8. I have desired to represent all the above, so that your Majesty may be pleased to order the royal Audiencia not to meddle in the affairs of the Sangleys, whether they concern government, or war, or justice. For if it has been advisable to order that—as is ordered in Nueva Espana (and the same is petitioned here)—the Audiencia do not meddle with the suits of the Indians, it will be much more advisable to observe the same in regard to the Sangleys, for the above stated reasons.

9. Likewise I have been advised that it is necessary for many matters, both of grace and of justice, that it be declared whether the governor of these islands possesses your Majesty's authority in his government and district; and whether he represents your royal person with the privilege of alternates which the viceroys possess in their districts. Although one would believe that it must be so by law, since the person of the governor is that which is here in your Majesty's name, and the so great distance to that court dictates how necessary it is in many cases that the governors have the authority of doing what your Majesty would do if present, with the obligation of reporting it to your Majesty; still in certain cases of grace and justice that have arisen since my arrival at these islands, the lawyers have declared that this was not plainly stated; and, consequently, I propose them to your Majesty. [In the margin: "Let him observe the tenor of his warrant, and the decrees and orders given regarding it."]

10. Likewise it would be necessary that the same courtesy be ordered to be shown to the governors of the Filipinas Islands as to the viceroys in Nueva Espana, since in regard to them there are also here the same reasons and advisability for doing so. By this some little matters that have caused me innovations would be avoided. Although I pass these over, it might be that in the time of my successors they would cause some opposition. Such are for instance, that the auditors, do not permit the governor's wife to go to the church with her husband when the assembly goes there in a body; and that the preachers do not salute the governor with words, as it is the custom to do in all the kingdoms to the person who has the authority of representing that of your Majesty. [In the margin: "Let the custom be followed."]

11. This very day a case occurred while in the hall of the public assembly, which I have thought best to refer to your Majesty. It was in regard to a decision that I gave, apropos of one of the parties, for the royal Audiencia. The secretary having come to sign the decision that the Audiencia gave in approbation of the one that I had given, called me in the record of the decision "the lord governor." One of the auditors thought that that should not be the manner of naming me in decisions; and chided the secretary before me, saying that he was doing it to flatter me, and other things of like purport. The secretary defended himself, saying that that was the style that he had always used, and to prove it showed other decisions where not only my person is named as "lord," but also those of the auditors. I asked the others who were present for their opinion, and they replied that it was very proper that the Audiencia should exercise that courtesy toward the governor and captain-general of these islands; and with greater reason, since he was their president, they were not to treat him the same as an alcalde-in-ordinary. Thereupon I ordered the secretary to do the same as heretofore, until your Majesty should be pleased to order differently. I petition your Majesty to be pleased to give the auditors to understand the estimation that it may please you to have for the person of your governor and captain-general; for this matter is not at all understood here. That is the reason why the governors have always been at odds with the Audiencia. I am not at odds with them, nor will I be, for I am the one who suffers, and I shall suffer it, since I am under greater obligations than they. I petition that what your Majesty may be pleased to order me be expressed so clearly that they cannot give it any other meaning; for this matter of interpreting your Majesty's decrees is done with great ease in the Yndias, and truly rare are the decrees, if they touch upon any controversy, in which it is not necessary for your Majesty to declare them over again. [In the margin: "Let the custom be kept; and in the records and decisions, let the governor be called 'lord.'"]

12. I am enclosing an official record with this letter in regard to what is forbidden to the auditors touching the suits and appeals of the Chinese or Sangleys—a caution that I am taking, as I have seen that they are complaining confusedly to your Majesty that I am preventing them from receiving suits as alcaldes of the court, not specifying as clearly as is possible what those suits and appeals are. It is my opinion that the Audiencia should not meddle with matters pertaining to the Sangleys, for the reasons that I have given for it in this despatch, and in that of the year past. Will your Majesty order what is most advisable, being assured that experience has obliged me to give the report that I submit. May our Lord preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty with the increase of new kingdoms, as we your vassals desire, and as we need. Manila, August 4, 1628. Your Majesty's humble vassal,

Don Juan Nino de Tavora

[In the margin: "Let the fiscal see it." "It was taken to him." "Answered on a separate paper."]

Affairs of the treasury



Sire:

Since I have to give account in this letter to your Majesty of what there is to tell in regard to your royal treasury, I shall begin it by explaining some decrees that I received the past year, which were despatched at the instance of the royal officials.

In the first decree, they complained that my predecessor, Don Alonso Faxardo, did not allow them to exercise their duties in the port of Cavite; and that he had appointed as lieutenant of the governor and captain-general, Don Andres Perez Franco, castellan of those forts. Your Majesty orders that they be allowed to perform their duties, and that commissaries be not appointed for what pertains to them. They will not conduct those suits with him; for, although I retain Don Andres Perez Franco in Cavite, I have not given him the title given him by Don Alonso—although he never used it, as I am informed. The efficient collection and care of the revenues of your Majesty belong to the royal officials; and with that power they take part in all the equipping, building, and despatch of the vessels. But the appointments of the officials of the vessels, and all else touching government and war, have always been attended to by the governors, who for this have maintained in Cavite a castellan, commandant, and chief justice, of the abilities and experience of Don Andres Perez Franco; so that, although I could rest, still I have not been negligent, but have gone in person, on the occasions for the equipment and building of vessels, every week to that port, which is a very necessary thing. [In the margin: "Seen."]

