, although not like those of Espana, still approximate to them. The lake empties through a river into the sea. When the Spaniards went there, this lake swarmed with people. It is twelve or thirteen leguas from Manila. Its chief town was this Taal, where the religious were established. Now it is the principal convent, and has a stone church, but very few people. [57] There lives the alcalde-mayor of La Laguna. And there are generally Spaniards there who are making rigging for his Majesty. This lake has its islets, especially one opposite Taal, which had a volcano, which generally emitted flames. [58] That made that ministry unhealthful; for the wind or brisa blew the heat and flames into the village so that all that land became parched, and the natives had no lands to cultivate....

[To remedy this Father Alburquerque built an altar at the foot of the volcano; a procession was made thither by all the village, and mass celebrated. So successful was this that "as yet no more fire or smoke has been seen, and that island, about four leguas in circuit, has fields and cows, and the inhabitants of Taal sow and reap their harvests in their land." Other convents were established at Tanauan, Lipa, Bauang, and Batangas, the first three with houses, the last with a house and stone church. "But they have few people, [59] so that the presence of the Spaniard must be a poison that finishes them. And this reduces them more than their wars and slaveries did in their heathenism. Of the volcano of Tlascala is recounted almost the same thing as of Taal."]

The father provincial settled religious in Laguna de Bay, [60] which is another lake not less remarkable than the one that we have just described. Its water is fresh, and it is the largest lake known [in the islands], for it must be more than fifty leguas in circuit. It has its islets in the middle, some larger than others. It is exceedingly stormy, for, as the water has but little density, it is aroused and disturbed with but little wind, to the danger of those upon it. This convent is one of our largest. It was the largest settlement [on the lake]; now it has about one hundred tributes. All the Indian women make hose, and they are the best that are exported. There are generally two religious there, for that convent has its visita. The church is of stone, and is very large, as is the house likewise. About this lake are many convents of the religious fathers of St. Francis, which district we assigned to them—although we could have kept it, and assigned to them a district more remote. But in this is seen our indifference, for we shared with our guests the best, which are the districts nearer Manila. This lake has very famous baths of hot water, one legua from Bay, which are a remedy for many ills. An excellent hospital is established there, with a house adequate for the religious who administer it. These religious are Franciscans, and they administer this hospital, as they do others in the islands, with the charity and love which might be expected from so holy religious. And although brothers of St. John of God came to administer the hospitals, and remained in Manila many days, and even years, the Franciscan fathers were not willing to give up their infirmaries and hospitals, nor were the former able to deprive them of these. Therefore, they returned to Nueva Espana. And indeed, even if they who have the care of hospitals as a duty [i.e., the brothers of St. John of God] had charge of these, I do not see how they could have done it with greater charity, or more to the universal satisfaction [than have the Franciscans]. This lake empties by two arms of rivers: one goes to Pasig, our convent; and the other to Taguig, likewise our convent. Lower down the two rivers unite. Further increased by the San Mateo, which comes from the uplands, and has very clear water, they make a very beautiful river which empties into the sea, after flowing past the walls of Manila. It is called the Pasig River from the chief village. But in order to drink of the good water, one must ascend even to the very convent of Pasig, where the water is found clear. There are many things to see along this river. For both sides are lined with gardens and summer-houses, more lived in than even those of Manila, for there is enjoyed the coolness and freedom which the city does not possess. There are churches up the river, some with seculars, some with fathers of the Society, some of St. Francis, and some ours. For two leguas up the river [61] is our convent of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, which is built of stone. It is the most frequented house of devotion in the islands, both by Spaniards and by natives. And it is enough that it has not ceased to exist, because of the changeableness and fickleness of the country. We may talk more at length of this holy house.

Religious were established in the convent of Pasig, of which we have said somewhat already. It is about three leguas from Manila, and from Guadalupe one legua farther on. Now it has less than one thousand Indians in charge, and three religious; for it has a most fatiguing visita, namely, San Mateo, where ordinarily is established one religious with voting power. [62]

The father provincial established religious in Calumpit, one day's journey from Manila toward the east (where the Tagal language is likewise spoken), bordering the province of Pampanga. It is located on a beautiful river called Quingua, of excellent water, which is used by all the convents of that district. It was a very densely populated district, but now it has but few people, for the Indians have not remained there. [63] It had formerly innumerable mosquitas, [64] but now few; and some sugar plantations, which were started by father Fray Pedro Mejia, [65] and continued by father Fray Luis Ronquillo. [66] If care were taken of them, the convent would be supplied with what is necessary. It is a priorate and has a vote. Its Indians number about five hundred.

The father provincial likewise established a convent in Lubao, which is [in] the province of Pampanga. It is a most fertile land, and we might say that it sustains the country, for it is all rice-fields. Hence it is said, that at harvest Pampanga is worth little. The convent of Lubao had many people, and hence they were able to build a church, which is one of the best in the country. It is all built of brick, made there; they also built a two-roomed house. It has generally two religious, with six hundred Indians. [67] All Pampanga is like streets, for the houses of one town are continued by those of another. One may go to all its towns without getting in the sun, for now the bamboos, and now the palms furnish very pleasant shade. From this place one goes to Guagua, a short legua, past the houses; thence to Betis; from Betis to Bacolor, the best of the entire province. Of the rest we shall speak in their turn.

The father provincial established religious in the island of Panay, which, as it was of the Bisayan language, he was not willing to abandon. Those islands, although the first to whom the clarion of the gospel was sounded, have been the ones that have remained most in ignorance. I am unaware of the cause for this unless it be my sins, for truly the most flourishing province, in regard to its missions, has been that of Panay, as will be seen in this work. And yet, they are as new in matters of our faith, as on the first day. I think that their living in very remote towns conduces greatly to this, and in not seeing the religious so frequently as the others do. And although they have attempted to maintain some [religious] assemblies, they have not retained them, for the persons who most strenuously oppose their having assemblies are the encomenderos—because they fear the diminution of their Indians, more than what they owe as Christians. I console myself that another tribunal will judge them with more rigor. But may it please the omnipotent God that human selfishness be not repaid with eternal punishments; for they become encomenderos more to deprive the natives of the good of the soul, than to convert them and protect them in what concerns them so deeply.

