"On the twenty-ninth of July of this year (1627) they burned alive at Omura, together with another who wished to accompany them, a Dominican father and three domestics, who had been kept in close captivity since the year 1626. This persecution was begun because, having confiscated the property belonging to the Franciscan fathers in Nangasaqui, they found a list in which those fathers enumerated the servants and houses which each one possessed in the land of Omura; and because they had sent a ship with a cargo of flour to Manila, in order to bring religious to Japon on its return—although those of Omura were more than twice advised by the religious of Nangasaqui to consider that it was against the Japanese law, and that by so doing they were exposing themselves and others to the risk of destruction, by furnishing pagans and renegade Christians with a pretext to persecute them, especially the religious at the port from which the ship sailed. Twenty-five of the constant ones were murdered—of all ages, men and women—some for having displayed their constancy, and others for admitting religious into their houses. Among others who died by burning alive, one, a good laboring woman, was especially distinguished, whom, because she was discovered to have admitted religious to her house, they exposed to public shame, taking her in this manner for more than twenty leguas round about. Finally, she was burned alive, ever displaying the most remarkable constancy. The same fortitude was shown by three men, whom they buried up to their shoulders. Another who saw some one being burned alive, displayed no less courage; for, filled with fervor, he voluntarily plunged into the flames, where he was entirely consumed. All these were martyred at Omura for their faith, or for receiving religious into their houses. More than forty were executed for sending the said ship, and even now the punishment is not concluded. Thus that Christian community, one of the earliest in Xapon, is greatly afflicted [apparently some words missing in MS.] in order that it may be preserved and aided.

"From the kingdom of Figen, they passed to that of Fingo. At Amacusa, in Fingo, there was no general persecution, leaving the chiefs and laborers, so that if it were conducted rigorously with all, some would be found to be weak-spirited. However, they martyred one man, who showed unusual constancy. At the end of this year 1627, this Christian church had devoted one hundred and eight martyrs to the Lord. In other parts of Japon the Christians and their ministers were left in comparative quiet, so that in the year 1626 their ranks were increased by more than two thousand converts who were baptized by members of our Society, to say nothing of those who were baptized by religious of other orders. We believe that in the year 27 there will be a still greater number of converts in the kingdom of Oxu, because in this kingdom (which is the farthest in Japan) many of the people are well disposed. There are at present there four of Ours, five Franciscans, and one Augustinian. May the Lord assist them there in all Xapon, opening doors so long locked, through which many others can enter."

This is the first relation. The second is a letter from the father provincial of Xapon, Matheo de Couros, dated February 25, 1626. It reads as follows: "The Xongu [i.e., shogun] lives with his queen, obeyed and feared by all. There is no human hope of any change here. All these kingdoms enjoy considerable peace during the tempest, and Christianity only is persecuted with fire and sword. From others you may have learned that the Franciscan fathers sent a ship to the city of Manila. This has more than twice resulted in the total destruction of Christian work in Omura; and its lord, although he is a child, runs the risk that they will behead him (or at least his governors), because the said ship was fitted out in one of his ports. We do not know how this will end. On January 21, they arrested Father Antonio of the Franciscan order at Nangasaqui. The embassy of the Dutch had an unfortunate ending at the court of Xapon, because it was known to be only a pretext. It is also said that one of the great governors of Xapon remarked at court that it would be a great injury to that kingdom, were it said that they welcomed in their ports a people who came only to rob upon the high seas, and that it was taken ill in foreign kingdoms."

In another letter, of November 28, 1627, it is said by Father Xacome Antonio, after the departure of the galeotas, that "there is no news from these countries; the persecution at Nangasaqui has ended, because the presidents had all gone to the court, and so at present there is comparative quiet. At first those who were banished to the mountains were not allowed, under the penalty of burning, imposed by the ministers of justice, to build any shelter from the inclemencies of the weather; but afterward they were allowed to build huts of straw. It was also granted that no minister of justice dwell among them, which is a great blessing. The Christians who were sent to court arrived there in safety; and although at the beginning they found no one to welcome them the governors afterward ordered that houses be given them. They are well accommodated in a monastery of bonzes, who, beyond the kind treatment they accord them, are urging the governors to accord to them, and to the other Christians at Nangasaqui, liberty of conscience. The chief bonze of this monastery, a man of great authority on account of his dignity, is pushing this negotiation. Besides this, these same Christians presented a petition or memorial, asking the governors at this court to intercede for them, and procure for them such liberty at Nangasaqui as they had had in the days of the Daifu, so that their inhabitants might live there as Christians. It was well received, and they were given hopes of a favorable decision. The same encouragement is given to all those who come to the court. Even the heathen talk of it, and say that the permission will doubtless be accorded. May the Lord grant it; for if it succeeds the whole country in the neighborhood of Nangasaqui will remain in some peace."

