This island of the Ladrones where the Spaniards anchored is a lofty, mountainous land, with its coasts fringed with thick cocoa groves, and other cool and shady trees. The natives of the islands eat rice, which is the chief food of all the islands. At times, when I consider how many people use rice as bread, I think that three-fourths of the world are sustained on this kind of food. These Ladrones Islands number thirteen, [20] and extend north and south. As they were the first islands of which the general took possession, his Majesty granted them to Melchor Lopez de Legaspi, only son of the general, giving him the title of adelantado. These Indians go naked. Both men and women are fine sailors and swimmers, for they are accustomed to jump from their little boats after fish, and to catch and eat them raw. Their boats are very narrow, and have only a counterweight at the opposite end, where they carry their sail. The sail is lateen, and woven from palms, in these craft do they venture forth intrepidly through those seas, from island to island, so that one would think that they had a treaty with wind and water. The ships en route to the Filipinas pass through these islands, at different latitudes at various times. So many boats go out to meet them, that they quite surround the ships. The natives try to trade water and the products of their islands for iron, the substance that they esteem most; but, if they are able to steal the iron, without giving anything for it, they do so. It is necessary to aim an arquebus (which they fear greatly) at them in order to get the article returned. And to induce them to leave the ships free, there is no better method than to fire the arquebus in the air, the reverberations of which cause them to hide, fear, and vanish. While the ship in which I took passage was passing one of the islands, many small boats came out as usual. Among them came one belonging to a robust youth, who was coming to look for a Castilian, who had been his captive, as he desired to see him. This Spaniard, with others who escaped from the ship "Santa Margarita" (which was wrecked on those islands), lived among those barbarians, until, by good fortune, the ships with succor passed there, and they embarked in them. The Spaniard, who had been the slave of this Indian, was with us. As soon as the latter saw him, he boarded our vessel fearlessly. And still with no signs of fear, he went among our men and threw himself into the arms of the man whom he knew, and who had eaten his bread and lived in his house. He was quite covered with marks of teeth; and when the Spaniard, who knew something of their language and customs because of his stay among them, was asked the reason, he said that that native had but just been married, and the dowry that he had given was to receive those bites from his wife without murmuring. In that way do the women elect and choose their husbands. The native was loaded down with scissors, knives and iron. With all this load he dived into the water, and at the moment he was thought to have gone to the bottom, because of the weight of his load, he reappeared quite at his ease, placed his load in his little craft, then got in himself, and hoisted his sail. He himself attended to all the duties of steersman and lookout, and ploughed those seas as if his craft were a powerful galleon. The household economy of these, as of the other natives, is uniform, as will be told later on; so that all appear as if cut out by one pair of shears—notable indications that they are all lopped from one trunk.



Chapter V

Of the discovery of these islands

They continued their voyage toward the west, until the thirteenth of the above month, on which day land was sighted at eight o'clock in the morning. That point marks the beginning of the Filipinas Islands, which name was given to all these islands, in the year 42, by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. Anchor was cast in a bay forty-five brazas deep. Then, at the general's command, the master-of-camp, Father Urdaneta, and some soldiers with them, landed, and went to see whether the island contained any town or people with whom they could talk. And although they brought report of none of this, they found quite sufficient information next day from some Indians who came to the flagship, who furnished them with the desired information regarding those islands. The commander received them kindly, and presented to them some small trifles, of little value—which, however, they esteemed highly, as they were novelties and unknown to them before—and they went away happy. When they were going, they were told that they could treat for friendship and alliance with the Spaniards without any fear. Those Indians, drawn to the Spaniards by both the kindly treatment and the presents given them, talked to their tribesmen. As a result, the next morning the ships were surrounded by their little boats, all full of Indians of all ages. Among them were some chiefs, who told the Spaniards that they wished to draw blood with them, as a proof of the constancy with which they would keep the friendship that was to be made with them. This ceremony consists in drawing some drops of blood, generally from the arms. These drops they mix together, and afterward mix with a little wine, which is then drunk by the two or more who bled themselves and who wish to contract the friendship. The commander rejoiced at this, although he refused to draw blood himself, reserving that ceremony for the king, or supreme head of all the islands. Accordingly the master-of-camp drew blood with them, and then they became seemingly firm friends. The commander regaled them as well as he was able, and bestowed not less attention on them. As a result they appeared well pleased, and bound to make similar returns. They promised to do many favors for the Spaniards in the future.

Through this care, the islanders continued to frequent the vessels fearlessly. The commander treated them according to their rank, and showed himself kind and affectionate to all. He believed that he could accomplish more for God and his king by that way than by the din of arms. As soon as the father prior, Fray Andres Urdaneta, considered them somewhat quiet and less timorous than at first, he began, as a true curator of souls, to tell them the chief purpose of the Spaniards' coming through so wide and vast seas, ploughing the waters in those vessels of theirs; this he declared to be none other than to give them light, in order that, issuing from the darkness of the ignorance in which they had lived for so many years, they might know the true God, the creator of the universe, and His only begotten Son—who became man for our redemption and our release from the slavery of the devil, lived in this world among men, and finally died, so that by His death we might have life and liberty. He declared that the imparting of such truths to them was the duty of the fathers and priests who were in the vessels, who would take nothing else upon themselves, so that these natives, guided thus by the right way, might also enjoy salvation. The others, he said, although they were of the same nation, desired to settle among the natives—not for any evil, but only to trade in the things of which the natives had abundance; and at the same time to protect them and defend them from their enemies, who, envious of their good fortune, might try to make war upon them. Likewise they would maintain the natives in all peace and quiet, so that, on this account, the latter might devote themselves more thoroughly to their occupations, either at home or abroad, without any fear of harm befalling them from the Spaniards, if they on their part regarded thoroughly the laws of the friendship that had been entered upon with so many ceremonies, according to their manner and custom. In all these negotiations, the Indian Pacheco proved of great use. Through what was said to him, and from his own experience, he endeavored to persuade the natives to do what would be so much to their advantage. The natives showed themselves very well satisfied at everything, and agreed to everything without any repugnance or opposition. After this the Spaniards requested the natives to sell them some food; for they needed food, because of their long voyage. The natives promised the food generously and willingly. The men in the fleet waited until next day, believing that the natives would surely fulfil their promise, since the promise had been made with so many appearances of affection. The natives came then, but brought no more than one cock and one egg, and said that they were collecting the other food in their towns. Now at this the general recognized the islanders' faithlessness and malice, and that they were entertaining the Spaniards with words alone, and that they were only awaiting a good opportunity to work some great mischief. The gallant gentleman bore it all, in order not to give any grounds for any possible complaints from the natives. On the other hand, he set about finding a better port, in order to have it against the occasion already feared by the tokens observed in those fickle people. To this end he sent Captain Juan de la Isla to look for a good port. He and his men went to a bay, where the Indians met them peaceably, and showed signs of a desire to draw blood with them. But our men dared not trust them, as they feared some calamity or treachery. One of our gallant youths, an attendant on the commander, by name Francisco Gomez, declared his intention to draw blood with them; and without more consent, suiting the action to the word, he landed, and began to loose his clothing for the ceremony. But scarcely had he uncovered his breast, when suddenly an Indian pierced him with a lance, and he fell to the earth dead. This unlooked for event caused our men great grief. It confirmed their fears, and showed them how little they could trust to that faithless race. Our commander was likewise mocked by the Indians, who seeing that they had enjoyed his presents, and that the Spaniards were still mild and discussed only the question of concluding the temporal affairs, now came no longer to the ships, and not one single Indian appeared. This made the commander somewhat anxious, and his anxiety was increased by the non-return of the small-boat, and he feared greatly that some ill-fortune had befallen it. On this account, he determined to weigh anchor with all the fleet, and coast along the island in search of ports, rivers, or settlements, and not less, provisions, of which now they were in sad want. Accordingly they set sail at nightfall, and next day sighted another bay, which they named San Pedro, as it was the eve of St. Peter's preaching in Antioch. At that place one of the chief Indians, nephew of Tandayag, chief of that island, came to see them. He came, on behalf of his uncle, to draw blood with the commander. He was received courteously, and the commander made much of him, and asked him to bring his uncle, with whom he would draw blood willingly; for it was not reasonable that the commander of the Castilians, the ambassador of so powerful a sovereign as the king of Espana, should draw blood with less than the supreme ruler of the islands. This argument satisfied the barbarian, and be declared the commander's remark to be very reasonable. Accordingly he would have his uncle come, both because the request of Basal was reasonable—Basal was the name given by them to the commander, and this name is given even now to all the governors, whom they have called and call Captain Basal (id est, "captain-general")—and also because, as he said, he knew his uncle was very willing to make peace with the Castilians, and to live under their guardianship and protection. The commander bestowed generous gifts upon him, and sent him away very happy. He went away, to all appearances, making them a thousand promises that the natives would bring them very willingly all the provisions, and everything that they requested, as alliance and friendship with the Castilas [i.e., Castilians]—as the natives called, and still call us—was of great moment to them. But neither they nor the many others who came fulfilled their word one whit, so that our men were made to understand that they came only to see and note what kind of men ours were, their arms, and how they could rid themselves of them. For they immediately thought that friendship with the Castilians would be of no use to them, because those who were then the rulers of the natives would afterward behold themselves under the yoke, serving as slaves. This they considered more than the good of the soul, offered to them, to which they paid no attention; nor did they desire it, as they were content with their anitos, wassails, and innumerable other superstitions that had been handed down from father to son since time immemorial.