In the second decree they informed your Majesty that the said my predecessor did not accept the replies that were made to them in accordance with the ordinances. I trust that there will be no fault to find with me in this regard. However it is advisable to have it well understood that it cannot be done and that it is not advisable, because of the accidents that happen by observing the ordinances with the strictness that some ministers demand at times. What is certain is, that I shall never depart from what I consider to be for the greater service of your Majesty. [In the margin: "Seen."]

In the third decree the royal officials petition for the suppression of the rule that was introduced in the time of Don Juan de Silva, by which the royal officials should not pay anyone without an order from the governor. Your Majesty orders me to observe toward them their rights and instructions. What is done in my time is that the royal officials adjust the accounts and issue warrants; but they are not paid without my order. The reason therefor is that, because this government has not one-half the money necessary to meet expenses and debts—as well as the support of the infantry, the building of ships, the repair of the fleets that guard these coasts, relief for the Malucas and the island of Hermosa and other presidios—besides inevitable things, it is necessary that the governor, who is charged with all this, know how much money there is in the treasury, and that he divide it so that it may not fail for the most necessary things, If he trusted to the royal officials in this, without having a private book of the receipts and disbursements of the treasury (as I have), when he imagined that there was money for the reenforcements of the infantry and the despatch of the fleets he would find nothing. If the treasury were supplied, there would be enough for all, and the royal officials by justifying the payments would be fulfilling their duties; but since there is not more money than for one-half of what is needed, and since we live by the art of enchantment, it is necessary that the royal officials do not pay whomever they wish, but what is most urgent and inevitable for the preservation of these kingdoms. Accordingly, the measures introduced in this regard during the term of Don Juan de Silva were very commendable and necessary. As it was so necessary a thing, persons of great experience advised me of it even before I had taken over the government, and experience shows me that it cannot be dispensed with. [In the margin: "Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that after having considered the reasons written by the governor, the practice which the latter declares has been followed, and is followed, namely, of not permitting the royal officials to make any payments from the royal treasury without his advice and decree, can be tolerated; for in such cases the other viceroys and governors are wont to provide the same, notwithstanding that it is ordered that they allow the royal officials to perform their duties freely. Madrid, November 19, 1630." "That for the present, the plan now followed in this be observed, and note shall be taken that the payments made be with all justification."]

The fourth decree is in regard to the collection of the licenses which are given to the Sangleys allowing them to remain in the islands, that this shall be made by the royal officials, and the proceeds from it punctually deposited in the royal treasury, without its being given, under any consideration, into the possession of another person. What I have to say in this particular is that, although since my arrival at these islands that money has always been deposited with the judge of the licenses, it was always delivered every week and month to the royal officials. The collection has been so well attended to that, although there were the same number of Sangleys in the time of Don Alonso Faxardo, during the interim of the Audiencia, and that of Don Fernando de Silva, when the most that was collected was eight thousand pesos, during these last two years it amounted one year to ninety-eight thousand pesos, and the other to ninety-five thousand. Besides this, when at the last everything was exhausted, old notes were presented; and during these last two years about twenty thousand pesos were paid. Now although the royal officials have no time so that they can take part in this collection—as it is different from all other collections that are made, and one has to keep at it all day—I have ordered them by an act, in accordance with the decree of your Majesty, that it be done in a room assigned for it, in order that it may be paid in these royal houses; and so that they may really collect in person the money which the judge whom I appoint (as I cannot attend to it), and the agents whom I hire, collect from the Sangleys who shall bring it to them. By that method your Majesty's order will be accomplished. That is not its intention, but only to keep tab on the Sangleys, and on the profit that results from the licenses. This sum is distributed in official service, and is a matter of justice. Diligent toil is expended on this collection, and the Sangleys are sought in the hills and in a thousand places where they hide, in order not to pay. Only the authority of the governor, to whom your Majesty has assigned the giving of licenses allowing the Sangleys to remain in the country, can issue the licenses and order the collection, but no other person. Your Majesty may be assured that your service is performed with great affection and care; and that I am looking out for your royal revenues much more than for my own. For since I arrived in these islands considerable has been saved for your Majesty; as it will be seen by the accounts that what cost six in former years and did not gain any profit, today costs four and is profitable; and the profit is not lost, for it is carefully expended. I know that it will be impossible for the royal officials to collect personally; but they can authorize some one to collect and deposit the money in the royal treasury every night. By that means everything will be regulated, although they never remain satisfied, for they do not have the profits which they have desired. [In the margin: "Seen."]