The island of Panay is more than sixty leguas [68] south of Manila. The same star stands over the bar of its principal river, the Panay, as at Manila. Its other river, the Alaguer, is on the other coast. Both have about the same amount of water, but the Panay flows more slowly, and hence can be ascended more readily. It is also deeper, so that fragatas can enter over its bar at full tide, for it has about one and one-half brazas of depth. At low tide, not even the small vessels can enter. It is two leguas from the bar to the town. The convent is very large. With its visitas, it has in charge more than one thousand two hundred Indians. The alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction lives there. As a rule, there are many Spaniards there; for at that port are collected the vessels for the relief expedition to Maluco. Thence goods are transported in champans to Ilong-ilong, where the port is located, and where the vessels are laden. There are more than one hundred Chinese married to native women in this town, and their number is increasing daily, so that I think they will end by peopling the country. I, being twice prior of this convent, learned somewhat of the Chinese language, in order to be able to minister to them; for to do so in Spanish, or in the language of the land, is the same as ministering to Spaniards in Greek. The river banks above are lined with palm groves, and with villages that are thinly inhabited because of the laziness of the alcaldes-mayor. The latter imagine that, when their offices are given to them, it is only that they may get money. They only take heed of that, and prove rather a drawback than an aid to the ministry. About two days' journey up the river, and on a branch flowing into the Panay, is the convent of Mambusao [69], a very flourishing house. Don Fray Pedro de Agurto, first bishop of Sugbu, and a member of our order, gave this to the order. He was one of the most learned and holy men of all the Indias. Afterwards he will be glorified, for he is the brightest jewel in this history, and has most honored the habit in these islands. He was a creole of Nueva Espana, and one of whom all those fathers can be proud. Ascending the river inland in Panay, and leaving on the right Mandruga and Mambusao, one reaches the convent of Dumalag, after a few days' journey, more or less. It is a very important convent, for it ministers to more than one thousand Indians. There are two religious in each of these convents, prior and assistant. Before arriving at the convent of Dumalag, the convent of Dumarao, a very important house, has its river on the left. All of these convents have their churches and houses finished—although in wood, for it is not convenient to build them of other materials. Those crossing to the coast of Otong, where the port and fort are located, pass through this district. They use a hammock [as their bed]; they walk inland a matter of two good leguas. Then they stop in a visita of Passi called Batobato. Thence they descend the river—or go by land, if the water is low—to the town of Passi, which is located in the middle of the island, with the most beautiful and suitable site imaginable. It enjoys balmy winds, excellent water, less dense woods, and less rain, so that one would believe it a different region. This convent has a stone church, and has charge of about two thousand tributes. The king grants it a stipend for three religious, and since this had to be, as it were, the Escorial, not only of the islands, but also of the country, it has been so unfortunate that scarcely has a work been finished than it immediately is burned. I cannot say in what this convent has suffered most, and that from the time when they left their old site and moved to their present location. This so constant work is the reason for this district not having more than two thousand Indians, and I wonder that it has them. The river of Alaguer [70] flows past the convent gates. By this one descends, leaving on the right and inland the priorate of Laglag; [71] and still lower and also inland and on the same side, that of Baong; [72] and reaches the convent of Dumangas, which we call Alaguer. Thither went father Fray Juan de Alba—as the reader will remember—and from that house all the above were administered until they were made priorates. The bar of this river is about two leguas from the town. Now the convent is finished, but can sustain only one religious. The port and the fleet have destroyed it; for these are the best people of the Bisayas. The river, although like that of Panay, can not have much depth because of its rapid current, nor can the tide ascend for any distance, however, small boats enter it. These two rivers have one source. The Panay runs northward, and this of Alaguer toward the vendaval. If one wishes, he may cross hence, between this island and Himalos, [73] to Salog (Jaro), a convent of the order, which was also assigned to it by Bishop Agurto. It has in charge about one thousand Indians, but the number is much lessened by the conscriptions of the port, which is one-half legua from that town. From that place, following the coast, one goes to the convent of Otong, the chief convent of this island, because it is near the village of Arevalo—once important, but now of no account. The alcalde-mayor and overseer-general of the Malucos lives there. Otong lies about one and one-half leguas from the port. One may reach it either by the beach, or by a salt-water creek which flows through the village (and even to the very gates of our convent), and then makes a turn, leaving the village an island. About two leguas along the coast lies the convent of Tigbauang, which belongs to our order. Today it is in charge of more than eight hundred Indians. The capital is very small, for it enjoys the conscriptions of Ilong-ilong. A matter of a short legua farther on is the convent of Guimbal. Of it, one may philosophize as in the case of Tigbauang. The latter has Hantic [74] as a visita, which was formerly one of the best priorates, but often destroyed by men from Camucon, Solog, and Mindanao, as it is quite outside the Spanish pale. It is more than twenty leguas from its capital, and is visited with great hardship and danger. Now since, without thinking, we have related all that is to be known of the island of Panay, let us return to Manila; for I think that something awaits us there.



Chapter XVII

Of how our religious tried to go to great China

During this time two Chinese junks or champans came to Manila to trade. These people, as they are so fond of silver, scented what was to enter their country through this medium. Hence they began the richest and most opulent trade known. Were the Spaniards less hasty, surely the trade would have resulted more cheaply, and the Chinese would not have done with them as they wished. In the beginning the articles traded were very cheap, and extravagant fortunes were made in Mejico. Now, however, it makes such inroads on the capital, that loss on the cost has often occurred in Mejico. But then, who can remedy this? These Indians or Chinese are generally called Sangleys, not because they call themselves Chinese or Sangleys, for they have been and are surprised at the two names. They are called Sangleys, because when they came to Manila, and the people saw men of so strange appearance, with hair like that of women—and of which they take most especial care, more even than of their faces and bodies—and done up on the head very nicely, and with a most peculiar headdress, their long garments, their ample and long drawers reaching to the feet, and all their other apparel in keeping, which seemingly belong to women rather than men, they asked the latter who they were. The answer was "Sangley" (or "merchant"); as one would say, "We are merchants." They were canonized with this name, and it has proved permanent, and hence they are now called by no other name. The name China must have been given by the Portuguese. Their own name is Songsua. [75]

[A short description of China and its people follows. The fathers no sooner saw the Chinese traders, than they were filled with zeal for the conversion of the country. But they were unsuccessful in persuading the traders to embark them on their vessels. A letter written by Legazpi to one of the Chinese viceroys, and accompanied by a present, also failed of effect, for neither was delivered. Thus China remained a closed door for the time being.]



Chapter XVIII

Of the part played by our religious in the siege of Manila by Limahon, a great Sangley pirate, and of the latter's flight and destruction.

The month of August, 1572, was, beyond doubt, a sad one throughout the Filipinas Islands; for, in that month the Lord was pleased to take to Himself Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, by whose valor and prudence these islands had been won, and increased with the advantages that were seen. For in his eight years of governorship he did not begin anything that did not have a prosperous conclusion—well known to arise from his zeal and Christianity and his firmness and forbearance. Hence he was, with reason, loved by his own men, and feared and respected by foreigners. Thus, by merely the renown of his name in the islands, no one, however brave he might be, dared to exert himself as a leader. During his life, all promised themselves that that work commenced by him would attain the ends suitable to beginnings so distinguished. But at his death everything remained, as it were, in a torpid condition; for indeed it seemed to the enemy impossible that that man who had conquered theme had died, or that so great valor had passed away so soon. But, truly, those who grieved and wept most were our religious, for they knew what they were losing in his loss, and how matters of religious instruction would be put backward, which by his valor were extending and widening the territories of the church. And their grief was greater because they were surrounded on all sides by enemies, and were in a city without walls, or other fort than that of the bodies and good courage of the soldiers But soldiers are wont to lose their courage when they have no level head to guide them and face the danger. The adelantado was buried, in fine, in the convent of St. Augustine in Manila, his bones being deposited there, until his disposition of them was carried out. Father Fray Martin de Rada, who lived there then as provincial, conducted his obsequies. He preached a long sermon on his many virtues, in which it is certain that one cannot say that love of his benefactor moved him, but zeal that vices should be eradicated.