When this was considered by the commander and the religious, the former, by the advice of the religious, sent Captain Martin Goiti to explore the river of Tandayag, and to find out, on the way, whether any good port existed along the coast, where safe anchorage might be had. He was ordered strictly to do no harm to the Indians. He took father Fray Diego de Herrera with him. I beg the kind reader to note that there is no sign of any action, in which, if one of our religious took part, he did not play the principal role. One is led to think that the Lord wished them to be the explorers in everything. The commander had so good an opinion of our religious, that he trusted to nothing without them, nor had any confidence in the good outcome of any undertaking without them. He chose, as an excellent Christian, to attribute all his prosperity to the servants of God, in whom he put greater trust than in his own strength. For at the end difficulties are removed more easily by prayers than by human strength; and God always desires that the glory of things be attributed to Him, as the one who really does them. He who does not guide himself thus is in great error. And if, by the same reasoning, one attributes anything to himself, God makes of no account his intents; so that, whereas he expected to derive from it honor, he derives disgrace. This I think the reason of so many lost opportunities, so many ruined fleets, and the ill-success of other fleets, for perhaps no thought or heed had been given to God. But it was quite apparent how little confidence our commander placed in his own honor, since he would allow no action to be passed over without our religious, in order to attribute it to God, whose in truth it was. As soon as the commander had despatched the frigate or patache, [as] the governor, he landed, and took possession in his Majesty's name. Father Fray Andres de Aguirre said the first mass. This taking of possession was observed before a notary, with all the solemnities requisite and necessary. From that point, the commander ascended a creek, toward the town of Coyongo He took Father Urdaneta and Father Aguirre with him to talk to the inhabitants, and to endeavor to make them peaceful. Arrived in sight of the town he found that the Indians were hostile. They were drawn up in squares according to their custom, and by their cries demanded battle. The commander did not permit any harm to be done them, but tried to inform them, through his interpreter, of his reason for coming. But it was of no avail, for the natives answered that the Castilians' words were fair, but their deeds evil. When the commander found his efforts of no avail, he went down the creek. The Indians imagined he was fleeing, and with loud cries followed him. They threw such a shower of stones, and they were so troublesome, that the commander was obliged to face about to censure them. He fired a few arquebus shots, but with so great mildness and moderation that it served only to frighten and not to kill them, but it was effective.

Captain Martin de Goiti, who, as I have said, went to explore the river of Tandayag, had no better success with the Indians than the above; for when he tried to take in water in a river, an Indian came out from the thicket, and throwing his dart, transfixed a servant of the captain, so that he died immediately. The frigate advanced, and discovered a large river, and a large settlement, with many rice-fields, herds of swine, and Castilian fowls. Thereupon they thought it unnecessary to make any further explorations. Goiti learned that the town was called Cabalian, and thereupon returned to inform the commander fully of his expedition. The latter was much cheered at this, because of the little result obtained by his efforts in Tandayag, and the time and presents that he had lost. The commander removed his fleet to Cabalian. Upon his arrival there, he landed some men, so that, accompanied by Father Urdaneta, they might offer the inhabitants peace. Scarcely had the embassy been announced in Cabalian, when the Indians filled the shore and sea with their barotos [21] and boats; for they had heard already of the commander's kind treatment, and had been informed concerning the gifts and presents that he gave. Among them came a youth, the son of the chief of Cabalian, who came to draw blood with the commander. He was received courteously, and the alferez-general, son of the commander, drew blood with him. He said that when the ruler of that town should come, then the commander would draw blood with him. That youth, named Camatuan, assented to everything, for never does the swindler consider that he must pay or fulfil anything. This visit allowed the people of Cabalian time to collect all their best possessions and food, which they removed that night, thus mocking the commander.



Chapter VI

Continuation of the preceding

The commander saw that all his good and earnest efforts had been frustrated, and that the natives of the islands had mocked the Spaniards openly; because hitherto they had suffered no ill from the latter, but only the above-mentioned kind treatment and hospitality, which would have proved sufficient to attract a more unruly race. But such is the characteristic of this race, which has afflicted and still afflicts the priests. These people refuse to do anything thoroughly; and in order to get them to perform what is ordered of them, one must use the lash and the rattan—whence comes the saying of a holy bishop of these islands, namely, that on that day when was born the Indian, next to him was born the rattan, with which the dust was to be beaten from his back. And if we ministers have experienced this after so long a period of cultivation and teaching, what must it have been at the beginning? Accordingly, I am not surprised that the Indians were so ungrateful to General Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, turned their backs on all his offers, played such sorry jests on him, and broke faith immediately—for the Indians do not possess it. And even after he had participated in their bestial ceremonies of drawing blood and drinking the blood—a token of constancy among the Indians—the latter, it was found, failed to observe them just as readily as the friendship had been confirmed by these customs. The commander began to suffer almost extreme want, for already he had provisions for but two days, and was compelled to seek them. Hitherto efforts, such as men of so generous souls and so desirous of peace could make, had been made. But the Spaniards saw that they were not advantaged, and that need was tightening the cords, so that, if they did not look for food in a different manner, they would doubtless perish at the hands of the Indians, a thing quite opposed to charity. Hence, it was permitted the Spaniards, in order to sustain life, to take food by harsh means, since indeed kind measures did not suffice. Nevertheless, the commander, to be justified, took counsel with all the others before doing anything of importance, for he would rather err with the advice of all, than succeed through his own single action. He called a council of war; he communicated to all the condition of affairs, and what efforts had been made with the Indians in order to make firm peace, and to buy from them with money the food necessary for their sustenance. This, he said, it was impossible to negotiate with the Indians. Now necessity forced the Spaniards to get food by severer methods, since the Indians had repulsed mild measures so obstinately. When the commander stopped speaking, he ordered every one to express his opinion. Thereupon, the father prior, Fray Andres de Urdaneta, arose and spoke first, as was his custom, because of his experience and his offices, and because all the Spaniards regarded him as a father, from whom must originate the remedy. He said that natural law conceded to them the right to get provisions by the readiest means, in order that that fleet, which had been constructed for the good of those barbarians, might not perish. Even if the end of their coming had not been so great and important to those peoples, it was a well-known wrong to refuse them the intercourse most natural to men, without the Spaniards having given any occasion for it. Inasmuch as they were reduced to the preservation of life itself, they were justified in taking arms, wherewith to get the sustenance that the Indians had unjustly withheld from them and refused them for their money. Quibus necessarium tunc est bellum. Therefore, he considered war justifiable, since by no other way had any remedy been found among those unreasoning barbarians. But before commencing war, he said, a solemn declaration of the wrongs should be made, of which the Spaniards would be, in no manner, guilty, since they had labored so sincerely for peace and harmony. Father Urdaneta's advice was concurred in unanimously, as was usual. Accordingly, his advice was followed on this occasion, as being the sanest and most sensible.