In another of March 16, 1628, the same father, Xacome Antonio, says that father Fray Juan de Ribera, of the Dominican order, while he was returning from Manila to Xapon, was left on the Lechios [i.e., Riu-Kiu Islands], where it is said that he was murdered in an attempt to rob him, though the motive is not certainly known. Three of the same order came last year to Japon, and when they were within sight of land, the Chinese crews threw them overboard, on account of some superstitious fear. It was known afterward, because on their return a sudden squall struck the Chinese ship two leguas from Nangasaqui. The vessel was wrecked and many lost, eight saving their lives by swimming. This was a punishment for their sins, and for the large amount of silver that they took from the said religious, which they say must amount to two thousand sacks of treasure; [68] they took it on condition of returning the same amount at their return from the voyage.

The last news we have from Xapon is as follows: There was a great outbreak in the palace, in the emperor's anteroom, and a tono among great governors of the kingdom was killed. The emperor came forth at the noise, and, attempting to put his hand upon his sword, he was foully stabbed in the abdomen, an example showing how skilled they are in wielding arms. This death has caused much restlessness, and many risings, which will not be crushed for a long time. The Indians of the island of Hermosa sent ambassadors to the emperor of Xapon, asking for assistance to help them expel the Dutch from that port where they have their fortress. They were well received and help was offered to them, and they were sent back with assurances of friendship. The Dutch themselves were arrested in Xapon and their ships detained, because they owed large sums and did not pay; and there was talk of expelling them from the entire land of Xapon. Just then, unfortunately for us, news arrived there of the Japanese ship that our galleons burned last year on the bar of Sian, [69] whereupon the tables were turned; the prospects of the Dutch improved, and ours grew worse. There was talk of making an agreement with them, and even of raising an armada of Dutch and Japanese, to proceed against our fort at the island of Hermosa and even against Manila—a matter which does not fail to occasion considerable anxiety, though it is not known how it will turn out.

We have had no news from the island of Hermosa, which keeps us in great anxiety, because more than two hundred thousand pesos were sent there from this city of Manila to be invested in Chinese silks. We do not know what has been done with it, or whether the money has been lost, an uncertainty which occasions anxiety to the merchants. In short, these Philipinas Islands are at present in a ruinous condition, with many powerful and triumphant enemies, our forces weakened, and our people in dread of other large fleets. May the Lord remedy all this, and assist with His divine favor, in the preservation of the faith in these lands. Manila, July 18, 1629.

[A document of this same collection ("Papeles de los Jesuitas"), with pressmark "Tomo 169 numero 2," is identical with the above relation, except for slight verbal differences which do not change the sense in any way. But at the end occurs the following additional letter:]

Letter of Father Sebastian de Morais

Since the letters carried by the little ship from India are lost, the following was learned from another letter. On the octave of Espiritu Santo, a sudden attack was made from Fayal Island to Tercera Island, as a little ship from India, called "San Felipe," was making port there. That ship left Cochin December 22, 1629, and reached Fayal seven days after Pentecost. There it was met by an English ship which mounted twenty-four pieces, many carrying balls of sixteen libras. It had sixty musketeers, while our ship had only thirty white men and twenty Indians, and mounted fourteen small pieces of artillery. However we cut down the yard of the pirate's foremast with the first volley. They fought one day and night. They killed our master and two sailors, and our men killed the enemy's captain and many of their men, while the ship was so hardly used that it would have sunk but for the calking. Our ship bore down upon it; but another pirate, of heavier burden, appeared within range. Consequently, our ship retired to Fayal, where some ships from the island of Terceras went to get it. They cast anchor at that point with great rejoicing, our ship being quite like a sieve because of the balls that remained sticking in its sides and upper works. Even that image of our patron saint, St. Philip, had in it eighteen balls. The ship carries three thousand five hundred quintals of pepper for the king, and a quantity of merchandise. The ships of General Roque Senteno were going for it [as convoy].

A fleet of forty sail had gone to Socotra against the enemy, with volunteer forces, who were encouraged by the sight of a crucifix which the enemy had insulted on a certain occasion. We had a glorious victory over many galleys of the [king] of Achen, although our craft were very inferior.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

Most of the documents in this volume are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated thus:

1. Report of Spanish Council.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes a dicha Audiencia; anos 1586 a 1636; est 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."

2. Letter from Serrano, 1625.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes dei arzobispo de Manila vistos en el Consejo; anos 1579 a 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."

3. Letter from Fernando de Silva, 1625.—"Simancas-Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1600 a 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7."

4. Letter from Serrano, 1626.—The same as No. 2.

5. Letter from Fernando de Silva, 1626.—The same as No. 3.

6. Letter from sisters of St.Clare.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de Filipinas; anos 1609 a 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43."

7. Petition for aid to seminary.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1628 a 16[34?]; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 40."

8. Royal decrees, 1626.—(a) The first of these is in "Audiencia de Filipinas; registro de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." (b) The other two are taken from the Archivo Historico Nacional, as noted below.