After the next year, 73, his obsequies were preached in our convent in Mejico. There Master Fray Melchor de los Reyes preached with the vigor that might be expected from so erudite a man. He satisfied the audience and not less our duty and thankfulness. And certainly we in this convent ought to feel very thankful toward him [i.e., Legazpi] and for the blessings and advantages acquired through him by the order of our father St. Augustine.

The treasurer, Guido de Lavezares, entered into the government by virtue of a royal decree in the islands (although a secret one), in which his Majesty ordered that in case of the death of the adelantado they should be governed by Mateo de Saus—who had gone to the islands with the title of master-of-camp; and in case of the death of this second, the treasurer should enter into the governorship, with the title of governor and captain-general. He did so, thus fulfilling his Majesty's decree; and he had so great Christianity and prudence, that one would believe that he had inherited the spirit and zeal of the dead governor.

[Here follows a very brief account of the descent on Manila by Limahon, who is forced to retire to Pangasinan—Medina says Cagayan. There the pirates published news that the Spaniards had all been killed. Medina continues:]

Those who hastened to believe this were the Indians of Mindoro, who are also something like the Moros. This island is more than twenty leguas from Manila on one side; on the other it is so near that there are but two or three leguas to cross, namely, by way of Batangas. The island is very large, and very well covered with mountains; and it has beautiful rivers and a plentiful supply of fish, and above all, of wax. It has a corregidor, and is more than one hundred leguas in circuit. It has two benefices, in which live beneficed seculars. One is called Bacoy, and the other Nauhang. They have about six and seven hundred Indians respectively. Services are held in the Tagal speech. But there are here, further, some Indians whiter than the Tagals, who live in troops in the mountains. They are the ancient inhabitants of the country, and it is they who gather the great abundance of wax which is yielded there. I said that there was a benefice of them, namely, of the people called Mangyan. [76] They are very good, and if they were instructed and taught, it would be easy to reduce them to settlements and missions. But no one attempts to do any work in the Lord's service. Especially do these Mangyanes fear the sea. They pay no tribute. They fear lest the Spaniards take them to man their ships. They go naked; and deliver the wax to the Tagals, which the latter pay as tribute, and give as their share. More than three hundred quintals of wax yearly must be obtained in this island. This mission, then, was first in our charge, and at the time of the pirate Limahon's descent upon Manila, that island was a priorate. Its prior was father Fray Francisco de Ortega, and his companion was father Fray Diego Mojica. [77] As soon as those Moros heard, then, of the result at Manila, they threw off the yoke, attacked the fathers, seized them, and talked of killing them. However, they forbore to kill the fathers immediately—I know not for what reason, since the Moros were setting out to execute that resolve.

[The governor, hearing of the imprisonment of the fathers, sent for them, but they had already been released. The Moros of Manila, instigated by Borneans, took occasion to revolt at this time, choosing as their two leaders Lacandola and Raja Soliman. "Seeing this, father Fray Geronimo Marin determined to go to the other side of the river and talk to those chiefs concerning the cause of their rising, so that, if there were complaints, as cannot fail to arise among soldiers, they might be remedied." Quiet was finally restored in this quarter, the greatest difficulty being found with Raja Soliman, who "did not act fairly in whatever the Spaniards were concerned, nor did he regard them with friendly eyes." The governor proclaimed a religious procession in honor of the fortunate termination of the affair with Limahon. It was held January 2, 1575, at which time was founded a brotherhood of St. Andrew. In the year 1574 three more Augustinian religious had arrived, namely, Diego de Mojica, Alonso Gutierrez, [78] and Juan Gallegos. [79] Also in 1575 came three others, Francisco Manrique, [80] Sebastian de Molina, [81] and Alonso Heredero. [82]]



Chapter XIX

Of other events, and when the other religious entered into the islands

[In these early years a disaster befalls the Augustinians, and somewhat dashes their hopes. This is the death of Diego de Herrera with ten priests who are coming, six from Spain and four from Mexico, to augment the missionary efforts. Of the thirty-six priests obtained by Herrera on his mission to Spain, but six set sail for the Philippines. The four from Mexico who join them are: Francisco Martinez, of the chair of writing in the University of Mexico, an excellent Greek and Latin student, who had been prior of the Augustinian convent in Lima, Lesmes de Santiago, an ascetic, and formerly a successful merchant; Francisco Bello; and Francisco de Arevalo. The shipwreck is quite near Manila and is due "to the carelessness of the pilot—and I think that this is the first ship that has suffered shipwreck on coming from Mejico." The loss of Herrera is felt keenly, for he was an enthusiastic and zealous worker. "The loss of this ship was felt keenly in the islands, for it bore heavy reenforcements of troops, money, and other things needed in the new land, which lacked everything. But above all they were anxious because they were surrounded on all sides by enemies, and had but few troops, and these were scattered in many districts. But those who grieved most were Ours...." Medina continues:]

The religious discussed the matter, and seeing the great abundance of the harvest, and that they were unable to attend to everything, they thought that it was not right to enjoy this field alone, but that the other orders should come to aid them. For they recognized that there was work for all, and that, if the door of China and Japon was opened, those from Espana would seem but few to them. Besides, there was enough in the islands wherewith to occupy themselves. Therefore, they wrote to the father-provincial of Nueva Espana—at that time Maestro Veracruz, a man of the letters and holy life that is known—asking him to take the matter up with the viceroy. [83] He favored this plan, chiefly because in it was evidenced the great liberality of Ours, in not keeping the bread, which the Lord had given them, but dividing it with love with their other companions; and this fraternal spirit of the orders is a good thing. This example was given us by the holy apostles, who, after casting that net in which they caught so many fish that they could not pull it in because of so great weight, immediately annuerunt sociis. They called and signaled to their companions to come to their aid, in order that they might enjoy their good fortune and drag the net to shore and obtain the fish. The viceroy of Nueva Espana discussed the matter, in the interests of all the orders—for the viceroy was father of them. He wrote to his Majesty, so that the discalced fathers of the order of our father St. Francis, with whom our religious shared the cape, went to the islands in the year 1577. And Ours even gave them of the best, which they themselves had pacified, namely, Camarines, Laguna de Bay, and many convents about Manila. There they began to preach, to establish contents, and to administer, with the greatest fervor. They have increased so much that now they have many convents, that contain excellent linguists, and grand servants of the Lord, and have notable martyrs—of which, God willing, we shall see somewhat later.