In order to put the decision of the conference into execution, the governor ordered Martin de Goiti to land with fifty well-armed soldiers. By means of the interpreter, Pacheco, he was to announce the articles of peace to the Indians; and declare that, if they did not accord what was so reasonable to all, then they should prepare for the war, which, from that moment was proclaimed on them as rebels. The Indians paid no more heed to this than to all the rest that had been told them. Thus it was necessary to make use of their arms. The arquebuses were fired more to scare than to harm the Indians; for, as soon as those natives heard the report, being so little used to them, their terror was so great, that, without awaiting more, they abandoned the shore and village, fled to the hills, and allowed the soldiers to collect the swine that were found there, and the fowls and rice that they could carry away. All this was appraised at its just value, and the money given to the chief's son, whom the commander still kept with him, in order that he might take it to the village. He was also to inform the inhabitants that the need of the Spaniards compelled them to take by force of arms what the Indians refused to sell for money, and nevertheless after they had been able to accomplish what was seen, yet they were paying for it, which was a sufficient indication of the Spaniards' fair and open proceeding, so contrary to what the Indians had done. He was ordered to return with the reply, notwithstanding its tenor. Since he was ruler of that village in the absence of his father, he should reduce the people to obedience, and counsel them to do what was so thoroughly to their interest. Camutuan, who listened to all of the above, and seemingly assented to it, took the money and promised to fulfil his charge with success. But as soon as he left the ship, he acted just as the others had done; for in their method of acting all the Indians are cut out by one pair of shears. To a greater or less degree, all of them are a unit. Whoever has seen one of them, might well say that he has seen all. The chiefs, by the very fact of their chieftaincy, should have some better mode of procedure; yet they are so little better than the others that it can scarcely be perceived. The commander, who was aware that that matter must be settled finally with arms, yet did not wish to leave anything undone. Consequently, to procure the peace justly, he determined to leave that village of Cabalian and go to another, called Manchagua, where report said that the first Spaniards had landed. To this end he despatched the master-of-camp and Father Urdaneta ahead to offer peace to the chief of that village by means of a present. The commander went with his fleet from this village to the island of Camiguin, where he succeeded likewise in finding no people, who but recently were all to be found. Our men made many other efforts, and even took as intermediary a Moro factor of the king of Burney, who was there at that time. The latter said that the governor had captured him in a battle with the Portuguese. I do not discuss that battle, in order to consider only the essential thing pertaining to us religious, namely, the planting of the faith, the fundamental reason for this history. But in passing, I merely observe that our forces gained many glorious victories over the Portuguese, for the latter were exceedingly sorry to have the Castilians for so near neighbors, and tried to drive them out. Perhaps they were influenced in this by having as neighbors those who had a better right and reason to the Molucas than themselves. This, I think, must have been why our Lord favored the Castilians' cause the more. Perhaps had the Portuguese examined the matter more closely, they would not have given the Castilians so many occasions for glory, nor have demanded investigations so greatly to their satisfaction—or rather, [as it proved,] their loss.

Resuming, then, the thread of my history, I say that this Bornean youth, who was well versed in affairs of the islands and knew their chiefs, because of his continual communication with them, wished to repay the Spaniards for the kind treatment that they had given him—or rather he wished to obtain their good will, in order to regain his liberty. He began to treat for peace, and to harmonize discordant spirits, so that affairs might be meliorated, by reason of what the Spaniards requested. He assured the islanders of the great moderation which the Spaniards would exercise toward them, and that they would commit no wrong or violence. He accomplished this with so good grace, that he brought the chiefs Sicatuna and Sigala before the commander. These chiefs drew blood with our men, and made a lasting peace. But none of these exploits was important, because they found it all tiresome and inconvenient to continue of one mind.

Already was the season well advanced, and our commander was anxious about the affairs of Nueva Espana. He desired to give a good account there of his expedition, and feared lest, by the delay, they might doubt his success or care. He was right in correcting this wrong, because, although no doubts arise where confidence is, yet all the kingdom was in great suspense; for the patache "San Lucas," which sailed with our fleet, had scarcely gone two hundred leguas from Puerto de la Navidad, when it maliciously separated from the others. After pillaging those islands, it returned to Nueva Espana, and said that a storm had separated them, and that, without doubt, all the rest of the fleet was lost. For that reason, then, the commander, to allay the fears caused in Nueva Espana by the delay, called a council, according to his custom. There he proposed the questions that had arisen concerning that matter, which he himself had already considered. He besought all to counsel him in this as to what would be best for their convenience, honor, and reputation, and as to what means should be taken to fulfil all their commission. The strongest reason that he adduced was the discovery of the return passage to Nueva Espana; and he said that that had been the most potent reason for the construction of that fleet. In short, the unanimous reply, given through the mouth of Father Urdaneta, was that it was very proper to ascertain correctly the return passage, since by it, the kingdoms of Nueva Espana and even of Espana, would be strung together, as they say. The flagship "San Pedro" was selected for the voyage, as being, in their opinion, the strongest and best able to resist so new and unknown seas, as were supposed to exist on the return trip. Meanwhile, the almiranta "San Pablo" and the patache "San Juan" were to stay among the islands, although it was judged better to go to the island of Sugbu [Cebu], where the Spaniards had been several times already, and where they were known. Also they believed that, if they should experience any difficulty, they would be justified in making war there, because of the treachery that its inhabitants had shown to Captain Hernando de Magallanes—whom they had killed treacherously with many of his men, at a banquet, where they had been invited in good faith. Besides that, those Indians had offered themselves for the service of the king of Espana, and many were baptized, in the time of the said captain, who afterward apostatized. This was a very strong and sufficient foundation, upon which father Fray Andres de Urdaneta and the others based the right to make war, in case that the Indians refused to receive them peacefully, as was their pretense. All approved this opinion. However, I must note here the strongest reason that they ought to have alleged, unless they must have neglected and passed it by as being so well known, in order to find others more constraining. When I read the various opinions of the doctors regarding our right to make war on the western Indians, although they are somewhat sufficient, that which has most real power to quiet the conscience—while those who opposed it can only be esteemed as rash—is the concession of Alexander VI which is, in brief, as follows.

[Here follows the portion of the bull of Alexander VI of May 4, 1493, included in Et tu tanti negotii ... auctoritate et jurisdictione facimus, constituimus et deputamus.] [22]

Since, then, the supreme pontiff says that he can give, and does really give them, he would be rash who could have any scruples about the right of our kings to possess these provinces, and the right of the conquistadors therein to make war, since the latter did it by order of their kings. For who doubts that the supreme pontiff, who never was known to be tyrannical or unjust, had not well considered his powers in order to make this concession? The reasons that could influence his Holiness are not unknown, but they are rather for the schools than for this place. The above has been given with the end of quieting the consciences of the conquistadors, and of sealing the mouths of the ignorant, since whatever scruples do or can arise in this matter are settled so completely by Alexander VI's brief. The soldier has no call to judge or investigate the justification of the war, as the doctors unanimously agree. It is sufficient that he consider it as not manifestly unjust, and that he consider his king—as we all do ours—as so Catholic and so good, that he will war upon no one without a very just reason. For the justification of a king in matters of conscience, the declaration of the first rule is sufficient, namely, the certain knowledge of the Roman pontiff.

Hence, according to the above, the opinions rendered by Father Urdaneta in two grave councils seem very apropos. But for soldiers, it is better to take our stand upon this conclusive argument namely, that those islands belong to our Catholic sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, by concession of the pope, and by the reasons that influenced him therein. Accordingly, the Spaniards may make port wherever they wish, may request provisions in exchange for their money, may establish towns and cities, erect redoubts as if in their own land, and make war on whomever opposes them, as they are unjustly prohibited [by such opposition] from doing what is right.