9. Importance of Philippines.—The same title as No. 7, but "anos de 1565 a 1594; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34." (Evidently misplaced.)

10. Decrees regarding religious.—(a) The same as No. 8 (a). (b) Also in the Sevilla archives; but we have followed Pastells's text in his edition of Colin (t. iii, pp. 760, 761). (c) The same as No. 1.

11. Inadvisability of occupying Formosa.—Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1607 a 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

12. Report of appointments.—The same as No. 3.

13. Letters from Tavora, 1628.—The same as No. 3.

14. Reasons for suppressing silk trade.—The same as No. 7.

The following documents are obtained from the "Cedulario Indico" of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

8 (see No. 8, ante).—(b) "Tomo 39, fol. 185," and "Tomo 32, fol. 16," respectively.

15. Letter from king to Tavora.—"Tomo 40, fol. 56 verso, no. 69."

16. Decrees regarding Chinese, 1627.—"Tomo 39, fol. 87, and fol. 186 verso," respectively.

17. Decrees regarding Chinese, 1628-29.—"Tomo 39, fol. 188 verso, fol. 189 verso, and 190 verso," respectively.

The following document is obtained from MSS. in the collection "Papeles de las Jesuitas," in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid:

18. Relations of 1628-29—"Tomo 169, no. 3," and "Tomo 84, no. 13."

The following document is taken from a MS. in the British Museum:

19. Military affairs of the islands.—In a collection of papers entitled "Tratados Historicos, 1594-1639;" pressmark, "(693. h. 17) / 65."

The following document is taken from Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangelica:

20. Royal decree aiding Jesuits, 1625.—In vol. iii, pp. 754, 755, (See also No. 10, ante.)

The following documents are taken from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library):

21. Relation of 1626.—In vol i, pp. 523-545.

22. Relation of 1627-28.—In vol. i, pp. 551-615.

The following document is taken from Recopilacion de leyes de las Indias.

23. Laws regarding the Sangleys.—In lib. vi, tit. xviii.

The following document is found in a pamphlet entitled Toros y canas (Barcelona, 1903), in which is printed a hitherto unpublished original MS. in possession of the Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas.

24. Royal festivities at Manila—pp. 9-25.



NOTES

[1] Our transcript reads "reals," but both in this and in other instances in the present document, this is evidently an error of transcription for "ducados." It would be very easy for the error to arise from the extremely bad handwriting of many Spanish documents, in which the Spanish abbreviations for the two above terms might bear a close similarity. "Ducados" is used later in the document, when speaking of similar instances.

[2] These expeditions against the Mediterranean Moors were undertaken because of their continual depredations on Spanish commerce and near Spanish coasts. In 1602 Spain and Persia united against Turkey, and in 1603 the marquis of Santa Cruz, with the Neapolitan galleys, attacked, and plundered Crete and other Turkish islands. Many operations were conducted against the Moorish states of north Africa, but no effective check was applied to their piratical expeditions. See Hume's Spain, p. 210.

[3] Spain has never recovered from the expulsion of the thrifty Moriscos, who were the descendants of the old Moors. The edict of expulsion against the Valencian Moriscos was issued on September 22, 1609, by the viceroy Caracena. Its political excuse was negotiations between the Moriscos and English to effect a rising against Felipe III. "With the exception of six of the 'oldest and most Christian' Moriscos in each village of a hundred souls, who were to remain and teach their successors their modes of cultivation, every man and woman of them were to be shipped within three days for Barbary on pain of death, carrying with them only such portable property as they themselves could bear." In six months one hundred and fifty thousand Moriscos were driven from Spain. In the winter of 1609-10 the Moriscos were also expelled from Aragon, Murcia, Andalucia, and Cataluna, and other places. See Hume's Spain, pp. 210-213.

[4] Referring to the claim of Isabella, eldest daughter of Felipe II, to the province of Bretagne (or Brittany), in France, as an inheritance in right of her mother, since the Salic law was inoperative in that province.

[5] Francisco Crespo, S.J., was born at Ubeda, and entered the Jesuit order in 1598, at the age of fifteen. He preached for ten years and resided for some years at the court of Spain, in the capacity of procurator of the missions of the Indias. He died at Madrid, September 25, 1665. He was the author of two relations and the memorial mentioned in the decree. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque Comp. de Jesus.

[6] This was Rodrigo Pacheco y Osorio, marques de Cerralvo, the successor of Gelves (Vol. XX, p. 127). He reached Mexico in October, 1624, vindicated his predecessor in the public estimation, and quieted the disturbances in the country. He fortified Vera Cruz and Acapulco, to protect them against the Dutch, whose ships cruised in both oceans. Cerralvo was an energetic and able ruler, who did much for the welfare of his people. He held the viceroyalty until September, 1635, when he returned to Spain, and was given a place in the Council of the Indias.

[7] These festivities celebrated the accession to the throne of Felipe IV. Although they occurred in 1623, this account is placed here because written August 1, 1625.