Later, in the year 1580, the fathers of the Society of Jesus came to the islands. Therein they have made much gain, as it is well known that they have done wherever they dwell, by teaching human as well as divine letters to the youth, and at the same time giving them the mild food of virtue—which enters very well along with the teaching of letters, of which a long and settled experience has been had. They have the university in Manila, very notable in its members, which has filled the islands with learned men. It is in no respect defective; but is excellent in everything. And although all do not join the church, knowledge does not at all tarnish a captain's reputation; rather, it is enamel upon gold. For he who has the most alert understanding enters and goes out better on occasions, and gives in public the better reason for what is proposed. Besides, those born in the islands grow up with but little knowledge of the Castilian language, both on account of the habits of the country, and because they are always arm in arm with the blacks, who talk a jargon of tongues—which is neither their own, for they have lost that, nor that of the natives, nor of the Spaniards, but a smattering of each one; those coming from Espana do not understand them. Therefore, it is needful that the youth should have some means of losing that corrupt speech, and of relearning that of their parents, so that they may afterward be able to shine in public without shame.

The fathers of the Society have many places of ministry, and daily are extending their labors. They have a little about Manila, but more in the Bisayas; for they have charge of the island of Samar, that of Leyte, that of Ibabao, and that of Bohol. [84] Now they have a convent in the very island of Mindanao, where they have performed great deeds among the Subanes. They have missions in many other districts, the Indians of which are very tractable and well instructed, as I shall be able to relate here; for they are excellent in everything. And as the fathers are usually influential in secular affairs, they obtain what they see to be important for their good management, all of which is needed to induce these stiff-necked people to accept salvation.

They have remarkable Bisayan linguists. And although they printed Belarmino [85] in that tongue, I think it was at more cost than gain; for to imagine that the Indian will buy a book is a ridiculous notion. And even if he had it, he would be too lazy to read it. This is the reason why so little has been printed in all the languages of these regions. Perhaps with the lapse of time they will lose the ancient vices, and become fonder of the truth.

In the next year, 1581, several religious of his order went to the islands with Bishop Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the order of our father St. Dominic, and first bishop of these islands. They established themselves in Manila with so great observance and vigor, that, in the opinion of all, this province is the most holy and austere known, and is considered as such. Those who come from Espana do not recognize it—not because there is a lack of observance there, but because the habit here is most severe; and since the country is so unsuitable for austerity, necessarily that is a cause for keen regret, and those who wear the habit are wont to wear a hair-shirt perpetually. These most religious fathers have charge of the Sangleys, for whom they have had finished linguists, and they do not lack such now. They have built so fine a wooden church in the Parian of Manila—that is, the alcaiceria, where the Sangleys have their shops—that it might be sightly even in Espana, and in it the Sangleys have generously assisted. [86] For they had a common fund for current expenses, and they amass in it yearly about twenty thousand pesos. Each Sangley, pagan or Christian, pays, if he wear a cue, three reals of four to the peso, in two payments. For this fund there are Spanish collectors with a sufficient salary. What I regret is that, in all these cunning devices to obtain their money, and the exaction of these contributions, the money is taken from the Spaniards, as the Sangleys are their creditors. And the Sangley himself says when they collect it, "I do not pay this, but the Castilian." For since we get our food, clothing and shoes through them, and it is necessary that everything come from the hand of the Sangleys, therefore they avenge themselves very well, by putting up prices on everything, and shortening measures, so that the loss is greater than is realized. Watchful Spaniards do not fail to take note of this, and they grieve over it; but they endure it, for the communal fund, or the tribute, or the other things are not demanded of them—as if in what they buy, or order to be made, they did not pay double. When I came to the islands in the year 1610, when not so much was exacted from the Sangleys, there was a large bale of paper of eighty large sheets, from each one of which six small sheets were made, so that there were four hundred and eighty sheets. This could be bought for three or four reals. But after the contributions were levied on them, I saw and bought these large bales of paper, of but fifty large sheets, and from each one could be cut no more than four small sheets; and they cost three pesos. They could not have so high a price in Espana. I bought a small piece of linen of fourteen or fifteen varas for four reals. Now they measure by varas, and it is very cheap at one real per vara. And thus in everything else, this appears now, whether the Sangley, the Spaniard or the Chinese pays the trickery. But it is a singular thing, how poorly the Spaniard governs himself. Wherever he halts, immediately all prices go up; and even when he is able to get food gratis, he clothes himself and obtains his food at excessive rates, because of his lack of consideration or his heedlessness. And when he happens to bethink himself, it is too late.

The Dominican fathers have another station of married Sangleys, near Manila, and adjoining Tondo, so close that their houses and those of Tondo are contiguous. This station belonged to us, but we generously gave it to them, so that they might agree to make a compact in regard to the celebration of the feast of Corpus Christi. [87] We ourselves celebrated it on the Sunday that came after the principal feast, when the cathedral celebrates it, with great solemnity. The fathers of our father St. Dominic came and entered their suit. Journeys were made to and from Roma at great expense. At the end, it was decided that the festival should be celebrated ad invicem [i.e., "in turn"], one year in one place and the next year in the other, in the following manner. When it should be celebrated in Santo Domingo, we were to perform the services at the altar; and when it was celebrated at our house, in the same way they should perform the service. Let them consider that it was important whether to celebrate the feast immediately on the following Monday. Some things on which we lay particular stress have no importance whatever; and, regarding some that we ought to lay stress on, we allow them to stand without any care whatever. This is well known and a trite saying in our holy order. But it is a matter of greater importance to that convent than to ours that the feast should be celebrated today rather than tomorrow. The Dominican fathers have built in the convent a very strong stone church, which would be considered substantial in Espana. One has only to cross the bridge over the river to go from this church to their church in the Parian. A short distance farther, and also near there, they possess the hospital for sick Sangleys. But I maintain that but few are treated there, for these nations would rather be left to die in their own houses, with their relatives, than to regain their health in the hospital. Besides the Sangleys have very excellent physicians among themselves, even better than those from Espana—I mean those in Manila, who serve rather to take money and to bury people than for any other purpose, and gain their experience at the very dear cost of the Spaniards.

Furthermore, the Dominican fathers have the province of Pangasinan, which belonged to us. But recently we gave them the town of Lingayen, the best one of that province. Likewise they have the province of Cagayan, the most distant part of the island, which contains the city of Nueva Segovia (which consists of the name merely). There is an alcalde-mayor and a commander, who is also captain of the troops in the presidio established there. These inhabitants of Cagayan are warlike. Daily they rise and burn convents and churches and kill some of the religious. The Dominicans have many convents for here is their stronghold. And indeed up the river (as they say), which is the best and largest of the island—and where those who understand it thoroughly say that the city of Manila ought to be—are remarkable lands and nations as yet unconquered. The fathers have worked here, and are working, with great zest, and suffer innumerable inconveniences for the good of those souls. Hope of greater fruits is very bright. In order to reach this province, those going by land cross our province of llocos, which lies between Cagayan and Pangasinan, of which we must make mention later. This illustrious order has had in Manila men prominent in letters and religion. They are a mirror in life and morals, and revered in life as heavenly men. And in Japon, although they were the last in the Lord's vineyard, they have not been last in gains and labors, for they have had very saintly martyrs. They have a college in Manila also, where they teach Latin, the arts, and theology, and that college is likewise a university. Thus behold Manila, founded but yesterday, with two universities; and I am not surprised that, notwithstanding that it is the colony of the Spaniards, and the desire of so many nations, the more it has of that the more it needs. For from here must emanate the light that will lighten all this archipelago. When these peoples are converted, they will lack ministers, so great is the latitude discovered in this hemisphere. May our Lord be pleased to aid them and to aid us, so that our labors may bear light, his Majesty be reverenced worthily, and the devil be banished from the hearts of these people.