Chapter VII

Of the arrival and landing of the fleet at the island of Sugbu

Having resolved to follow the advice given, our men set sail, and directed their course toward the island of Sugbu [i.e., Cebu]. They anchored there on the twenty-seventh day of the month of April, day of the glorious martyr St. Vidal, in the year 1565. This day happened to be also the feast of the resurrection. They honored the saint as their patron and advocate. His feast is kept every year, and his day observed. The flag is unfurled with the greatest pomp possible, but that is little now, because the city of Santisimo Nombre de Dios, founded there, has greatly declined. A regidor unfurls the flag. He is assigned therefor by the city, that is, the cabildo, to whom the city grants his gratuity. On this day, the [image of the] most sacred child Jesus, which rests in our convent of San Agustin, is taken out, and carried in procession to the cathedral, after a paper has been signed, by decree of the justice, that it will be given back to the same religious. The ecclesiastical and secular cabildos come to our house to take part in the procession, the prebendaries say mass, and a religious of our house preaches. After the fulfilment of these duties, those who carried the most sacred child carry it back, and the spiritual feast is ended. [23] In the afternoon there is a bull-fight, as extensive as their means allow—but that, as I have said, is slight. The island is long and narrow, and extends north and south. It has but little rice, as the dry seasons there are generally long. Once it was excellent for cattle, and the herds multiplied to such an extent that there was no room for them on the land. The milk was of fine quality, and the cheeses which were made, and are still made, are the best in the islands, and are esteemed as such. But the cattle have decreased so much, that the ranches that had a thousand cows now have but the name of having been there. The best ranch always was the one that belonged to us, located something like three-quarters of a legua from the city, for it had about two thousand cows; but scarcely does it preserve five hundred today. The cause of this might have been from the Indians not eating beef in the beginning, and their dogs not disturbing the calves. But now the Indians eat beef, and the fields are full of unruly dogs, so that between them both, the cattle are a thing of the past. Only the fathers of the Society, as in all districts, have the good fortune to preserve their estates, and maintain their cows in the said city; so that it may be said that they sustain the city, which nets them not a little gain. The fields are full also of a weed called amores secos, [24] which is not good for the cattle. Furthermore, the island is barren, for which reason the Spaniards abandoned it, and established the seat of their government in the island of Luzon, where at present is located the city of Manila. The city [of Nombre de Dios] lies in that part where the vendaval blows, so that the waves and surf are blown against their houses. Lying in front of and very near to Sugbu is an island called Magtang, where Captain Magallanes was killed years ago. It is a low-lying land, and now with so few inhabitants that they do not reach fifty; but when the Spaniards arrived there was a greater number. [25] There are two channel-entrances, with one strait between the two islands. It is not of even width but is narrow in some places, and wide at others, in accordance with the points and bays between the islands. One mouth lies toward the brisa, and is deeper and narrower; the other to the vendaval, shallower, but wider. Hence by this latter mouth no ship with high freeboard can enter, but they enter by the other mouth. The port has so deep water right next the shore, that the ships anchor on the sand. The fort is now located quite near, and is mounted with excellent artillery. The ships of our Spaniards passed by, and anchored here. They found many people; for truly the island was thickly populated, and with the most warlike people of the country, as has been seen when they have joined with the Spaniards. They have performed excellent exploits in the service of the Spaniards, and have aided them in conquering the country. The old inhabitants assert that when the Spaniards arrived, the town of Sugbu was so populous that its houses extended from Mandave to San Nicolas, which is, I think, more than one and one-half leguas by land. Now there are so few inhabitants, that there are not three hundred tributes in the town of San Nicolas, which is the town proper of Sugbu. They are separated about one-quarter legua from the city of the Spaniards. [26] It is the best port of the island today, and might have been very good, if affairs there had continued to improve. But as cities are maintained and grow through trade, and the trade there is in wax, which is of little value, its citizens are abandoning the city and going to Manila. While the climate of the latter place is not so good, nor the country so healthy, they are drawn by the wealth there, and the trade with China, Japon, Macan, and India—and above all, with Nueva Espana.

I believe, if a small ship were to leave this city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus—which is the second in these islands, because that of Caceres in Camarines, and that of Segovia in Cagayan [27] have already declined—for Nueva Espana, that, beyond any doubt, the city would return to its former prosperity. But it does not appear possible, for the city has no citizens with capital who care to engage in the building of any vessel. The city has a garrison of one company of seven hundred soldiers, more or less at times, and other extravagances. It has an alcalde-mayor, who acts as governor. He is also captain of the company of the presidio, and usually is supreme chief of all the Pintados. The latter are so called because all the male Pintados tattooed their entire bodies with so excellent and well-designed symmetry, that the best artist in Espana could learn from them. The women tattooed the hands. But the proper name of these islands is the Bisayas. Many tongues are spoken in them, for there are many islands and many villages, and there is hardly a village that has not its own dialect. But the chief tongues are the Boholan, which is spoken in Sugbu, and the Hiligain, and they are very similar. These islands have a bishop, whose see is located in the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. That city has a cabildo with its dignitaries, but in name only, for it has no income. The bishops have been to blame, because they have not been very active; for our sovereigns, through their piety, would have assigned stipends, had these been proposed to them. This bishopric has a large territory, and, in my opinion, is larger and more extensive than the archbishopric of Manila. For it includes the islands of Leyte, Samar, and Ibabao, [28] where the fathers of the Society are carrying on their missions. This island was formerly densely inhabited with Indians, but now the population is much less, as is that of all the other islands. This bishopric includes the island of Bohol, which is in charge of the same fathers. It can be seen from the plaza of Sugbu, from which it is slightly more than three leguas distant. I shall have to speak of it later. This bishopric includes also the island of Panay, more than fifty leguas distant, which is in our charge. We have thirteen convents there, besides two more in the island of Sugbu, and besides the other three belonging to seculars in the same island of Panay. [29] This island is the granary of all the islands of this archipelago, and I shall need to speak of it many times. This bishopric includes the island of Negros, so called from its many Negrillos. It is bounded on one side by Sugbu. In short, the islands subject to this bishopric are almost innumerable. It extends to the great island of Mindanao, which is said to be larger than that of Manila, [30] and to be inhabited by an infinite number of people. By our neglect the worship of Mahoma has gained an entrance there. One would believe that those demons attended to, and still attend to, those fables of theirs, more than we to our truths. Many of the islands about Mindanao have the same worship. On one side are the islands of Cuyo and great Paragua, where abundance of wax is gathered. War generally prevails in the Pintados. This offers great danger to those who go there, and more to the religious who go there most often. And although our fleets have made sallies, I have never seen them have any luck—either because they did not wish it, or because the Indians' boats are so light that our caracoas can never overtake them, the worst people of these islands thus succeeding with their great depredations. This matter will be referred to later; for some time past we have lost sight of our men, whom we left disembarking at Sugbu, armed and ready for whatever might happen.

An Indian named Tupas was the chief of that island. Although all manner of efforts were made with him, he refused to come to good terms with the commander. He continued to occasion innumerable delays, while, on the other hand, he negotiated with his men to arm and oppose the Spaniards, according to their custom—so that not only would they defend their country from them, but even finish them all, doing to them the same thing that their ancestors had done to Magallanes's men. For, he said, those foreign nations could bring them no advantage, but would deprive them of their liberty, which they enjoyed as rulers of the land. Furthermore their babaylans, who were their priestesses, made every effort so that the Spaniards might not set foot on land; for the devil, with whom they were in accord, seeing that his reign was about to end, acted with more than usual vigor through his infernal ministers. But when the Lord is pleased with anything, there is no effort that can disturb Him. Hence when our commander beheld the Indians preparing for the defense, and filling the shore with their lances, darts, campilans, and long shields (which they call carasag), and the sea with their boats—to which they give many names, which we pass over—although the commander saw all this, still he did not neglect to announce peace, by means of the father prior, Fray Andres de Urdaneta, and by public act of the notary. But it had no better effect than the preceding efforts. Hence he ordered his artillery to be discharged, somewhat high, so that he might frighten and startle them, without doing them any harm. This succeeded as he expected, for those people, little accustomed to similar reports, immediately abandoned the shore and sea, fleeing more quickly than they had gathered. Thus our men landed without any opposition. The Indians are much more nimble than the Spaniards, and it is very easy for them to run through their land, while it is difficult for us. Our men were unable to enter and obviate the danger, for, when the firearms were discharged, they set fire to some houses. These were burnt, inasmuch as their material is very inflammable, and with them much food, which, in short, was the greatest loss, for there was great need of it. Without doubt all the village would have been burned had not the wind been contrary, and for the time being favored the other houses, so that they were not burned.

[The eighth chapter of Medina's narrative relates the finding of the image of the child Jesus, which had been left in the island by a member of the Magallanes expedition. Our author exults over this find, which he extols as miraculous, and asserts to be the "greatest relic ... of the islands."]