Another decree came by which your Majesty orders me to investigate the troubles which the royal Audiencia had represented as being due to the sale of the offices of the notaries for the provinces of these islands. I discussed the matter in an assembly of persons of considerable experience, both seculars and religious; and all were of the opinion that it was not advisable to sell the said offices, but that they should be filled by appointment, and changed annually along with the alcaldes-mayor. For besides that they are of very small profit to your Majesty, it is certain that if the said notaries were permanent, the said Indians would not dare to bring suits against them at the time of their residencia, which is taken each year when the alcaldes-mayor finish their office. Consequently, they come to be so tyrannical that they destroy the poor Indians. For that purpose, I had already resolved before the reception of the decree not to continue the sale of the said offices; and, when those which I found sold became vacant, not to resell them. Will your Majesty please consider this matter favorably, since what is most important for your royal service is that these afflicted natives be not injured by your agents. [In the margin: "Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that, notwithstanding what the governor writes in this section, these notaryships must be ordered to be sold, or at least one in the capital of each province. For while some troubles may result from this, those which are experienced daily in regulating the notaries who are called 'appointed' are greater. Consequently, general decrees are despatched ordering the suppression of this practice in all parts of the Yndias, although it has been carried out in but few, because the said governors refuse. He petitions that it be so provided and ordered, and justice done. Madrid, November 19, 1630." "Let what is decreed be obeyed." "Observe what is decreed, in accordance with what the fiscal says."]

By the last decree concerning this matter of revenue, your Majesty orders me to investigate whether it would be advisable to make a new appraisement of the tribute which the Indians are ordered to pay in kind; and whether it will be advisable for the Indians not to be compelled to pay in kind, but in gold or silver, or in what they were able and willing to pay. What I can say to your Majesty about this is, that the present practice in these islands was introduced by order of Governor Don Pedro de Acuna, with the consent of the royal Audiencia and the ecclesiastical prelates, by which the natives pay four reals of their tribute in kind, and one fowl besides, and the rest in money. In regard to the quantity and kinds of products which had to be given for the said four reals, the appraisement was made according as the circumstances of each province required. After the religious and ministers who instruct the provinces had conferred among themselves, at the command of the said governor this was done, in the year 604. Since then times have changed, and the prices have been different. Accordingly, the quantity of rice or other products that the Indians are ordered to pay on account of the said four reals is too much in some provinces. Consequently, I think that your Majesty ought to order, with the assistance of another council that was called in the time of Don Pedro de Acuna that the matter be again conferred over, and decision made whether it is advisable to make a new appraisement; and that, if that be found desirable, it be done at once. But in regard to leaving it to the Indians whether they will or will not pay the said four reals in kind, besides the fowl, in no consideration am I of the opinion that that should be left to their choice; for the natives are generally so inclined to laziness that they do not sow or cultivate the lands, unless forced to do so by the obligation of paying the tribute in kind, as it is assigned in accordance with the different fruits and products of the many different provinces in these islands. It is seen in these provinces by experience that the obligation of sowing in order to pay their tribute is what keeps them supplied with all kinds of food. These considerations occur to me in regard to this decree, and to the others that I received the past year concerning this matter. [In the margin: "Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that he agrees with what the governor writes in this section, and he is certain that it is advisable for the Indians to pay a portion of their taxes in kind; for, in any other way, they would not have the care that is advisable in rearing and planting. Madrid, November 19, 1630." "Observe what the fiscal says."]

Coming now to the special consideration of the revenues of this year, the receipts have been less than ever. One hundred and eighty thousand pesos came from Nueva Espana. The licenses will have amounted to ninety thousand; and the other revenues—duties, situados, moneys from vacant offices, and balances of accounts—to another fifty thousand, including in this twenty thousand that the procurators of the city of Macan gave as aid in the voyage which the galleons made in convoy of their galliots. In all it does not amount to more than three hundred and fifty thousand pesos. The expenses are more than five hundred thousand pesos; but they have been greater [than in other years], for besides the stipends of this holy church, the salaries of the royal Audiencia and other officials, the pay of the infantry of this camp and the presidios, the aid for Terrenate and the island of Hermosa, the naval storehouse at Cavite, and other ordinary expenses, many extraordinary ones have arisen. These include the fleet, the voyage of the galleons, and the embassy to China; the construction of three galleons, four brigantines, and one galleon which is being built—together with more than seven thousand pesos that the governor of Terrenate bought in food and clothing, in order to supply the lack of those which were in the flagship which was lost; and also the unavoidable expenses of this government, although the infantry have not received their entire pay. Your Majesty can easily see how we shall have passed this year. The relief has been mostly through the large contributions by which I am exhausting the inhabitants; by loans; by neglecting to collect many salaries; and by sending more than one-half of the camp on ships through those seas for eight months, in order to save the effective succor which it was necessary to give them while ashore. Consequently, I find myself owing, in loans and debts contracted in this year, to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. That sum must be paid on the arrival of the succor from Nueva Espana. If that succor is as short as it was last year, it will mean to drive us out by the gates, and render it impossible for this government to do anything for its increase and the service of your Majesty. [In the margin: "Seen."]