In the above colleges, a number of students receive instruction, and are sustained free of charge. The portion of the others who enter, amounting, I believe, to one hundred pesos, is paid. Their results are excellent. The liberality of those who haver come to Manila is discernible in everything; for in works of charity they have given and are giving very much, although those with wealth are very few. And really the magnificence of all the churches and temples astonishes me. All are finished and wonderfully adorned with jewels and silver ornaments, without there being any building for which there is not more than enough; and silver ornaments for the front of the altar are seen in many churches of Manila. Indeed when those who have done this are considered attentively they have made the expense once for all; for by means of the silver, hangings which soon are destroyed and damaged by the dampness in these islands, are done away with, But the silver, when somewhat tarnished, regains its former luster, and even more, by cleaning it. The work of the Society may be extolled in all Espana. All this appears good, so that when the foreigners return to their countries, after having finished their trading, and sold their merchandise, they should take with them the news of our temples; and that through the grandeur and majesty of the temples, they may recognize the grandeur and majesty of Him who is thus worshiped in this country. And this is one thing at which the nations are most astonished, and especially the Japanese. They look at the temples with great curiosity. This nation has also been tested in Christianity. For up to today they have given to the church an innumerable number of martyrs, both men and women, all notable. This I have heard declared by the archdean Alonso Garcia, in the reports made in Manila by order of his Holiness in the year 1631. In them were described more than nine hundred martyrs, all notable, besides the rest, of whom no knowledge could be had. Nearly all the orders have Japanese priests, and they are excellent subjects; our order has three. Two, Fray Miguel and Fray Leon, are holy men. The third has not resulted so, although he is rather an interpreter and one well grounded in everything. But until life is ended we may not praise or condemn one. Ante mortem non laudes hominem quemquam; lauda post mortem, honorifica post consumationem. [88]



Chapters XX-XXII

[These chapters deal almost entirely with Chinese affairs, and the part played by the Augustinians in the first Spanish embassy sent to China; their return; and the ill-success of the second embassy to that country.]

[At length the attempts of the Augustinians to go to China bear fruit, and on June 21, 1575, Martin de Rada and Jeronimo Marin set sail for the great empire. The opportunity comes through the defeat and siege of the pirate Limahon. The Chinese captain Dumon braves the laws forbidding the entrance of foreigners into China, and conveys the missionaries to that country—whither they go rather in the light of emissaries of the government than as religious workers; for the governor, Guido de Lavezares, gave them three letters, one for the Chinese emperor, another for the viceroy of the province of Fo-Kien, and the third for the governor of Chin-Cheu. They are well received and borne through a portion of the land in state. They receive audience, and later a banquet, from the governor of the city of Chin-Cheu, to whom they deliver the letter from the Spanish governor.] [89]

[At Oc-Kin, the viceroy grants the fathers cordial and dignified audience. At the request of the former the fathers present him with a paper in which they state their object and desire, namely, the preaching of the gospel. The viceroy requests a book of the Christian law, whereupon he is presented with a breviary, as the fathers have no other book with them. After hearing an exposition of the Christian doctrine, the viceroy dismisses the Augustinians, loading them with rich presents. Three captains are ordered to see them safely to Manila. To the letter of the Spanish governor, the viceroy replied as follows:]

Letter from the kingdom of Tangbin in the province of Oc-Kin, from the royal house

I received a letter, to which this is the reply, from the governor in the fort of Manila. To thee, who art born of heaven. Although we differ among ourselves, we are children of one father and of one mother. Therefore we love and regard you as friends and brothers. And likewise have we friendship with the Loquios, a foreign people, who come as friends to this province of Oc-Kin every three years. They, in token of friendship, bring us some products of their country, which this country does not produce. Here we present to them other things unknown to their own country. Therefore shalt thou know that we protect and esteem greatly the foreigners who come hither.

We have ordered the fathers and Castilians to be supplied with all necessaries, so that they might lack nothing. For if they should lack anything, we would be grieved and ashamed. And besides this, we have offered and given them some things, all of which is placed in a memorandum. The ten vessels that are going to your shores are furnished with all necessaries, so that you shall not have any trouble in giving them what they shall peradventure ask of you. The captains and sailors, and the rest of the crew, are paid for ten months.

We have written to the king the extent of our information, so that he may know what is passing. We would like the fathers to remain here, and more, until we shall hear and see the king's reply. But as the voyages are long, namely, three months to go and three to return, we thought that you would grieve over their absence. Therefore, we return them to you and send with them a small present. All the present is in charge and keeping of my captain. If any of it be lacking, he will be punished. Given in the year of the king the lion Huicbanlic [i.e., Wanleh].

[After a stay of thirty-five days in Oc-Kin, the fathers, still accompanied by the two soldiers, Loarca and Sarmiento, set out on their return, being banqueted and feasted at all the cities on their way. They set sail for Manila September 14, and arrived there, "part of them October 28, and the others November 1. When they arrived they found a new governor, for Doctor Francisco de Sande had reached the islands in the month of August of the year 1575, with his Majesty's appointment as governor of those islands." The present to the governor is delivered to Lavezares. "Among the rich things brought, the greatest was that brought by father Fray Martin de Rada, and a thing of great importance and value in those times—namely, a description of the great kingdom of China, its provinces, its boundaries, its religion, its wealth, its civilization, its amusements, and everything that human curiosity is desirous of knowing, of which until then there was no account. This was the account caused to be printed by father Fray Jeronimo Roman, of our order, in the second edition of his Republicas del mundo, which was published by Bishop Fray Pedro de Mendoza, [90] in his book on that kingdom."]

[On the return trip of the Chinese captains, a second embassy of priests, Agustin de Alburquerque and Martin de Rada, accompany them. But the captains are dissatisfied with the presents received; and this, together with the news of the escape of Limahon, determines them to abandon the fathers. Accordingly the latter are left destitute in the country of the hostile Zambales, but fortunately make their way back to Manila, where they are welcomed with rejoicing. Somewhat later (1580) an embassy of three priests is appointed by the king of Spain, consisting of the Augustinians Juan Gonzales de Mendoza—then bishop of Popayan, Peru, and later bishop of Lipari, in the kingdom of Naples—Francisco de Ortega, and Jeronimo Marin, to go to China. The avowed object of the embassy is to open the door to commerce, and carry the faith to China. The first remains in Spain. The advice of Marin is followed and the embassy is not sent.]