[8] A reference to the celebrated university of Salamanca, and used synonymously with learning or skill.

[9] El Gran Capitan: an epithet applied to Gonsalvo de Cordova, commander-in-chief of the Spanish forces under Ferdinand of Castile, in recognition of his services in 1495-96 against the French armies in Calabria, Italy—defeating them there and elsewhere, and compelling them to withdraw from Italy. A treaty of peace between France and Spain was the result; it was signed at Marcoussis in August, 1498. The Neapolitan kingdom was divided between France and Spain in November, 1500; but quarrels soon arose between them, and their armies fought for its possession. Under the leadership of Cordova, Naples was conquered for Spain (1502-04). Cordova was born in 1453, and died in December, 1515.

[10] Evidently an allusion to the procession made at Manila, on certain occasions, in which the banner of the city was carried before the cabildo—to which allusions have been already made in various documents of this series.

[11] A kind of lance or spear, used by bull-fighters.

[12] The game of canas was an equestrian sport engaged in by the nobility on the occasion of any special celebration. They formed various figures, which engaged in various contests. One side charged against the other, hurling their spears, from which their opponents guarded themselves with their shields.

[13] In olden times, empirical healers or physicians cured with this stone the pain or sickness called colic—hijada, as it was then written, now ijada.—Rev. Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A.

Piedra de mal de hijada: from the description, apparently made of some brilliant crystalline substance.

[14] In the Jesuit relation of 1619-20 (see Vol. XIX, p. 61), mention is made of a bull-fight in terms that would indicate that they had already become established in the islands. This fight of 1619 is evidently the one to which W. E. Retana refers in his Fiestas de toros en Filipinas (Madrid, 1896). Huerta (Estado, p. 17), incorrectly states that the first bull-fight in the islands was on February 4, 1630. But Chirino mentions these spectacles (Vol. XII of this series, p. 182) as customary in both Manila and Cebu at least as early as 1602, which was the year in which he left the islands.

[15] A letter from the king to Governor Tavora, dated November 21, 1625, refers to the latter the question of further attempts to work the Igorrote gold-mines. Reference is made therein to the report of Alonso Martin Quirante on these mines; and the cost or his expedition thither is stated as forty thousand pesos.

[16] Ley xxix, lib. viii, tit. xxi, of Recopilacion de leyes, relating to the sale of offices in the Philippines, is as follows:

"We order that all offices be sold in the Filipinas Islands, which are regulated and ordained in accordance with the laws of this titulo, as in the other parts of the Indias, observing the laws in regard to sales, and the condition of securing a confirmation—provided that, if any persons shall hold any of those offices comprehended in those islands, as a concession which shall have been made to them for life by us, or by the governors of those islands in our name, these must be sold, and shall be sold, as if they were rendered vacant by the death [of the incumbents]. They cannot resign them, for it is our will that they shall not enjoy that privilege, as they could have done had they bought those offices." [Felipe III, Madrid, November 29, 1616; December 19, 1618.]

[17] The same instruction is given after nearly all the following statistics, namely "idem," i.e., that they be entered in the book. Consequently, we omit all following instances.

[18] This Dutch fort was on the southwestern coast of the island of Formosa. See Valentyn's descriptive and historical account (with map) of Tayouan (or Formosa), in his Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, at end of part iv. Boulger says (China, p. 132): The Dutch "had acquired their place in Formosa by the retirement of the Japanese from Taiwan in 1624, when the Dutch, driven away by the Portuguese from Macao, sought a fresh site for their proposed settlement in the Pescadore group, and eventually established themselves at Fort Zealand."

[19] Interesting accounts of Formosa and its inhabitants are given by George Candidius (a Dutch Protestant minister who began a mission among the natives in 1626), in Churchill's collection of Voyages (London, 1704), i, pp. 526-533; and J.B. Steere, who traveled through the western part of the island, in Journal of American Geographical Society, 1874, pp. 303-334. The latter states that the chief city of Formosa, Taiwanfu, is built on the site of the old Dutch colony near Fort Zelandia; and furnishes several vocabularies of native languages.

[20] La Concepcion describes the Spanish expedition to Formosa (Historia de Philipinas, v, pp. 114-122) and the labors of Dominican missionaries there; he says that the Spanish fort was erected on an islet which they named San Salvador, near which was an excellent harbor called Santissima Trinidad. Apparently these localities were on the northeastern coast of the island.

[21] This officer was a relative of Governor Juan de Silva. A full account of this unfortunate expedition and his death in Siam is given in the "Relation of 1626," post.