Nothing has placed the states of Flandes and those wars in greater stress than the mutinies. Your Majesty has a large body of infantry in these islands; and although it is in the Yndias, where it seems to those in Espana that everything is in superabundance, that is a delusion; for the soldiers experience much misery and hardships, and see only a scanty relief, and every year a large amount of pay remains still due to them. All the remote presidios suffer, and in Terrenate the soldiers desert to the enemy. I humbly entreat your Majesty to consider these reasons, and have the viceroys of Nueva Espana strictly ordered to send us what is asked from them. For in no other way will they succor these islands, as is advisable; nor do they, in other things, provide anyone to whom can be entrusted the assaying [of metals]. Some persons have done this, but have not had the certainty that was desired. I trust in God that He will help me to attain some success. I shall not desist from the effort—and that, be it understood, without expense to your Majesty. I have some ores in my house again, which I am assaying—mainly because I have no one who understands it thoroughly—although I am proceeding almost blindly. [In the margin: "Seen."]

After having written this, news came of the arrival of the ships of this year, and a report of the succor that is sent in it, namely, 250,000 pesos in reals. The treasury now owes 150,000 pesos to the citizens for loans, and for food which has been taken from the natives on credit, for the expenses of this year. We cannot neglect to pay any part of that sum as soon as the ships reach port, in order not to lose credit with the inhabitants and natives, who are the ones who support us most. Taking then 150,000 pesos from the 250,000 that come, only 100,000 remain to be deposited in the treasury for the expenses of this year. Last year, when the succor arrived there was nothing owing for loans or food. In the matter of expenses I have been so moderate that I have not paid the salaries of the government employees, nor the debts of any of the back years. I have kept the infantry on ships for the space of eight months, in order to save the succor and actual cash that would have to be given them if they were ashore. Yet at the end of the year the treasury has been found pledged to the extent of the said 150,000 pesos. Since at least 80,000 pesos in reals are to be expended from the treasury this year in relief expeditions, and since we can not fail to have the expenses of last year, I find that in the coming July of 629, when the ships which I am now despatching arrive (if God be pleased to bring them back safely), we will owe 250,000 pesos in loans and food. That will be all the succor that I can count upon as being ordered to be sent me. Neither of those can I get here in this country, for the loan is a grievous burden on the inhabitants. My rigor cannot be greater than that of the present year. And, even did I secure these supplies, we shall be ruined none the less on that account in the following year, since at the time of the arrival of the succor, we shall be owing it all. [In the margin: "Seen."]

The ordinary expense of these islands, if the infantry are given the full amount of their pay, is seven hundred and fifty thousand pesos per year, at appears from the reports of accounts that I am now sending. The unavoidable expense of necessary aid, factories, salaries, and stipends, amounts to 550,000 pesos. What these islands produce from year to year, in money which can be deposited in the treasury, as an aid to the ordinary expenses, amounts to 150,000 pesos. That leaves 400,000 pesos, which must be sent in reals every year from Nueva Espana. That should be by way of a gift or consignment (as your Majesty does in other places of less importance and danger than these); and it should not remain at the will of the viceroys of Nueva Espana whether they will send the money or not—even if they have to get it by loans. And even if this be ordered in the manner in which I request, the treasury will still remain under the obligations and shortage in which it will have been involved all these current years. With good administration and better intelligence—and every day I am trying to further the increase of the royal possessions—I hope that this will be retrieved. For if we have the means necessary to maintain the fleets in activity, we shall endeavor therewith to retrieve most of our arrears. But if the necessary funds be not given, we must necessarily lose what is now sent, which will be of no advantage when our fleet is rendered useless for lack of what is needed. [In the margin: "Seen."]

I am very sure that your Majesty will have heard by different ways of my care in watching your royal treasury, and the change that has taken place in it, and the reform in the expenses since my arrival in this government. But I feel obliged humbly to petition your Majesty to be pleased to withdraw me from it in case that there is no opportunity of succoring it, as I petition; for I am very certain of the rapidity with which it is hastening to its final destruction, and it is not proper that a possession of so great importance for the Roman church and the crown of your Majesty be lost in the hands of persons of my character and desires. May our Lord preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, with the increase and prosperity which we your vassals desire and as we need. Manila, August 4, 1628.