Chapter XXIII

Of the election, in the islands, of father Fray Agustin de Alburquerque

It appears that now the provinces of Filipinas were gathering greater strength, for, while they were being colonized, the increasing trade and the relations with Mejico were excellent; the religious were increasing, in the temporal and spiritual, throughout the province, which was obtaining many and good laborers; and convents were being built. That of Manila and that of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, in particular, were laying their foundations, in order to erect stone buildings; for, however strong wooden supports may be, yet with the lapse of time they finally decay and become useless. This does not happen so quickly with what is made of stone, which lasts much longer and opposes the inclemencies of the weather.

At first we used to make our houses in the manner of the inhabitants of the country themselves; for, in short, they know more of their climate, as they have more experience therein, and God gave them more adequate knowledge of the products of the islands, so that they might make use of them. The islands are by nature very damp. If one digs down two palmos he finds water. Therefore, humanly speaking, it is impossible to make cellars as in Espana, or to live upon the ground, because it would play havoc with one. For this mother nature provided these Indians with certain woods, so large and hard that, after planting them in the earth, the Indians build their houses upon them, at a height of one and one-half, two, or three brazas. These timbers or columns are called harigues, and the wood is that called tugas. [91] These timbers having been placed, as I say, upright in the earth, and having the space of more than a braza beneath them, form the columns of the edifice, and upon them the natives build. We have all made use of this method of building in these islands. We have built fine houses and churches from these woods—for which, inasmuch as many villages assist in the building, the largest columns and those of known goodness are sought, which last many years. In conformity with this, while I was building a house in the town of Dumangas, on the Alaguer River, a very large house was there, belonging to an encomendero living there, one Ruy Lopez de Arellano, a native of Constantina. This man died, and the house being already half fallen, I was having it taken down, in order to make some use of it, before time should finish its destruction, and the river bear it away, which was very rapidly being done. I took down from it one column, in particular, which the Indians assured me had been brought there more than thirty years before by the Indians up the river. I affirm that at the ground line it was eaten in about a finger's length around. All the rest was in perfect condition. And I observed that the part that had been under ground was in much better condition. There are other columns left as inheritances from father to children, and to grandchildren, upon which many houses have been built. The walls, which are called dingding, are made of excellent timber. The walls of the Indians' houses are made of bamboo, inasmuch as they are poorer. The roof is made of palm-leaf, called nipa. Instead of nails, the natives use certain strong ligaments, made from flexible roots, called bejuco [i.e., rattan], where we use nails. These houses, then, are considered more healthy; for as it is usually very hot in the islands, these houses are much more cool, and the winds blow through them with greater ease. When Manila had wooden houses, it was more healthy. But now they have taken to making stone edifices, and those not of stone are rare. Stone is also being used to build outside of Manila, and already there are many houses and churches of that material. If one considers this closely, even though economy be not considered, necessity was bound to impose this. For there could be no woods to furnish so many columns, and the dragging of them thither would be very costly. Hence, by collecting money, which is easier for the natives, they summon Chinese, who do what work is desired; and, if it is wished, they paint the building. Therefore, because of the aforesaid reasons, our convent at Manila was begun in stone. It is now, as I have remarked, the best in the islands; and daily it is being made more notable by further work.

The fathers held a chapter meeting in 1578, and peaceably and quietly cast their votes for father Fray Agustin de Alburquerque, a man of whom we have already said sufficient of his occupations, virtue, zeal, and prudence. As soon as he beheld himself invested with the ermine, he gave his attention to everything possible, looking after both the spiritual good of the province—the principal thing—and the temporal, extending and spreading the province. He established religious in Bulacan, and that place is now one of the principal and more desirable convents. It has an excellent stone house and church, and about six hundred tributes. [92] It is about six leguas north of Manila. It has usually two religious. The Tagal language is spoken there. The alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction, which has about four thousand Indians, lives in Bulacan. All the Manila religious extol the Indians of this town as the most tractable and most attached to the church.

He established religious in Candava also. This is the last convent in Pampanga, and formerly was most flourishing, although now it in very dilapidated. Near it is a beautiful and copious river, [93] which divides into many branches as it approaches the sea, and all these branches empty into Manila Bay. Hence one may go to all these convents both by sea and by the estuaries, without sail. Therefore, one can go and come without depending on the weather. It has now about six hundred Indians. [94] It is one and one-half day's journey from Manila. Two religious live there. It has a very fine wooden house, and the church is built of the same material.

Religious were firmly established in Macabebe. This is, in my opinion, the finest priorate of all Pampanga, and the chief one. It lies on a branch of the Candava River, as above stated; and in the middle of the road has a very good wooden house and church. Three religious lived there generally, for it had more than one thousand three hundred Indians. A visita called Minalampara was taken away from it, which is a vicariate. With that the said town of Macabebe was left with about one thousand Indians. [95] Two religious live there generally.

All this Pampanga country is swampy. For such is the condition of the rivers, that the people have their conduits, and, when they need water let it in. This is the reason for the vast quantity of rice there. This province has abundance of cocoa-palms, and many bananas. The soil is very favorable for any trees that one might choose to plant there. When the religious arrived there, that province had many inhabitants. Now, although it lacks that great number of former years, yet it is not depopulated. [96] The people there have accepted Christianity more readily than all others of the islands. They have more to do with the Spaniards than the others, and try to imitate them as far as possible. But the more they try to do that, the more do they show their texture as Indians. Very many people have been conscripted from this district, and I wonder that a man is left. For the governors send soldiers from here to Maluco, Sugbu, Octong, and Caragan, where a fort has been built and is guarded by the men of Pampanga. And although they do more work than the Spanish soldiers, they receive no pay, their food is scarce, and they are ill treated. And yet it can be said of these Indians (and a strange thing it is), that although they are treated so harshly, it is not known that a single one has deserted to the Dutch in Maluco, where they suffer more than in their own country. Many of the other Indians go and come. When these soldiers leave Pampanga, they present a fine appearance, for the villages come to their aid, each with a certain sum, for their uniforms. All this is due to the teaching of the religious of our father St. Augustine, whose flock these Indians are, and the children of their teaching.

Besides the above religious, the provincial established others in a settlement in the village of Bacolor, which is the best village not only of Pampanga, but of all the islands; for it has more than one thousand Indians under the bell [i.e., "who are Christians"]. It is about one and one-half days' journey from Manila by sea and creeks, as in the case of the others. It has the best meadow-land in the islands, and it all produces rice abundantly. It is irrigated, as was remarked above of the others. It has a celebrated church with its crucifix, which is entirely built of stone and brick. The house is made of stone also. The inhabitants are the richest and best-clothed of all Pampanga, and have the most prominent of the chiefs. When the supply of religious is good, there are always three in this village, and there have even been at times four or five; for besides the stipend paid by his Majesty (who owns this encomienda), it has its own chaplaincies, founded by the said inhabitants of Pampanga. It also has its own altar fund, which, although not very important as yet, will yield something for the support of those in charge there. All the territory of Pampanga is surrounded by mountains where dwell Zambales and Negrillos, who descend to the villages for the purpose of head-hunting; for there is nothing so much to their taste as this. A people without abiding-place or house cannot be punished. They rest at night where they choose; and sustain themselves on roots and what game they bring down with their bows. The children, as they are raised with this milk, and as they are given suck of human blood, die by pouring out their own blood.