[22] This order of nuns, commonly known as "Poor Clares," is the second order of St. Francis. It was founded by St. Clare, who was born at Assisi, the birthplace of St. Francis, and she was received by him into the monastic life in 1212; she died in 1253. The order soon spread into France and Spain; and a written rule was given to these nuns by St. Francis in 1224, which was approved by the pope in 1246. Some modifications of this rule—which was exceedingly austere—crept into various convents; and a rule, approved by Urban IV, was drawn up in 1264, similar to that of St. Francis, but somewhat mitigated. It was adopted by most of the convents in the order, this branch being known as Urbanists; the minority, who followed the stricter rule, were called Clarisses. The government and direction of the order were at first divided between a cardinal protector and the superiors of the Franciscans; but, early in the sixteenth century, Julius II placed the Poor Clares entirely under the jurisdiction of the general and provincials of the Friars Minors. (Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary.)

[23] Geronima de la Asuncion, daughter of Pedro Garcia Yanez, was born in Toledo in 1555, and entered the Order of St. Clare in August, 1570. With seven nuns of her order, she embarked from Cadiz on July 5, 1620, and arrived at Manila August 5, 1621, where she founded the convent of La Concepcion. Within two months, she received twenty girls into the novitiate, notwithstanding the rigorous and austere rules of this order. The provincial of the Franciscans strove to modify this strictness, for the sake of the nuns' health in so trying a climate, but Mother Geronima refused to yield, and finally triumphed, in the appeal made to the head of the order—although after this victory she permitted some relaxations of the rule. Opposition arose to the seclusion of so many young women of Manila in the monastic life; and even the diocesan authorities endeavored to restrain their zeal—even excommunicating Mother Geronima for a time—but with little result. She died on October 22, 1630. See La Concepcion's account of her and the entrance of this order, in Hist. de Philipinas, v, pp. 1-17.

[24] This man undertook, as a work of charity, to rear and educate orphaned or poor Spanish boys, for which purpose he collected aims; and later he secured from the crown the aid for which these letters ask. Having spent his life in this work, Guerrero at his death (being then a Dominican friar) placed this school in charge of the Dominicans, who accepted it—on June 18, 1640, organizing it as the college of San Juan de Letran; it became a department of their university of Santo Tomas.

[25] Evidently referring to the city of Cebu, of which Christoval de Lugo was then alcalde-mayor; this officer conducted an expedition against the Joloans in 1627, in which the Spaniards inflicted heavy losses on these pirates.

[26] Apparently meaning that he came with Governor Fajardo in 1618; for the present narrative must have been written as early as 1624.

[27] That is, "the spirit of the Lord came rushing."

[28] The only Jeronimo Rodrigues, and who was probably the one in our text, mentioned by Sommervogel was the Portuguese born at Villa de Monforte. He went to the Indias in 1566, and became visitor of the provinces of China and Japan. He died while rector of Macan. He left several letters and treatises, some of which have been printed. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

[29] The old capital of Siam was Ayuthia (also written, in early documents, Yuthia and Odia). It was founded in the year 1350, and was built on an island in the river Meinam—the proper name of which, according to M.L. Cort's Siam (New York, 1886), p. 20, is Chow Payah, the name Meinam (meaning "mother of waters") being applied to many rivers—seventy-eight miles from the sea. Ayuthia was captured and ruined by the Burmese in 1766, and later the capital was removed to Bangkok (founded in 1769), which lies on the same river, twenty-four miles from the sea. Crawfurd, writing in the middle of the nineteenth century, gives the estimated population of Ayuthia at 40,000, and that of Bangkok at 404,000—the latter probably much too large. See his Dict. Indian Islands, article, "Siam."

[30] Pedro de Morejon was born in 1562, at Medina del Campo. He entered his novitiate in 1577, and set out for the Indias in 1586, and spent more than fifty years in the missions of the Indias and Japan. His associates were Jacques Chisai and Juan de Goto, who were martyred. In 1620 he was sent to Rome as procurator of Japan, became rector of the college of Meaco in 1633, and died shortly after. San Antonio (Chronicas, iii, pp. 534, 535) gives a letter written by him to the Franciscan religious martyred in Japan in 1596 while on the road to execution; and he was the author of several relations concerning Christianity in Japan. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

[31] Antonio Francisco Cardim was born at Viana d'Alentejo, near Evora, in 1596, and entered his novitiate February 24, 1611. He went to the Indias in 1618, where he visited Japan, China, the kingdom of Siam, Cochinchina, and Tonquin. He died at Macao, April 30, 1659. He left a number of writings concerning his order and their work in the Orient. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

[32] The name Manados (now Menado) was applied to a province (now called Minahasa) in the northernmost peninsula of Celebes; see Colin's description of it in his Labor evangelica (ed. 1663), pp. 109, 110. Jesuit missions were early established there (Colin, ut supra, p. 820), from the island of Siao.

[33] There is apparently some defect in the text at this place, as if the royal comment or decision on Tavora's request had been omitted.

[34] This officer had been appointed to the post of warden, without any salary, by Fernando de Silva (see the latter's report of July 30, 1626); but Tavora soon replaced him by another.

[35] This law, dated Ventosilla, April 15, is as follows: "Notwithstanding the claims of the alcaldes-in-ordinary of Manila, as to trying jointly the suits and causes of the Parian, on the ground that it is within the five leguas of their jurisdiction, it is our will that the governor of the Parian alone try in the first instance it suits and causes, with appeals to the Audiencia; while in respect to the government of the Parian, ley iv, titulo xv, libro ii, shall be observed."