Just now has been brought to me what this royal Audiencia writes to your Majesty, all complaining that the thirds of their salaries are not paid to them with the promptness that is ordered; that sometimes two or three thirds are owing to them; and that the cause of this is the annoyance and trouble brought about by the governors ordering that they be not paid without their special order. What has been done in this matter during my term will be seen by the testimony that I enclose with the present letter. It would be a strong case if there were any money in the royal treasury, in view of the shortness of the succors as the ships cannot be expected for the last third, that of April. The same measure has been taken this year with all the officials in general, as well as to myself. The treasury owes me ten thousand pesos, and to the citizens a great sum in loans, for since the needs of the treasury are so pressing, we all must feel it. The ships have arrived late, and order has been given to pay immediately the third that is due. What remains to be paid will be paid by the end of this month, when it will be due. Thus have we been doing hitherto, and there has been no delay in any third, unless for two or three days that are spent in making out the vouchers and giving the decree or order—without which nothing is paid, for the reason that I gave above in the third section of this letter. This appears a vexation to the Audiencia. May God preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, as Christendom needs. Manila, August 4, 1628. Sire, the humble vassal of your Majesty,

Don Juan Nino de Tavora

[In the margin: "Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that in regard to the governor taking charge of the payments that are to be made in the royal treasury, he refers to what he has said in another section of this letter. In regard to his holding back the thirds of the salaries of the auditors, it must be ordered that that be not done unless it is rendered necessary by a very urgent occasion. Madrid, November 19, 1630." "Let him see that their salaries are not withheld from the auditors, preferring them to all the other payments that shall be made."]



Governmental affairs

Sire:

What occurs to me, of which to write your Majesty concerning this government, in addition to the matters of justice, revenue, and war (of which I am writing in separate letters), is, first, of the peace and quiet that has been enjoyed in this community. All the tribunals maintain peace among themselves, and act with great harmony and unanimity. And although a few occasions and controversies do not fail to arise in the course of the year in all of the tribunals, I endeavor to lean toward that which is of most importance to us, namely, peace. [In the margin: "Seen."]

The city has been beautified by the building of a bridge which was desired for a long time; and, although it had been regarded as almost impossible, we now see it in such condition that we can cross by it within two months. Then we shall be able to attend to the conducting of the water or fountain with which your Majesty so earnestly charged me. In this and other buildings, I exert myself very willingly. If the inhabitants were in so easy circumstances that taxes could be imposed on their possessions to carry this construction forward, there would be much more work, [In the margin: "Seen."]

One night in the month of January, fire was carelessly set (as far as could be learned) in the Parian of the Sangleys or Chinese who live close to the walls of this city. All the buildings were of wood and straw; and consequently, although we went to the rescue as quickly and energetically as possible, the fire could not be extinguished. I viewed the fire from the guard-house itself, which looks out on the Parian, in order to prevent the movements that the Chinese might attempt under such circumstances. The master-of-camp, Don Lorenco Olaco, entered the Parian itself, and by his timely efforts, and through God's help, he saved the convent and church of the fathers of St. Dominic, who have charge of the Chinese. The latter, being infidels, were not a little surprised at seeing only the convent and house of the fathers escape so great a fire. Almost all the Parian has been rebuilt, with much better outlines and edifices than before, and that to such an extent that this city is beautified by buildings so fine. [In the margin: "Seen."]

There have also been other fires this year. One was in the city of Cibu, where the convents of the calced and discalced religious of St. Augustine were burned, together with some houses of the most influential inhabitants. Another was in the city of [Nuestra Senora] del Rosario de Terrenate, where the convent of St. Francis and the royal hospital were burned, together with a considerable portion of the native village. The edifices in these regions are generally of wood or bamboo, and the roofs of straw. Consequently, they are very liable to such disasters. Now edifices of stone are being introduced, roofed with tile or brick, and therefore these troubles are being averted. [In the margin: "Seen."]

The year has been a productive one for rice, which is the wheat of this country. We are experiencing the great blessing that will result from the cultivated farms that have recently commenced to be established by the Spaniards. They are cultivated by the Chinese, who are excellent farmers. I am encouraging it to the best of my ability, as I believe this is the shortest road to provide this city with plenty of food.

In regard to the trade and commerce of silks and other products of China, in which consists all the substance of the inhabitants of this community, certain straits will be experienced this year, because the returns from Nueva Espana have been very slight, and prices here are very high. Consequently, all the city has thought, with the general consent, that there should be no [record of] investment, or register, in the ships that are despatched this year to Nueva Espana for aid. Thus was I petitioned in the name of the whole city. I discussed it in the session with the auditors, and in a treasury meeting with those who attend that. All thought that what the city petitioned should be conceded, as it was well known that it would tend to its increase and profit, or to say better, to the restoration of this community. Your Majesty has much more interest in that than in the duties on the investment and register, which are of slight consideration to this treasury and to that of Mexico; while it is of great interest to all the monarchy that so much silver be not sent to China as was going every year from these kingdoms of your Majesty. Since your royal decrees make so much of the harm that would follow to those kingdoms and to all the monarchy from excesses in these regions, I do not doubt that the decision to set aside the [record of] investment for this year will be quite in accord with its welfare and to your Majesty's pleasure. [In the margin: "Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that, in spite of the causes mentioned by the governor in this section of his letter, he has been notified from Mexico and various other places in regard to this particular; and that the ships were laden with merchandise of great value. Hence the omission of the register only served to defraud the royal duties. Consequently, the governor should be censured for his act and a greater demonstration [of displeasure] reserved for what should result from his inspection and residencia from Mexico, that being one of the matters referred to that city." "Let the decision of the fiscal be followed; and advise the inspector of this, so that he may charge those who are guilty."]