Chapter IX

Of the subjection of the Indians of Sugbu to the king of Espana

After the above acts, it appears that affairs began to brighten; for those Indians, after witnessing the kind treatment extended to them, and seeing that the Spaniards were more affable than they appeared on the outside, promised very fair reciprocity. The commander endeavored to ascertain their reason for refusing to the Spaniards provisions and entrance into their land, so decidedly contrary to the laws of hospitality. They answered that they were afraid that the Spaniards' object was to call them to strict account for the death of Magallanes and his men, and that they had come for no other purpose. They thought that his mildness toward them was only for the purpose of quieting them so that he could later take sharp revenge more easily. The commander believed that they spoke the truth in their reply, and promised to do them no injury whatever for that crime; for on the one hand that affair was already forgotten, and, on the other, the Spaniards' intention was to establish and maintain among them friendly intercourse. Hence, the first step and measure was not to be vengeance, whereby, necessarily, the natives would be exasperated. Moreover the commander told them to bring their chief to him at all hazards, for he wanted to conclude matters at once, and sign the peace. Thereupon, the Indians went, but did not heed the request at all; for, as I have remarked before, this race is generally faithless and obstinate. On the contrary, the Indians endeavored to do all the harm possible to the Spaniards, killing them when they found them alone, and attacking them in their usual rushes, and with outcry and uproar—their peculiar action in war or attack. When the commander saw that his hopes were in vain, and that those barbarians had no intention of acting well, he began, as a good captain, to prepare his camp. He cleared away the palms from his camp, and intrenched himself carefully, in order that when the Indians, according to their custom, should attack him, the result would not be so harmless to themselves that they would not regret it. The Spaniards then began to make their raids into the land, collected what food they could find, and captured what Indians they met. Once they were so fortunate that, besides bringing back to the flagship quantities of rice, and many swine and fowls, which food was being despatched with all rapidity, they captured six Indian women. Among these was one who occupied so commanding a position that she promised to have Tupas come to the flagship, by means of her husband, who was one of the foremost chiefs of the island.

At this time, the commander began to be established in the island, and accordingly desired to discuss the founding of a city there, to be called Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. He marked out the lines, assigned homesteads, and began to apportion them to those who were to remain there. It was all done according to the plan of Father Urdaneta, who was the chief mover in everything. He marked out a triangular fort, which was constructed rapidly; for the commander took charge of one side, the master-of-camp of another, and the other captains of the third. A site was assigned for the cathedral. Also a site was given to our order, so large that, of a surety—and I agree thereto—the liberality of the Christian commander can only be praised, as well as the zeal of our religious, whereby it appeared that that must amount to something important some day. They did not found their house, as one author says, in the house where the most holy Child was found, for that house was next to the cathedral. There is a very poor hermitage there today. It must be venerated more greatly, for as the devotion went on diminishing, so likewise did the worship. Its roof is of nipa, or palm leaves, which are used as roofing for houses. The sides are boards, and no care, so far as I know; is taken to sweep it. Our convent is situated very far from it, on the shore, which is swept by the vendaval. Between its rock wall and the shore, which is but a short distance, is to be seen the first cross erected there by our men. [31] Now it has a stone base, and it is enough that it has not been destroyed, inasmuch as we take but little care of antiquities. Although the convent should be the best and most esteemed in the province, as it is, in short, the ancestral house that declares very well our antiquity in the islands, it is, I know not why, the poorest and neediest. It may have been that, as all the wealth passed to Manila, and the capital of the province was established there, this other city was neglected; or because, as the city was declining, so likewise the convent declined. After the above-mentioned acts, those first conquistadors were ordered to make a solemn procession. The whole fleet took part in it, and carried the best ornaments that they could. The most holy Child was carried in this procession to our house, and placed on an altar as decently adorned as was possible in that early period. The first mass of those islands was celebrated there, with more spirit and devotion, than music and splendor. At its conclusion, all took a vow to celebrate annually the feast of the finding of that relic—the twenty-eighth of April, when, as above stated, the feast of St. Vidal is observed. A fraternity of the Most Sacred Name of Jesus was then established, with the same rules as that of St. Augustine in the City of Mejico. This was the beginning of that religious province, this its first stone, and this the first foundation—which, beyond all doubt, began from that very moment to promise very great increase. Because of this rock being hewn out of the mountain of its eternity, it fell to the earth with so small an appearance to the eyes, that it seemed a mere pebble. But so great was it in its efficacy, that it has increased so much, that it became a mountain, which occupied no less a space than the whole earth. Hence did those holy religious trust that the foundations of that small stone would increase so much that, within a short time, they would be extended throughout the islands, and that the islands would become subject to the worship of the true God; while everything pertaining to the demon, who held those islanders deceived with innumerable impurities and indecencies, would be wholly cast out from them. These deceits were of such a nature, that had it not been for the feeble intellect of the natives, they would have themselves withdrawn the latter from their blindness.

In the afternoon of the same day, it appeared that the Lord began to take account of the service rendered Him; for he brought ambassadors from the chief, requesting an audience of the commander for the morrow. The commander consented to receive him, and sent the chief a white cloth in token of safe conduct, and that he would be immune from harm. Before Tupas's arrival, the governor—for he was already given this title—called a council to discuss whether it would be expedient to grant the natives general pardon for the killing of Captain Hernando de Magallanes; and whether they should recognize the king of Espana as their sovereign, and pay some tribute as acknowledgment. Our men decided upon the first two, but left the third for a better occasion, in order not to exasperate those who were showing signs of obedience. But truly there was little to scruple over, since, with good reason, it was quite proper that the Indians should aid somewhat in an expense so great, as it was being made in their behalf. For up till then four expeditions had been despatched, and the Spaniards who have come here since then are without number. Accordingly, since the government is now established, when the profit accruing from the islands is considered, as well as their expense to his Majesty, the latter is beyond any doubt the greater; besides, Espana is dispossessed of her sons, and the religious orders of their most illustrious members, who all perish in these islands, without any hope of their ever quitting mere beginnings and having any value per se. This I consider, beyond all doubt, as the greatest expense and worthy of consideration; for the mines yield silver and the forests wood, while Espana only yields Spaniards. It may give so many, that it may become barren, and be obliged to rear children outside, in place of its own. Thus all the foregoing indicates the great zeal of our sovereigns, and that only the love of souls influences them; since the expenses of temporal things are so heavy and the profit nothing. But I hope, through most merciful God, that the spiritual blessings are so many that not only will they equal but surpass the expense; so that if from so heavy expenses resulted only the salvation of even one soul, as says a doctor, our monarchs would be sufficiently remunerated. But it is quite evident that the souls saved are innumerable; for had not the Lord His chosen ones here, He would not have imbued the hearts of our monarchs to persevere in the discovery of these islands; after their discovery, with their colonization; and, after their colonization, with their conservation at so much expense to them. Moreover, the hopes for China and Japon are very great. In Japon, not only are they hopes, but we already see that land sprinkled in all parts with the blood of innumerable martyrs, and as excellent as the primitive church could have. And with such risk, what harvest can not be awaited? Will it be a slight glory for our sovereigns, in the future, that God has chosen them as the instruments to enrich His church with so notable martyrs? Indeed I think that their Majesties have understood this very well. Thus, beyond doubt, their fervor will continue to increase, and will encourage this field, where the Lord gathers so much fruit daily.

Returning now to our subject, I say that, as the third article of the tributes, while they were irresolute and leaving it for another day, the chief Tupas was announced. He was so humbled that everything was concluded to the governor's taste. Tupas made long excuses for his delay—which were accepted then. But he said that he was quite decided to make peace with the Castilians, and to serve them with all his men; since he recognized that, although his were the more numerous, they were inferior in valor to the Spaniards. The natives wished from that moment to consider the Spaniards as their seigniors, and the latter's king as their king. They offered what vassalage was right in recognition of subjection. Thereupon, they signed the treaty of peace under the most advantageous conditions. All was done by act of notary. The governor, in his Majesty's name, gave them a general pardon for the death of Magallanes and his men. He received them under his tutelage and protection, not only to protect them from their enemies, but also to preserve them in peace and justice, as other vassals of their Majesties are preserved. All the Indians rejoiced greatly at this, thus showing that the continual fear of their sin had made them regard so little the courtesies that they had received. They promised amendment in the future, and called upon time to be witness of everything. As to the tribute and recognition, they said that the governor should consider the amount, so that they could deliberate over it. The governor answered that, for the time being, he would assign no tribute; and that they should bring what they deemed fitting, since the Spaniards would be satisfied with little. For that action, he said, was only to show that they were vassals of that one whom they had verbally acclaimed as their sovereign. The governor made them many presents, and showed them all kind treatment; whereupon, they took their leave, to all appearances quite in harmony. The governor was very happy, for he thought that, with that labor, which was not of the least, the undertaking was ended. But that succeeded as the others had done, for the chief did not return, although the governor had him summoned, and begged him to comply with the treaty and agreement, which had been confirmed by so many oaths. But he did not lack excuses to allege. It was understood fully that, because the Indian never lacks plenty of lies, all this was only to make time in order to await a more suitable occasion. Our men dissimulated, for already they were about to despatch the flagship, for which preparations were going on apace.