This latter law, dated November 4, 1606, is as follows: "Inasmuch as the auditors of the royal Audiencia of Manila, under pretext of a decree from us dated December eighteen, one thousand six hundred and three, meddle in affairs touching the Parian or the Sangley Chinese, and in giving orders and licenses so that they may reside in the Filipinas Islands; and inasmuch as the cognizance and ruling in these matters should concern our governor and captain-general, in whom the defense of that land is vested: therefore we order that matters concerning the Parian of the Sangleys be alone in the charge and care of our governors and captains-general, and that our royal Audiencia abstain from discussing or taking cognizance of anything touching this matter, unless it be that the governor and captain-general commit something that concerns him to them. And in order that the advisable good relations should be held among all of them, and the Parian be governed with more unanimity and satisfaction, the governors and captains-general shall be very careful always to communicate to the royal Audiencia what shall be deemed advisable for them [to know]."

Law v of the book and titulo, from which the above laws of the regular text are taken, and which was promulgated by Carlos II and the queen mother, provides that "in the government of the Parian, and the jurisdiction, communication, and all the other things contained in ley lv, titulo xy, libro ii, what was enacted shall be observed."

[36] See this law, ante, note 34.

[37] This same law, with slightly different wording, is found in libro viii, titulo xxix, ley xi, under the same date as the first one above. The only material difference is in the additional words at the end: "concealment of any quantity; and very exact account shall be taken of everything, and the balances struck."

[38] This is but one clause in the royal decree of November 19, 1627 (which see, post); and it would seem that the date here given, June 14, must be an error for that just cited. This and the following matter from the Recopilacion show clearly the slipshod manner in which that work was compiled.

[39] See this decree in full, pp. 164-166, post; it contains important matter which is here omitted.

[40] Referring to William Adams, an Englishman who landed in Japan in April, 1600, and soon became a favorite with the ruler Iyeyasu. He was in the employ of the East India Company from November, 1613, to December, 1616; and at other times rendered various services to Iyeyasu, traded on his own account, or acted as interpreter to the English and the Dutch in Japan. He remained in that country until his death, May 16, 1620. See Cocks's Diary (Hakluyt Society's publications), i, pp. iii-xxxiv.

[41] i.e., the Chinese, not understanding scientific navigation, are not able to direct their course across the sea to points on the Philippine coast where they could be safe and escape the Dutch who were lying in wait for them; but they cross from island to island, by devious routes, making their way as their partial knowledge of sailing enables them, and thus cannot avoid die enemy.

[42] La Concepcion states (Hist. de Philipinas, v, p. 131) that Tavora desired, through martial ardor, to undertake some important expedition (for which he had made all possible preparations during the winter and spring); and that in a council of war three such were proposed—"to dislodge the Dutch from the port of Taiban [i.e., Taiwan, in Formosa]; to Maluco, from [the fort of] Malayo, to punish their insolent acts; or to obtain satisfaction from Siam for the death of Don Fernando de Silva"—of which the first was chosen. But, through various delays, Tavora's voyage was begun too late, and defeated by the stormy weather that ensued.

[43] The following note is a part of the original document:

"Note. While writing this relation, these forty Spaniards arrived in a ship, less four sailors who wished to remain in the kingdom of Camboja, whither went all those who remained in the lanchas after the galleons left them. That king of Camboja protected them; and, although he suspected that they were spies, they were welcomed cordially and sent to Manila, where they arrived July first."

[44] This cruise by the Spanish galleons is of much the same piratical character which the Spaniards themselves ascribed to the Dutch and English adventurers of that time; nor did they hesitate to attack peaceful trading ships, even those of nations against whom they had no grievance.

[45] In 1627 the emperor Tienki (a grandson of Wanleh) died, and was succeeded by his younger brother, Tsongching, who was the last of the actual Ming rulers. In the latter part of his reign he was almost constantly at war with the Manchus, who were ruled by Taitsong, fourth son of Noorhachu. In 1640 a revolt occurred in China, headed by Li Tseching, who four years later captured Peking. Tsongching, seeing that his cause was lost, committed suicide. Taitsong, who had died in 1643, was succeeded by his son Chuntche; the latter, after the fall of the rebel Li Tseching, became the first emperor of the Manchu dynasty in China, and established his capital in Peking.

[46] This noted relic was dug up in the Chinese city of Singanfu, in 1625. It is a stone slab, containing various inscriptions in Chinese and Syriac; it was erected in the year 781, and is a monument of the early existence of the Nestorian church in China. See Yule's account of it in his Cathay, i, pp. xci-xcvi, clxxxi-clxxxiii.

[47] Evidently referring to the Manchu chief Noorhachu, who from 1591 had harassed the northern frontiers of China; he died at Mukden in September, 1626.