Not less attention has been paid to the government of the Indians and natives of these provinces. I found them greatly oppressed and harassed by the many burdens, assessments, and services that were imposed on them for the service of your Majesty and the support of the government employees and justices. In regard to this matter, I held several conferences with the ecclesiastical prelates, the regulars, and the seculars. At these were present your Majesty's fiscal, the assessor of the government, and two encomenderos in the name of the others, and I conferred with them on the most important points. Later, with general consent, I made a new set of instructions and ordinances concerning the justices and encomenderos. By them was prohibited under heavy penalties whatever had been introduced that was harmful to the Indians. An attested copy of certain points was given to the superiors of the orders and to the ministers who are not regulars, of which it seemed best that they should be notified at the same meeting. They were strictly charged with the execution of those clauses; under penalty that if redress were not made by their own action, your Majesty will enforce it. And in order that some cooperation might be supplied on the part of your royal treasury to this general relief which we are trying to effect for the Indians, it was resolved, with the consent of the tribunal of the treasury, to pay the natives who serve in the naval storehouse, the rope-factory, and in the repairs of the ships of your Majesty, a moderate sum which seemed a just recompense for their labor. By that means, and without any remarkable cost to your Majesty (since other expenses were cut down), the villages were relieved of many thousands of ducados which they had to contribute (to their own ruin) every year for the just payment of the aforesaid services. Thus, adding to all this the efforts that, as I wrote in the letter on military affairs, have been made and are being undertaken in regard to their protection, I think everything possible will have been done this year for the just government and administration of these unfortunate natives. [In the margin: "Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that from what this section shows, the zeal and care of the governor in the welfare, protection, and instruction of those natives ought to be esteemed, and he ought to be ordered to go ahead. At present nothing else in particular can be answered or advised, because this letter does not contain the matters mentioned in it and said to have been given to the religious orders, etc." "Advise him that the papers have not come, and that we are awaiting them, in order to decide as shall be most advisable."]

Quite a number of meetings were also held in regard to the government of the Sangleys or Chinese, both those naturalized in the country and those who are transient—the traders and mechanics, who are very numerous. All that needed reform was discussed very deliberately, and is being carried out in accordance with the decisions of the other tribunals. However, we cannot help having a million difficulties in regard to all the matters concerning that nation, as we do not govern them after their own manner—as I state in greater detail to your Majesty in the letter on judicial matters, when discussing the manner in which I think those people should be governed. It is sure and certain that so long as there cannot be the remedy that I ask for in this matter, what is desired and expedient cannot be attained. [In the margin: "Seen; and have particular care in this."]

The decrees, instructions, and ordinances sent to these islands, both to the governors and to other tribunals and officials, are the rule for the right government of the islands. Very many of them are missing—some being lost by carelessness, and others hidden through malice—and orders are not found for many things that would be necessary, while others, because they were carelessly drawn up, are, when placed in practice, overruled by saying that there was a decree for it. Consequently, desirous of the clarity required in so important a matter, I petition your Majesty to be pleased to have some folios of them printed and sent to this government. [In the margin: "For all the Council." "Have a pamphlet printed of all these orders and send it to him, and for that purpose send Antonio de Leon to me." "I have made an agreement with Don Fernando and Antonio de Leon."]

A seminary for orphan boys is a work of great importance for this city, as there arc usually, in lands so remote, many who are unprotected and without parents or relatives. Your Majesty orders me by a royal decree to favor it, and to seek means by which to found it. Consequently, in accordance with the order, I granted an encomienda of five hundred tributes to one of the foremost inhabitants of this city, namely, Captain Pedro de Navarrete, on condition that he would give a pension of five thousand pesos in ready cash as revenue for the work of the said seminary. By that means was made good the deficiency in his services—which, although they have not been of moment in war affairs, still were sufficient for him to be granted an encomienda; and on condition of the five thousand pesos he was to be preferred to the others. I am awaiting another similar opportunity in order to get enough to be enabled to finish the work [on a building for them] The services of the fathers of the boys who are reared in this house make up for the deficiency of those who do not furnish services, but who can give like sums. By this means, I believe that the house will be established. But in order that it may have some fixed income, it will be necessary for your Majesty to be pleased to command me to give them one thousand five hundred or two thousand tributes that are vacant. With this the seminary will be placed in good condition, and can have a secular priest as rector to govern it, who will be chosen by the governors. Your Majesty will have the patronage of this boys' seminary, as you have in that of the girls of Santa Potenciana—and at less cost, since all the expenses will be met from encomiendas—than if these had to be enjoyed by worthy men; but their sons will enjoy the encomiendas, since this seminary is founded in order to rear them. [In the margin: "[To be considered by] the whole Council. Take it to the fiscal." "The fiscal says that he does not consider the means employed by the governor to get these five thousand pesos as good, for it really means selling the encomiendas, and giving them for prices to those who do not deserve them. It will result in the general affliction and discontent of the deserving. Consequently, in case that the sum given in this may be approved, the governor must be ordered that no others be given henceforth in like manner. He considers it as better and more suitable that the governor assign some encomiendas for the revenues and income of this seminary, to the quantity that shall be deemed advisable. Thus has it been, and is being, done with other like foundations in Peru and Nueva Espana. Madrid, December 5, 1630." "That the encomienda given was well done, under the conditions that existed. For the support [of the said seminary], the governor shall continue to impose pensions on the encomiendas up to the sum of one thousand ducados, and shall advise us of what is done."]