Chapter X

How Father Urdaneta discovered the return passage to Nueva Espana

Now were preparations for the sailing well advanced, and the season was already well forward, and the governor had all that was yet lacking concluded without any delay. He assigned the men for the voyage, and as commander of the ship "San Pedro," chose his grandson Felipe de Salcedo, a youth of tender years, but possessed of great courage and valor. He subordinated him in all things to the advice of Father Urdaneta; the latter was the one who had been expressly ordered by his Majesty, to discover the [return] route, hitherto unknown to everybody. For company and counsel, Father Urdaneta took father Fray Andres Aguirre with him. They set sail June 1, 1565. The voyage was prosperous and better than those made now, which are so full of hardships and dangers, as will be seen in the proper place. Father Urdaneta took charge of the ship, for as soon as they had left Sugbu, the pilot and master of the ship died. Even to this circumstance can one ascribe its good fortune, as a ship governed by so great a religious. Setting sail, then, with the vendaval, within a short time they reached the outside of the channel. The ships sailing from Manila do not do this, and are much delayed, because they must run a greater distance within the channel and among more islands. This is not the least danger of the vessels in sailing from the bay of Manila. They need the brisa or east wind; but when the shoals of Silay are reached, they need the vendaval. But, when they sail, they usually go at the height of the vendaval, and many times the ships encounter great danger, and lose their anchors, and are even wrecked. This does not happen in Sugbu. But they leave port with the vendaval, and get clear of the islands, and in less than twenty hours reach the Spanish sea. They pursue their course with the same vendaval, which brings them to the Ladrones Islands. At this point navigation is difficult, for east winds prevail here, which take vessels going to Nueva Espana by the bow. Hence, it is necessary to present the side of the vessel to their fury, and to look for north winds. Thus they go forging their way until they reach thirty, thirty-six, or forty degrees, and one has gone as high as fifty degrees. There northwest and north winds are generally blowing, and with these they descend to the coast of Nueva Espana. In those latitudes great cold is suffered. By the above account the difficulty of this voyage will be realized, for in sailing from Sugbu, which lies in twelve degrees, or from Manila, in thirteen degrees, to Acapulco, in seventeen degrees, a deviation so disproportional as ascending to thirty-four or forty degrees is made. On account of this difference in temperatures, very many of the crew fall sick, die, and endure very great hardship, since the voyages are necessarily long; hence we can say that they make the voyage twice over. In passing, will be declared how deserving of thanks from their state were our religious, and what great service they performed for their two Majesties—the divine and the human—in discovering, with so much toil, this course, which had been impossible hitherto. In addition, not less were their exploits in the islands, in planting the faith therein. Many religious, moved by their zeal, have made these journeys two or three times. Many men died on this voyage, chiefly for lack of proper nourishment. And reason shows how little they must have taken, since no land would give it to them; for, at the best, they could then only get fowls, swine, and rice (which was their chief food) from the Indians. Thus the entire weight of the voyage was loaded upon the shoulders of our Argonaut, who made it; and he so carried himself that he shirked no toil, although of an advanced age. Every day he cast the lead, took observations, and did everything that seemed advisable for that course. Hence it was God's will that he reached Puerto de la Navidad on October 3, after a voyage of four months and three days. On arriving at port, he made the chart, showing all their routes, winds, points, and capes—so completely, that even today his chart is followed without any additions. For I believe that that chart included everything to be comprehended in that very wide gulf, which is, without doubt, the greatest known. From there he went to Mejico. His return caused not a little wonder in that kingdom, and he was considered as an extraordinary man; for he, invested with the habit, had discovered what so many and so notable men had failed in, and could not accomplish. It was an undertaking that God had reserved for our holy order. Father Fray Andres de Urdaneta remained but a short time in Mejico, for he found a vessel about to sail to Espana, and he took passage thereon, together with his companion, father Fray Andres de Aguirre. He arrived in Espana safely, where he informed his Majesty fully of all that he had done in his service, in obedience to his order; and also of the state of affairs in Filipinas, and the necessity for their succor, if the undertaking was to be continued. His Majesty granted him audience with great kindness, and considered himself well served in all that had been accomplished. He gave orders that father Fray Andres and his companion should be supplied with all necessities while they remained at court.

Father Urdaneta settled all matters pertaining to these islands very carefully and satisfactorily. When everything was concluded, he requested leave of the members of the Council to return to Nueva Espana, where he desired to finish his days in peace. The Council asked him to wait a while, so that after his Majesty had concluded affairs in Flandes, with which he was very busy, he could hear him at leisure and remunerate his great labors. Father Urdaneta replied that his object in coming to court was only to inform his Majesty of what had been ordered him, and he was sure that in the services that he had performed after he became a religious (reward for which he wished from God alone) he had no other aim than to obey his superiors, and at the same time to serve his Majesty for the alms and favors that he had granted to the Augustinian order in the Indias. Finally, they had to grant him this permission, although first his Majesty granted him audience very willingly, and showed himself as capable in those matters as in all others of his kingdom and seigniory. Thereupon, the two fathers, Fray Andres de Urdaneta and Fray Andres de Aguirre, took passage for Nueva Espana, where they arrived in good health, after much wandering and shipwreck. Father Urdaneta lived after this, until June 23, 1568, when our Lord was pleased to take him, to reward him, as is believed, with His eternal rest. At his death he was seventy years old, less some months. He wore the habit for fifteen years, which we believe were of great merit; for he was ever an austere religious, very poor, very humble, and beyond belief obedient—things which in heaven he will have found well gained. Father Fray Andres de Aguirre, Father Urdaneta's companion in his wanderings and labors, remained in the province of Mejico until the year 1580, when he returned to Filipinas, moved by great and powerful reasons, namely, sentiments of holiness and the increase of those provinces. He was made provincial, and as we shall see later, he went again to Espana, where after negotiating all that he wished with his Majesty, he returned to Mejico. Here he despatched all the affairs with which he was charged, and settled down to a life of rest. But in the year 1593, he thought he was not employing well in a life of rest the health that God had given him, and therefore returned to Filipinas, where he served our Lord for the rest of his days, until he died, to enter upon the joy of eternity.



Chapter XI

Of what was passing in the Filipinas

It appears that matters at Sugbu were now running more smoothly, for that chief, the husband of the Indian princess (whom the governor ordered to be treated with consideration), collected as much as he could carry, and came into the governor's presence, to give it to him in exchange for his wife. The governor, who saw the way opened for a great stroke, told him that his wife was not a captive, nor did the Spaniards come with any intention whatever of capturing the people, but rather to give liberty to those who were captives. There was his wife, and he could ascertain from her what treatment had been shown her, and he could take her away at once, together with what he had brought to ransom her. As soon as that barbarian heard this, he wept for joy, and threw himself at the governor's feet, which he tried to kiss. He said that the Castilians were in truth good men, and that the reports that the Indians had had hitherto were malicious. The people that acted thus could only have good bowels and a guileless heart—this is their peculiar mode of expression. His wife was given to him, whereat he was very happy. They talked so well to the Chief Tupas, that he came in the morning with a great following of his slaves, friends, and relatives, the most gallant that could come in his train. All, in sincerity and without pretense, offered themselves again to the service of the Castilas [i.e., Castilians], as they called and continue to call the Spaniards. Three of the fathers remained in the island, namely, father Fray Martin de Rada, father Fray Diego de Herrera, and father Fray Pedro de Gamboa. These began, with great assiduity, to study the language, to endeavor to teach the Indians, and to instruct them in the holy mysteries of our faith. The Indians listened closely and attentively to them. He who accomplished most was father Fray Martin de Rada, who, being a man of great imagination, in a short time laid up great riches, and made considerable gain among the natives. And, in fact, when I was in the island of Sugbu in the year 1612, as a conventual in the convent of the natives, called San Nicolas, I saw a lexicon there, compiled by father Fray Martin de Rada, which contained a great number of words. This must have been of no little aid to those who came afterward. The fathers did not dare baptize the Indians immediately; for, on the one hand, they feared their fickleness, since they knew with what ease those who had received baptism in the time of General Magallanes, had apostatized. Besides, the fathers did not know what orders would be given them, or whether they would be commanded to retire. Thus they were very considerate and circumspect in everything, but did not neglect, for all that, to labor in the field, in order that they might afterward gather abundance of fruit.