[48] Nicholas Longobardi was born in 1566 at Caltagarone, Sicily, and admitted into the Society in 1580 (Sotwell says that he entered his novitiate in 1582, at the age of seventeen). He became a teacher in humanities and rhetoric. In 1596 he went to China, and settled in the province of Kiang-si, where he was appointed general superior of the mission from 1610 to 1622. He died at Peking, December 11, 1655, according to Sotwell. Father de Machault says that he died September 1, 1654, according to a letter written May 7, 1655, by Father Francois Clement; but the inscription on his tomb gives the first date. He had written a number of treatises, some of them apparently in the Chinese language. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

[49] The Dominican provincial at this time was Bartolome Martinez, who made his profession in 1602, and arrived in the Philippines in 1611. In the following year he made an unsuccessful attempt to found a mission at Macao; but on his return to Manila was assigned to the Chinese village of Binondo, where he became proficient in their language, and afterward was vicar of the Parian at Manila. In 1618 he was shipwrecked on the coast of Formosa, which he considered to be a gateway to the Chinese empire. In 1626 he founded a mission there, and when his provincialate was ended he returned to Formosa, where he died by accidental drowning, August 1, 1629. See sketch of his life in Resena biog. Sant. Rosario, i, pp. 335-337.

[50] Cf. the account by Paul Clain (Manila, June 10, 1697) of a similar occurrence, natives of the Caroline Islands being blown by storms to the coast of Samar. See Lettres edifiantes, i (Paris, 1717), pp. 112-136.

[51] "In 1610, the Dutch had built [in Java] a fort, which they named Batavia. This was besieged by the Sunda princes of Bantam and Jacatra in 1619, and it was on their defeat in that year that it was resolved to build a town on the ruins of the native one of Jacatra, and this took the name of the fort. Batavia has been the capital of all the Dutch possessions in India since its foundation in 1619." (Crawfurd's Dict. Indian Islands, p. 44.)

[52] A native town in the northern part of Gilolo (or Almahera) Island; it was captured by Juan de Silva.

[53] Probably referring to the plant called "China grass" (Boehmeria nivea), a shrub indigenous in India, and probably in China and other countries of eastern Asia; also introduced by cultivation into Europe and America. The Chinese name for it is tchou-ma. The well known "ramie" is but a variety (tenacissima) of Boehmeria nivea. The fiber of China grass is considered as a textile substance of the first rank. For description of this plant and its culture and use, see C.R. Dodge's Useful Fiber Plants of the World (U.S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, 1897), pp. 85-91.

[54] This was the revolt of the Moors in Granada in the reign of Felipe II, which occurred in 1568-71, under the leadership of Aben Humeya. It was due to an edict restricting the liberties of the Moors, and depriving them of the exercise of most of their distinctive customs. It was quelled under the leadership of the famous Don Juan, and the Moon were expelled from their homes to other parts of Spain.

[55] This document, like so many existing in Spanish archives, was printed, evidently for the greater convenience of the members of the Council. The signature is in writing, as also the above two endorsements, which are in different hands.

[56] Fabricio Serzale was born at Naples, April 2, 1568. He was admitted into the Society, December 10, 1586, became a teacher of grammar, and went to the Philippines in June, 1600. He was superior of Carigara; and his death occurred at Manila June 30, 1644. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

[57] This paragraph is written in the margin of the original document that we follow. The church here mentioned was that of the Dominicans.

[58] Father Fernando de Estrada, a native of Ecija, died at Manila in the year 1646, at the age of forty-five. He was a missionary in Naujan of Mindoro, in Ternate, and among the Bisayans and Tagals. (Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 194.)

[59] This was Juan de Bueras, born in 1588; he arrived at Manila in 1622, and for four years was rector of the college there. He was provincial from 1626 until 1636; and in 1644 he went to Mexico as visitor of that province. See sketch of his life in Murillo Velarde's Hist, de Philipinas, fol. 71, verso.

[60] Juan Lopez was born at Moratalla, in the diocese of Murcia, December 27, 1584. Admitted into the Society October 11, 1600, he went six years later to the Philippines, where he was rector of Carigara, Manila, and Cavite, associate of the provincial, commissary of the Inquisition, and missionary among the Indians; he also went to Rome as procurator of his province. He died at Manila, September 3, 1659. A probable error in name makes Francisco Lopez rector of Cavite in 1637, for Juan was rector of the residence there at that time. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque; and Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 269, verso.