Many misfortunes occur yearly, and we have only the pain of not being able to remedy them. And although the Indians know this, they do not, on that account, watch more carefully or have greater vigilance over themselves. On the contrary they proceed with so great abandon that one marvels. If they are censured, they answer: "What can we do, since there is nothing besides the will of God?" The same thing happens in regard to the crocodiles. Although the people see that the crocodiles seize them daily, they proceed with the same abandon; notwithstanding that, with but little toil, they could remedy this, by catching them or by making some enclosed bathing places in the rivers. But they neglect to do this, either through laziness, or in order not to toil for another's gain. For they say: "What is given me by another, or by the village?" Under no circumstance do they unite in doing anything for the common good, unless the alcalde-mayor or the father orders it. Finally, it is necessary that the father govern and rule [even] those most enlightened and civilized. Hereabout it is said that the village is such as is the prior. If the prior makes them assist, they do so. If he leaves them they are overcome by their laziness. They forget what has been taught them, with the ease to which they accommodate themselves. They learn with ease everything evil, without a master; but for the good, one master is not sufficient for each Indian. For they are greatly given to following their inclination, which causes great grief to the ministers. [97] But not all men can be saints; and, since the Lord gave them no greater talent, He desires them to be saved with what they have. Homines, et jumenta salvabis, Domine. [98] All of these convents are located within the archbishopric of Manila.

The father provincial went further, and established religious in the island of Panay. The reader may remember the description that we gave of it, and which he will find in the next to the last place to the convent of Tigbauan; for there the provincial established resident religious. This convent has been in many different hands; for at first, as appears, we had it in charge, and then the seculars had it. The fathers of the Society followed the latter, after which a Portuguese secular had charge of it for a considerable time. He, in order to relieve his burden, exchanged it for another district of the order called Ibahay, which was the first priorate given me in these islands by the order, and in my opinion better than Tigbauan. The only thing which made it troublesome were five islands which had visitas that belonged to it, where it had all that was needed. The order has held it for some time, and it is not so good as others. It is a royal encomienda. The village of Arevalo is situated near by. Therefore, whenever the religious are sick, there is never lack there in the presidio of a surgeon, who, without being able to distinguish his right hand, bleeds and purges, so that in a brief time the sick man is laid in his grave; and a religious or a Spaniard is worth a great deal in this country. Daily our number is lessening, for the country furnishes but little help. It cannot be compared to Nueva Espana, which has enough inhabitants for itself, and to spare. Nothing increases here, or succeeds. The creoles do not reach their majority, and death comes upon them unseasonably. [99]



Chapter XXIV

Of the chapter held in the islands, in which was elected the fourth provincial, our father Fray Andres de Aguirre.

When the time came, as ordained by our rules, namely, April 22, 1581, the fathers who were now in greater number, and as as we have related, had a greater number of missionaries and convents—assembled. Peacefully and harmoniously they cast their votes for father Fray Andres de Aguirre—of whom one may not say little, and, if we say much, it will grow wearisome, and we shall never fill the measure of his deserts. Let the religious who reads this remember the mention which we have given this servant of God, and he will find that father to have taken part in the most important things recounted in this history; for he will see how he was one of the six who first came to this country in the adelantado's following, November 23, 1564. He will find this father the associate of Father Urdaneta, when the latter discovered the return passage to Nueva Espana. He will see him at the court, together with the aforesaid [Urdaneta], informing King Felipe II about events in Filipinas, and of the fortunes of that fleet, which we have related. Although he returned to Mejico with the same Father Urdaneta, and stayed there many years, yet, thinking that he was ill employing the health which our Lord gave him, and that his person would be more useful in the country which he had discovered for the honor of God, and thus renewed in courage and spirit, he determined to return to Filipinas. For that purpose he petitioned the father provincial of Mejico to aid him on that journey with some religious, who were the jewels of greatest value that he could take. His request was conceded, and those religious were such that truly this province of Filipinas owes what luster it possesses to them. For as they were all excellent persons for the ministry, and came from a place, namely, Mejico, where so great care and solicitude was the rule, they tried to reduce this province to the fashion of that one, by settling the Indians, gathering them together, and making them observe civilized laws. And I am very certain that that is the difficulty of christianizing these islands. If the desired gain in the harvests is not seen today, it is because there has been no firmness in that plan; but the natives are allowed to live in their small settlements, whither the religious goes but seldom, and the Indians cannot see what is preached to them put into practice. I have said somewhat on this subject previously, and whenever opportunity occurs, I shall again discuss it, as it is very dose to my heart. Besides, it was, and is, better for the Castilians themselves to have the Indians living in communities; for in matters requiring despatch, they have the latter close at hand, and keep them more tamed, and richer in what concerns their advantage. "But," I ask, "what difference is there between the Zambales of these islands, and the Chinese? Are the former not, like the latter, rational beings? If then they agree in the chief thing, which is excellency, how do they differ so much in the manner of living? Why do some have an organized state, and others not?" And if this so brave people settle in communities and bind themselves with laws and government, they will in time lose that natural haughtiness and adopt different customs. For if animals incapable of reason are domesticated by human intercourse and lose their fierceness, men capable of reason will do it much more. The negroes furnish us with an example of this. Although they appear a race that seems the scum of the world—so wild [100] when they are brought, that they even appear more bestial than the beasts themselves—yet, after intercourse with a civilized people, they learn at last to act like human beings. Now how much better would the Indians of these islands do this, in whom has been found much capacity for whatever we have tried to teach them! Those only who are unwilling do not learn—through laziness, and because they see what little gain they derive from it. Who will doubt that some of them make excellent scribes, so that even the Castilians are children compared to them. Some are excellent singers, and there are choruses of musicians in Manila who would be notable in Espana. For one to become an excellent tailor, all that is needed is for him to see the work. They make very good carpenters; and this trade is not taught them, but they only have to see it. For in what pertains to agibilibus [101] they are better than we, for they are more phlegmatic. The Indian women have more capacity, and learn easily to use the needle, when they see it, thus they are more skilful than the Spanish women reared here; therefore the articles of handiwork that have been exported from these islands are numberless. And all these Indian women live where there are religious, which is quite different from the visitas, with which there is no comparison. [102] The women of the visitas tremble before a religious. When the religious talks to them in the church or elsewhere, they do not understand him. They are thoughtless beings, and seem even more heedless than beasts. I shall prove this proposition. While I was visiting the Sibuyan Islands, I was trying to confess those people, who, although truly many of them were Christians, had never been confessed, perhaps because no more could be done with them. I performed all my duties in order to persuade a people so rustic and rude, and without sense, to make confession. At that time an honorable Spaniard, one Alonso de Barco, who was married to a native woman of Panay, went to those islands to collect his tributes. He was walking through the church court when I was hearing confessions. I had sent away one of the chief Indian women, because she did not pay attention or answer questions, and had told her to meditate thoroughly over her sins and return later. She went out and the Spaniard asked her if she had confessed. She replied that she had not, because the father had asked her how many feet a hog had, and she had been unable to answer me. The Spaniard laughed heartily, and, upon my coming out, told me about it. Whereupon I crossed myself many times, at seeing that the people were so thoughtless there, and that she should have understood me so ridiculously. Those who live where the father is stationed are not so, but even the little children come to the convent and are assembled. And in matters of the soul—the chief thing—they go to confession; and in truth I would rather confess a hundred Indians in the Filipinas, of those thus rendered fluent, than one Spaniard. The Indian women confess remarkably well, and with many tears, and take communion with devotion. They give account of themselves, respect the father, and recognize his courtesy. Who has not experienced this? The Spaniards understand it all, but when an effort is made to settle the Indians in villages, all the Spaniards resist the religious as if the latter were taking something from their pockets. And surely, as I am advised, the greatest warfare that the devil wages against the ministry is by the hands of the Spaniards, so that all those who should favor this cause are opposed to it. Consequently, the religious tire themselves out, and the devil reaps what harvest he wills. All the evil is laid to our door, and the good the Spaniards attribute to themselves. If the Indian flees and the encomienda is deserted, it is the fault of the religious. But if it increases, it is due to the alcalde-mayor, the encomendero, and the collector. This is a thing so beyond reason, that truth itself cries out. If it were not for the protection of the religious, there would not now be an Indian, or any settlement. The Indians understand this fact very well, as will be seen by the statement of one of them.

The bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Pedro de Soria, collected those Indians together, by order of his Majesty, and told them of the advantages of the Spanish monarchy, and how beneficial it would be for them to have Don Felipe, the king of the Spaniards, as their king, who would protect them peacefully and with justice. The chiefs answered not a word to this. Thereupon, the bishop spoke again and asked them whether they had understood the words he had spoken to them, and if they would answer. Thereupon a clownish Indian arose and said: "We answer that we wish the king of Espana to be our king and sovereign, for he has sent Castilians to us, who are freeing us from the tyranny and domination of our chiefs, as well as fathers who aid us against the same Castilians and protect us from them." Further, suppose that it were possible to make the religious withdraw, so that their ministries should cease; within a few days their lack would he bewailed, to the greatest extent possible. But this fact is true, that while one enjoys a blessing, it is not esteemed, nor is any thought given to a present virtue. However, let it be lacking, we feel that lack immediately, and we seek alter it enviously. As says Horace: virtutem incolumen odimus, sublatam ex oculis quaerimus invidi. [103] Spaniards may ask me: "Who has pacified the country? Who domesticated the Indians, so that one can go through the whole country with more safety than by the highways of Espana? For there neither the machine of justice, nor the severe punishments, nor the grave penalties secure any safety. Nor do the lofty houses, nor their tightly barred doors at all prevent the evils committed by the thief and murderer; for all is open to the execution of their desires. Here one sleeps with the door open, with entire safety, and just as if many legions of soldiers were watching it." And in fact, I do not recall ever having locked a door during my ministry. [104] I ask then, whence proceeds this except from the religious, who are gradually taming these peoples as fathers, and teaching them for temporal interests also? It there were no religious, how could the tributes be entirely collected? For the tributes seemed to be only what the chiefs chose to give, without its being possible by any severity to make them give more. This is proved, because in the encomienda of Dapitan, a district of Mindanao, although tribute was paid to Diego de Ledesma, son of one of the conquistadors, it amounted to nothing, all told being no more than the value of forty pesos. But at the end of one year after it was given to the fathers of the Society, tribute was collected from more than one thousand Indians. For, as we have, during the course of the year, made them resort [to church], the chief cannot afterward conceal any of them.

Truly, when I see the duties that we are performing, and at so great danger (for we are the object of the watchfulness and censure of the governors and all the people of the country), if we undertake to defend the Indians, they say that we are usurping the royal jurisdiction—just as if we were not serving his Majesty the king, our sovereign, with all our strength. If we make agreements with them as fathers, in order that their suits may not last ten years, they say that we are playing the justice. If we try to prevent offenses to the Lord, they say that we are interested in the matter. If we restrain the heavy trading, they say that it is to profit more. And truly, we might say that spectaculum facti sumus mundi, angelis et hominibus. [105] If love of God and our neighbor did not guide us, of a truth there would be opportunity for some one to say "Pereat dies in qua natus sum, et nox in qua dictum est, 'conceptus est homo?'." [106] For the accusations and misrepresentations in vogue concerning the religious are innumerable. [107] I knew a venerable old man, by name Fray Juan de Villamayor, [108] whose head and beard contained not one single black hair. He was prior in Aclan, where some Spaniards of evil life then resided; and because he tried to put an end to the offenses to the Lord, one of the Spaniards defied him, and laying his hand upon his sword, said to him: "Come down here, my poor little father, and I shall tell you who you are." The religious answered him very humbly, and bade him farewell, saying that what he was doing was in the service of the community. He said that he would talk with him later, when he had recovered from his anger.

While father Fray Lucas de la Reina, who was one of the foremost religious in the Bisayan province—a fine linguist, and one who added much to the sacristies, and was very discerning in things pertaining to the altar—was prior in the same village, he heard that a wretched mestizo woman in his district was leading a dissolute life; for on that occasion the encomendero Don Agustin Flores was there. This man came at the head of a number of blinded and unruly Spaniards. The religious had the woman seized and placed in a private house. A mestizo brother of hers grieved so sorely over this that, trusting in the favor of the encomendero, he tried to kill the religious. For while the said father was standing at the church door after the Salve on a Saturday, surrounded by Spaniards, the mestizo came in at one side, and struck at him with a dagger. The father warded it off, and protected himself from it with his hands, without a Spaniard offering to aid him. A lay brother, named Fray Andres Garcia, [109] was coming toward the convent; he was making a small flat-bottomed boat [chatilla] there for the house at Manila. He was truly a religious of great virtue and example. He had formerly been a soldier in Flandes and Italia, and was one of the chosen men sent to Ginebra [i.e., Geneva] by Felipe IV, to carry despatches to the duke of Saboya [i.e., Savoy], the king's brother-in-law, who was trying to take that rebellious city. As soon as father Fray Lucas spied the brother, he cried out and begged for aid. Fray Andres hastened to him, and although now a man well along in years, he had not forgotten the vigor of his youth. And in such manner did he comport himself, that those Castilians went away. The mestizo was punished, and the father was healed. The religious have suffered, and still suffer, innumerable things like the above, for making those Indians sincere Christians, for teaching them civilization, and for serving your Majesty in pacifying the country for you. Eight religious, who accompanied father Fray Andres de Aguirre hither, began this work. Although that father returned to the Filipinas Islands simply to aid Ours in the work here, and to die in the country discovered by him, yet the province, finding that its affairs, past and present, were known to him, elected him provincial; he was therefore constrained to bend his shoulders to receive that load—which is not light, to one who knows it.