The religious endeavored to have the children of the most prominent people come to the convent, or to that house wherein they were living, in order that they might give them instruction, and teach them to read and write. Since they were the newest plants, necessarily they would receive the teaching better, and the new customs would be impressed more easily upon them than on those already hardened and petrified in their old customs. The Indians assented readily to this, for already with their subjection, they felt some indescribable superiority in the Spaniards which obliged them to regard the latter with fear and respect. Much more so did they regard the fathers, upon seeing the reverence with which the captains treated them, who always kissed their hands on seeing them. This custom has remained even until the present in the islands. However, they do not kiss the hand, but the habit or girdle. I suppose that the fathers' modesty would not permit the captains to kiss the hand, and they substituted therefor the habit or girdle. Upon the Indians seeing this, they have followed the same custom. Consequently, as a rule, when an Indian comes to talk to a father, he kisses the latter's hand. With this instruction that the fathers continued to give the youth, the Indians were becoming more harmonized, and began to lose their previous horror of the Spaniards, and on the other hand, to love them. Most of them begged the fathers to please make them Christians.

A miracle which happened at that time aided in this. A fire catching in some of the soldiers' quarters on a holiday (namely, All-Saints' day of 1566), many houses were burned, among them that in which the fathers were living. Meanwhile another and larger house was being built. The religious had erected a bamboo cross at the door of the said house. The bamboos are very thick in those islands and so plentiful that they are used for masts and yards for the caracoas; and they make the best, for they are very strong, of slight weight, and can be raised and lowered easily. Then the fire breaking out so furiously had burned more than thirty houses within an incredibly short time, and among these was ours. The flame enveloped the cross on all sides, but did not burn it, or even smoke it. When the religious saw the present marvel, they had the bells rung as a sign of rejoicing. Upon the Spaniards and Indians coming to see what was the matter, they looked at it not without great wonder, for wonder was caused by the fire's so great respect for that cross. From that time the natives began to have a deeper idea of the mysteries preached to them by the religious, since they saw the proof of them with their own eyes.

Another miracle almost similar happened in Nueva Espana, when that great pirate Franco Draque [i.e., Francis Drake] was coasting those shores. He was English by nation, but had been reared many years in Espana; [32] so that the proverb which says, "Rear a crow, and it will tear your eye out," might be fulfilled. When this man was passing through the Strait of Magallanes, and coasting the southern shores, then much neglected, many were the depredations that he committed. He set fire to whatever he found, and burned it in his fury. When he arrived at the coast of Colima [in Peru], there was a shipyard in one of those ports, where a frigate was being built for the pearl-fishery. It was already completed below its cabin. Draque ordered it fired, and such was its material that it was quickly converted into ashes. Hut a cross which had been raised above the cabin was uninjured by the fire, as a thing against which flames have no power. Running through the land and along the coasts, the citizens of the town of Colima came to the cabin, and among its ashes saw the cross, clean and shining. This gave them no little consolation, and they regarded that occurrence as a miracle, namely, that the fire that had destroyed so great a structure, had reserved only the cross. The citizens did not keep it, but cut it into splinters, and divided it among themselves. Although one cannot but praise their zeal in this, yet it would have been better had they adorned a church with it, so that the memory of the miracle would last longer.



Chapter XII

Of several who were baptized

[The miracle of the cross and the efforts put forth by the fathers bore fruit, and the natives began to request baptism. The first to receive the holy sacrament was a niece of Tupas, who was named Isabel. The ceremony was celebrated with great pomp, "for among the Indians, no sense is so strong as sight. This is so great a truth that they regard as nothing any Castilian whom they see abased and ragged. On the contrary, when they see any Castilian who makes a show, they immediately call him 'Captain,' and canonize him under this name, although he does not deserve to be even a soldier. The same is true in regard to the religious, of which I could say much because of my experience therein of more than twenty-two years. They esteem the prior greatly, but his companion very little. They think that the religious who lives better and has the greater number of servants, is a great chief. They believe the contrary of him who does not live with so much ostentation. It happened that a religious was going to visit the chapels of that district where he lived. He, with the spirit that he brought from Castilla, intended to commence with the greatest poverty, so that he took neither bed nor refreshment. An Indian, who was going along as cook, on considering that, said that that father was going in that way, because he must be some banaga in his own country—that is, low and base by birth. Another time, when the same religious was going barefoot, like the natives, because of the poor roads (for there is nothing good in these islands), their edification was to make a sound like castanets with the mouth, saying that he was a strong and brave man. Hence arose the saying that I heard from Father Bernabe de Villalobos, [33] a notable minister of the Bisayas, who labored many years in the salvation of souls, namely, that if he wished to ascend to any dignity, although he would endeavor to be as humble as possible before God, he would show the utmost grandeur outwardly, so that the natives might recognize the majesty of the dignity by the exterior. From this also arises their not agreeing to or believing in anything, unless they see it. Thus in discussing the glory of heaven, or the pains of hell with them, they reply that if they do not see it how then can they believe it?" [34] Isabel was married, after her baptism, to Maestre Andres, a calker of the fleet. The wedding was also celebrated with great show. Her son and others of her household were the next to receive baptism. The Bornean Moro, who served the Spaniards so well among the islands, was also converted, "a baptism of great importance ... for this Moro was the key to all the islands, as he was well known in them all; and so much faith was put in him, that he was obeyed as little less than king." Mahometanism has secured a foothold in the islands, and the natives are constant in it as it does not forbid "stealing or homicide, does not prohibit usury, hatred, or robbery, nor less does it deprive them of their women, in which vice they are sunken, and the women no less than the men. So much are the latter sunken in this vice, that they considered it the choicest thing, and in their revelries were wont, while singing, to fit out a caracoa (a medium-sized vessel ten or twelve brazas long) with those who have been their gallants; and for more verification of this assertion, the women did not allow any man to have communication with them unless he had a sacra, that is a small jagged wheel, like the wheel of St. Catherine, with its points blunted. That wheel was set with a bronze pin, which was thrust through it; for from an early age the males pierced their privies with these, and by means of them had communication with the women, as if they were dogs. All of that has been done away with by the gospel and its ministers, and they have grieved over it as at death. That would not be taken from them but rather supported by the Mahometan law. They endeavor to give themselves with great satiety to the eating of pork and the drinking of wine, and they stuff themselves from time to time, never losing an occasion that is offered. Many of those injuries which the devil was working in the souls of those natives have been remedied; and I hope, with the help of His Divine Majesty, that the evil seed will be truly eradicated from these islands with the lapse of time, so that the seed sown by His ministers may increase and bear a most plentiful harvest." Our author continues:]

But the enemy of the human race, who recognized his loss, and that the progress of the diabolical worship of Mahomet, by which he wished to gain these islands, was shortened by our coming, tried to concoct a scheme to drive the Spaniards from the islands, since there were no longer any forces sufficient to drive them out. For although the islanders were many in number, so great was their horror of the arquebuses and other firearms, that the very report of these made them tremble. They did not consider themselves safe from their balls and fire, even in the deepest woods. Hence what we now hold was subdued in a short time, of which a thousand years ago not one palmo would have been gained, but rather lost. Hence in order to succeed in his designs against us, the devil made use of another nation, as Spanish as the Castilians, and of equal arms and courage. He contrived that they should come from Maluco, where they had been for some days, and with equal forces descend upon the Castilians in Sugbu to drive them out. They claimed that they found the latter on territory that was theirs, and belonged to the kingdom of Portugal. Over this matter there were not a few contests and glorious triumphs, which must be passed by, for it will be the Lord's will to have them published some day by him who may write the general history of these islands, so that so heroic exploits may not remain buried in the abyss of oblivion.

Because of this, our Spaniards found themselves in dire need of all things. They had few men, and little ammunition, and the land where the war was carried on was not so well-affected as they wished; for the temperament of the natives made them incline toward the victor, and persecute the conquered. But, notwithstanding this, the Spaniards were so courageous in defending what they already possessed that they were prepared to give up their lives rather than one palmo of land. However, the governor, as a good Christian, had the religious summoned, and requested them to consider the matter, so that when the truth was known fully, and what justice they had on their side, they might, with greater courage, defend their cloak from him who was trying to take it away by violence....