[61] Geronimo Perez de Nueros was born at Zaragoza, in 1595. He entered the Society in 1616 and became a teacher of philosophy, and also taught theology for nine years. He went to the Philippines, whence he went later to Mexico. He died at Puebla, September 27, 1675. He wrote a number of relations, one on the life and martyrdom of Father Marcelo Francisco Mastrilo; while a piece of his composition was acted in the church of the college of Manila, July 5, 1637. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

[62] In the margin occurs the following at this point: "It is called nonog in the language of Manila." Blanco (Flora, p. 106), after enumerating a number of native names given to this tree, says that it is called nono at Otaiti in the South Sea. The chief uses of the nino (Morinda ligulata, Morinda de cintillas—Blanco; Morinda citrifolia—Linn.; Morinda tinctoria—Roxb.) are the making of red ink and dye, while the leaves, were used in making plasters for the relief of pain. The tree attains a height of ten or twelve feet, and has wide-spreading branches, and the leaves are eight or more inches in length. See Blanco ut supra, pp. 105-109; and Delgado's Historia, p. 449.

[63] Pastells publishes in his edition of Colin's Labor evangelica (iii, p. 755) the following letter from the Manila Audiencia:

"Sire:

The fathers of the Society of Jesus of this city have been suffering signal discomfort and need, because of the falling of their church, and because the house in which they live is threatened with the same ruin, as it is dilapidated in many places; and, as it is propped up in many places, the religious are living in great danger. This city has grieved much over this loss, as the Society is so frequented by all its inhabitants and is of so great benefit as it is in all the world. Although they have commenced to build their new church, and a dwelling-house, they will not be able to finish these very soon, because of lack of funds; and their present need demands a more speedy relief. Consequently, this Audiencia is obliged to represent the case to your Majesty, so that, with your accustomed liberality, you may be pleased to give an alms to the fathers for these works. Since they were commenced with what your Majesty was pleased to give them five years ago, it will be right that they be finished with another equivalent sum. The fathers deserve this aid, as they were the first to engage in the matters of the royal service in the building of galleons with the Indians of their districts; while, in the fleets which are offered to them, they embark personally. And, in this respect, they are very attentive in all other things that concern year Majesty's service and the public welfare. With the protection which they promise themselves from the piety of your Majesty, they will continue successfully in this care. May our Lord preserve your Majesty many years, as is necessary to Christendom. Manila, July twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and thirty.

Don Juan Nino de Tavora Licentiate Geronimo de Legaspi Licentiate Don Mathias Flores Licentiate Marcos Zapata de Galvez"

[64] La Concepcion relates this occurrence (Hist. de Philipinas, v, pp. 139-145), and its effect on the archbishop, Serrano; he was so horrified and grieved that he fell into a profound melancholy, which ended his life on June 14, 1629. The disposal of the stolen articles was finally made known in the confessional by one of the accomplices in the theft.

[65] The Portuguese commander Albuquerque had in 1508 seized the more important ports on the eastern coast of 'Oman, which were then tributary to the ruler of Hormuz—a petty principality on the southern coast of Persia, afterward removed (about 1300 A.D.) to the island now called Hormuz (or Ormuz). The Portuguese exacted tribute from these towns, and from the ruler of Hormuz; and later cooeperated with him in enforcing his authority over his tributaries, and defending him from foreign foes. They were expelled from 'Oman by its imam, Nasir-bin-Murshid (who reigned from 1624 to 1649)—except from Maskat and el-Matrah, which was accomplished by his successor, Sultan-bin-Seif, by 1652. See George P. Badger's Imams and Seyyids of 'Oman (Hakluyt Society's publications, London, 1871), pp. xxii, 4, 46, 66-69, 74, 78-90.

[66] i.e., "We have passed through fire and water, and thou hast brought us out into a refreshment." (Psalm lxv, v. 12, Douay Bible; lxvi in Protestant versions.)

[67] Many of these exiles went to Formosa and other neighboring islands.

[68] Thus in original (la mucha Plata qe tomaron a los dichos Religiosos, qe dicen serian dos mil sacos de hazienda); but one would hardly expert that so large an amount of silver could have been borrowed, as the context would indicate, from the merchants of Manila (apparently for an investment in Japanese goods, from the proceeds of which the friars in charge of it might aid their persecuted brethren in Japan) for conveyance by two friars on so dangerous and uncertain a voyage—doubly so, since the Japanese authorities had strictly forbidden all trade between their ports and Manila.

[69] i.e., on the bar at the mouth of the river of Siam (the Chow Payah, commonly called Meinam). For account of the capture of the Japanese vessel, see "Relation of 1627-28," ante.

In a letter of August 4, 1630, the governor says, regarding the question that arose on account of the capture of the Japanese junk: "For the preservation of the commerce of the Japanese with Macan, which is interrupted by the capture of one of their junks by our galleons in the port of Sian in May of 628, the investigations which I have written during the last two years have been made by my efforts. The Japanese have become somewhat more softened, because they have understood that it was not the intention of this government to damage them. What I wrote last year to the king of Japon was of considerable aid in that understanding, and that king made it known in Japon. The city of Macan lately begged me to write new letters to Japon, and I have done it very willingly, with the advice of the Audiencia and other experienced persons. Our Lord grant that it will have a good result." See Pastells's Colin, i, p. 242. The original of this letter rests in the Sevilla archives; its pressmark, "est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

THE END