Since my arrival, I have had the care of the hospitals of this city, ordered to me by your Majesty in one of your royal decrees received this year. The hospitals are in charge of the discalced religious of St. Francis. I do not doubt that if there were some brothers of [St.] John of God here, they would administer them better; but I have not found them in these islands as yet. I am charging the fathers to look after them carefully, and I personally visit and aid the sick whenever my occupations admit; and I wish that that were often. [In the margin: "Thank him, and tell him to continue what he is doing, since it is not advisable to send any of those brothers at present."]

I wrote at length my opinion in regard to the spiritual matters of the convents and orders, and at present nothing especial occurs 10 me of which to advise your Majesty. [In the margin: "Seen."]

The characters of Juan Ruiz de Escalona, treasurer of the royal revenues of these islands, and of the accountant, Martin Ruiz de Salazar, are excellent. They attend to their duties with all punctuality and earnest zeal, which deserve from your Majesty the favor that all who comply with their obligations may hope from your royal hand. They are informing you of their especial petitions, and hence I shall not go into greater detail. [In the margin: "Let persons of these abilities be kept in mind."]

The inspector who was assigned to this royal Audiencia has not come this year because of his lack of health, according to what he writes me. That is a pity, for it is important to the service of your Majesty that these islands be inspected. [But that should be done] with the mildness and prudence that is proper; for I do not consider it advisable to unearth old matters that now have no redress, and to investigate them will have no other result than to disturb this community. [In the margin: "That this is already provided."]

This despatch is being made August 4, one day after the arrival at this port of the ships from Nueva Espana. Those ships spent just four months in a voyage that can be and usually is made in less than three, and after suffering innumerable storms and maladies—with the evident risk of leaving these islands without help, because they had not left Nueva Espana a fortnight earlier. Sire, this government, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of him who may govern here, will be only, what the viceroys of Nueva Espana wish. If aid comes in time and is abundant (or at least sufficient), all goes well and affairs progress, for everything is obtained. If the aid comes late, and does not contain what is necessary, everything is lost and destroyed, as was pointed out more minutely to your Majesty in the letters of war and revenue. I petition you humbly that—although I have come to these islands so desirous of furthering their prosperity, but have found them tied down by undertakings and expenses greater than in the time of my predecessors—since I do not merit being aided as they were, or cannot be aided because of the inclemency of the weather, your Majesty will be pleased to use me in another place where the employment and attainment of my desires is not impossible through the lack of cooeperation and outside aid. May God preserve the Catholic royal person of your Majesty with the increase that we, your vassals, desire, and which Christendom needs. Manila, August 4, 1628. Sire, your Majesty's humble vassals,

Don Juan Nino de Tavora

[In the margin: "Seen. Have the viceroy charged to be very punctual in this."]



ECONOMIC REASONS FOR SUPPRESSING THE SILK TRADE OF CHINA IN SPAIN AND ITS COLONIES

Reasons of expediency existing why the importation of the silk of China and the other merchandise of that country ought not to be permitted in the Indias and these kingdoms, but rather prohibited; and the damages and troubles that follow from its not being prohibited in every point, and its trade, are the following.