[The fathers deliberated, and Father Rada, who "was not only a very great theologian, but was the wisest man in the world in mathematics, geography, astronomy, astrology, and the foretelling of events," made a chart on which he showed Alexander VI's line. By this he proved the islands well within Spain's demarcation. They had also been taken possession of for Spain by Magallanes. These proofs did not satisfy the Portuguese, however, and they continued their attempts.]



Chapter XIII

Of what the religious did in the islands, and how they baptized Tupas

[During the conflict with the Portuguese, the fathers, as became spiritual advisers, did their duty, and bore their full part. The continual illness of Father Gamboa rendered necessary greater activity on the part of Fathers Herrera and Rada. With great effort they succeeded in baptizing the chief Tupas, well knowing the effect the baptism of such a great chief would have upon the other natives, who were completely in the power of their chiefs. With him was baptized his son. The effect was immediate, and natives of Cebu and all the neighboring islands requested baptism. The patache "San Juan" arrived at the island from New Spain in 1569, with two more religious: Juan de Alba, [35] who had spent more than thirty-three years in New Spain; and Alonso Gimenez, [36] "who quickly learned the language of these islands." It was resolved to send one religious to New Spain "to look after the affairs of the islands, and get colonists for them from the many workmen in Nueva Espana." The lot fell to Father Diego de Herrera, and he set sail, after having been elected as the first provincial of the Philippines. Medina says: "The intention of the religious is not known. For they had no order from the most reverend general to create a provincial, and such an order was necessary. Their object is unknown, but it is well known that the said father Fray Diego de Herrera was despatched and arrived at Nueva Espana, bearing this title." His mission in New Spain and Spain proved successful, and advantageous to the islands; and he set sail again for the Philippines with a number of religious. Of the three religious remaining in the islands, after Father Herrera's departure—for Father Gamboa had already been sent back on the "San Lucas," because of his continual ill-health—Martin de Rada remained in Cebu, Juan de Alba went to the Alaguer River in Panay, and Alonso Jimenez to Ibalon. "There, in those ministries, the religious were learning the language with the greatest assiduity, in order to be able to preach and confess, and to teach the mysteries of our faith."]



Chapter XIV

How our religious went to the island of Luzon, and of other matters that arose there

As time passed, it appears that we continued to attain more and more favorable results in enlarging the Spanish dominion and empire among the islands, and in extending likewise the name of Christ our Lord, for the adoration and reverence of those barbarous nations. This year the return of the father provincial, Fray Diego de Herrera, who had gone the year before to Nueva Espana, as above related, and returned the following year, was made most prosperously, and with incredible rapidity. It seems that he had put his hand carefully to the work, which he had already commenced, and desired to see it assume a wider extent, and to have those fields full of workers. He was exceedingly well received in Nueva Espana, and so much caressed, that all were importunate to embrace him again and again, not being satisfied with simply embracing him whom they saw visibly as the apostle of China—the name by which they designated these islands. They promised him munificent help in advancing the undertaking. On that account was his return so prompt. He was accompanied by two religious, namely, father Fray Diego Ordonez [37] and father Fray Diego de Espinar. [38] He bore the despatches that Father Urdaneta had negotiated. In them, his Majesty ordered the Filipinas Islands to be colonized, so that, by that means, the conversion of those races might be advanced better, which the Augustinian order had already begun, with so much labor, to secure. And besides the service that was being rendered to our Lord therein, his Majesty was pleased, and thanked them for the same.

His Majesty sent the title of adelantado to the commander, for himself and for his heirs, with the warrant for this privilege with pendant seal. This was extended to the Ladrones Islands, which were the first that he discovered and took possession of. That clause declares: "Just as (says his Majesty) our adelantados of the kingdoms of Castilla and of the Indias enjoy and exercise this title; you shall have all the honors, concessions, favors, franchises, privileges and exemptions, preeminences, prerogatives, and immunities, which, as our adelantado, you should possess and enjoy."

The above is given place here, because, on the one hand, it was negotiated by our religious; and, on the other, to show ourselves grateful, to him who loved and protected us in everything. Moreover, his Majesty sent him leave to apportion the encomiendas among the deserving, as seemed best to his judgment. The governor was very grateful for all the favors received from his Majesty. He was not puffed up, but more than ever devoted to his service; for no fetters bind the good so tightly as do kindnesses, which are strong shackles, with which they are held within just limits. Compedes namque invenit qui benefacta invenit. [39]

The adelantado—for so shall we call him now—became more fully and correctly informed of all the islands; and learned that that of Sugbu was not adequate, on account of its sterility, to sustain the empire of the Spaniards. He had been informed also that the island of Luzon, or that of Manila, would be the best for him in everything; because of being, on the one hand, the largest of the islands—for it had a coast of more than two hundred leguas, and was almost four hundred in circumference—and being on the other, more thickly settled with people, who would be more prompt to sustain the Spaniards. And above all it was nearer China, whose trade, it was hoped, would prove of great advantage, not only for those who might colonize the islands, but also for all Espana. For that exceedingly vast kingdom abounds in whatever can be desired to sustain life, and is such that, since it has so many people who have no room to live on land, many make their habitations on the sea in certain small champans, a sort of boat, very suitable for them. Nevertheless, the large vessels with chapas, and those of lesser size, are well nigh innumerable; and they sail annually to surrounding countries, laden with food and merchandise. Forty, and upwards, were wont to come to Manila alone. In the year 1631, although then not [many of them] were coming, the number amounted to fifty, counting large and small vessels. We will not mention those that go to Japon; and although, in going there, they experience very great trouble, still a constant stream of vessels go thither, for great profits are derived there. These vessels go to Siam, Camboja, Borney, Maluco, and Macasar. In short, they coast and go everywhere, and carry iron, quicksilver, silk, rice, pork, gold, and innumerable other things, without causing any deficiency for their own sustenance. They carry away all the silver in the world; and even that of Europa, or its value, is about to cease, for the Portuguese and other nations, as the English and Hollanders, carry it to the Sangleys, without a single piece of money, or one real's worth of silver, leaving their own country. Thus (and I do not deceive myself in saying it) the kingdom of China is the most powerful in the world; and we might even call it the world's treasury, since the silver is imprisoned there, and is given an eternal prison. And if there were no more silver there than what has been taken from Mexico during sixty-six years of trade, it could make them most wealthy; and much more so, inasmuch as the Mexican silver is not the most that they get, for they take much from other quarters. They are the most greedy for and affectioned to silver of any race known. They hold it in the greatest esteem, for they withdraw the gold from their own country in order to lock up the silver therein. And when they see silver, they look at it admiringly. I am writing not from hearsay, but from the sight and experience of many years. Consequently, he who has any silver, and takes passage with them, is not safe. Depraedari ergo desiderat qui thesaurum publice portat in via. [40] It would not be bad if they only despoiled him, but they will beat him most cruelly with clubs, which they use as weapons. Great misfortunes have happened in these islands, some of which will be recounted in the proper place. Nevertheless, the Spaniard does not notice that no one receives any harm [from the Chinaman], except when he opens the doors to him, and brings him into his house. Besides this they are excellent merchants, and are very tractable; and in this regard they are far ahead of the Japanese. The Sangley, or Chinaman (for the two are one), when he makes any profit in his merchandise, trusts and waits very accommodatingly. We shall treat of their other customs as occasion offers. This trade, then, must doubtless have influenced our adelantado in going to the land nearest it, in addition to his own comfort, which was found there with advantages. Accordingly, when he had prepared his fleet of caracoas—the most suitable war-vessel in the islands—they set sail with them after two o'clock at night, with oar and sail, taking advantage of the weather. At five in the afternoon, they reached land and made port, where the men ate, and took what wood and water were necessary. These boats have bamboo counter-balances at the side, whereby it appears that they sail more securely; for the canes, being large and hollow, have great sustaining power. It has happened that a sea-going caracoa has kept continually above water during a hurricane, until driven by the waves upon some island; and, as there are so many islands, they cannot fail to strike one. The Indians embarked very willingly with the adelantado, for their greatest pleasure consists in cutting off a head. And they desired all the others to be subjects, since they were; and that no one should escape the fire, but that the law should be universal. Besides, the Bisayans were generally at war with the inhabitants of Manila—who were now Moros, through contact with Borney, and captured the former, since they were men of greater valor; and now the Bisayans wished to prove whether they could use their swords and cutlasses against them under the protection of Castilla. Father Fray Diego de Herrera went with the adelantado. He seemed tireless, and wished only at one stroke to take everything for God, whose zeal moved him.