It is very pernicious to permit the importation of the silk of China and its trade, both in the Indias and in Espana. For although not more than two hundred and fifty thousand pesos de Tipuzque can be taken from Nueva Espana to the Filipinas annually, besides that sum another incalculable quantity of money is taken in reals of eight; for the said silk can be bought or traded for nothing else, nor will the Chinese give or exchange it for other merchandise. Consequently, they manage to get hold of and carry away annually the greater part of the eight-real pieces which are made in the said Nueva Espana, in exchange for grass, which is the substance of that coarse and harsh silk which is so plentiful among the Chinese. [53] Thus do they weaken our strength and increase their own; and consequently they can make war on us whenever they wish, without any cost to them as far as we are concerned. And since this money does not come to Espana, it cannot be invested there in merchandise, and the customs duties and the excise duty cannot be collected from them; and they cannot return with a greater sum of money with which to make larger investments, resulting in the great increase of the said royal incomes, and the common benefit of his Majesty's vassals. Besides, if that silk were not taken from China to Nueva Espana, it would not be used there; nor would it be poured into Piru and Tierra Firme, as is done. For, notwithstanding the prohibition established forbidding any merchandise to be taken there from China, a very large quantity of it is taken to the said provinces from Nueva Espana, and it is used there—the viceroys, generals, and justices concealing and favoring it for their own private interest and benefit. For that reason much less Spanish merchandise is used in the said Piru and Tierra Firme than was formerly consumed, and than would be used if the merchandise of China were not sent there. That condition causes the merchandise of Espana to have one-half less value than before. Hence it results that daily fewer trading ships arc sent from these kingdoms than formerly, and than would be sent if the said trade with China were to cease. That is the reason why the Spanish silks and other merchandise are so seldom demanded or consumed in the Indias. That, with the low prices at which they are sold, and the numerous duties which are paid, and the trade so ruined, makes the exporters and merchants derive so little gain from their investments that they do not care to increase or to continue their trade, and cease to attend to it. On that account, the said Indias do not depend, as it is right that they should depend, on these kingdoms; while, as there and in these kingdoms is consumed the merchandise of China, which is only bought with standard reals of eight, an enormous amount of coin is taken there in exchange for the merchandise, and thus is not sent to these kingdoms to be invested here, in order to return them to the said Indias. [If that were done], the duties thereon (together with the great cargoes and the increase of business in all directions) would increase very greatly, as would be clearly and quickly seen in the increase of the royal revenues. The prohibition of the said merchandise of China is of much greater advantage to the royal revenues than the permission; besides, it is the universal remedy [for the troubles] of these kingdoms and of the said Indias, that the said merchandise be not exported to either the former or the latter. [There is a parallel to this in our domestic trade], for in place of the wheat (because of the lack of it that is generally experienced in the maritime towns of this kingdom), foreigners are continually carrying away from us so great an amount of money through the permissions given to them for export, and with what they demand besides, for the wheat, and in exchange for the copper coins that they force on us, and other articles that they bring to us, which they have in plenty—but which we do not need, as we have all of them in our Espana. Thus they weaken our resources and strengthen their own; but this would be avoided if we did not need the wheat, and they were not permitted to bring the other things. Just so, not having need (as there is none) of the wares from China, because we have so many of them in these kingdoms (which moreover are known to be so much better in quality), we should cease this trade, which only carries to China that great treasure which is annually withdrawn and conveyed thither, without any hope that any part of it will ever return to us. For the Chinese have a great surplus of all goods, and never come to buy anything, but only to sell—and that only for reals of eight; and consequently, they make their prices so cheap, in order to get the reals, that they constrain one to buy a much greater quantity of their merchandise than he would buy if the prices were higher and the profits less. And although the profits are seemingly large at first, they are not so in reality, because of the little durability of the Chinese goods, and because of the damage caused to the merchandise of Espana by their importation; for, by permitting it, the consumption of Spanish goods is lessened, and they have less value. Consequently—setting aside the so universal damage to all the natives [of Espana], and in particular that to the producers of the said silk (and its production is daily diminishing, to such an extent, indeed, that in a very few years so little will be produced that the damage will be made plainly evident in the royal duties, and in its lack and scarcity), and how much greater benefit would be the prohibition than the permission of the said silk of China—his Majesty and his ministers, in attending to his royal revenues, are under obligation to furnish suitable relief for this, for the welfare of his kingdoms and vassals. Since the towns of the kingdom of Granada were given, after their insurrection, [54] under an annuity obligation [censo] to private persons so that they might settle therein, and the annuity amounts to more than one hundred thousand ducados of revenue, which are paid through the increase in the production of the silk; and [it is necessary] that there should be a ready sale and handling of it, for the estates that were given to them have no other important products from which they could obtain the money to pay the said annuity; necessarily, if the production of the silk ceases, then the payment of the annuity will cease. For in that and in the ready sale of the said silk consists the power [to pay the annuity]; and it also consists in the many people who, having the silk, would occupy themselves in its production, culture, and preparation, who will consume and use a great quantity of food. That would cause an excise duty on the food of more than one hundred thousand additional ducados per year; but this income would cease if the production and cultivation of the silk ceased, and his Majesty would lose the said one hundred thousand ducados. Besides, the said silk paying, as it does, three hundred and two maravedis per libra—without reckoning the tenth, or the forty per cent on the gross price at which it is at once sold in the alcaicerias—as soon as it is sold, while there would be less produced and sold, and the price of it would be lower, the duties will be less. And since the silk of China does not pay more than fifteen per cent of import tax and excise, because it is foreign, his Majesty loses twenty-five per cent on each libra of the silk of the kingdom of Granada. That silk is produced in less quantity by the importation of that of China; and since our silk pays higher duties than the foreign—either because of its excellent quality, or because it is native, or for some other reason—that freedom from duties ought to be extended to it rather than to the Chinese silk, instead of burdening it with greater duties. These latter should be imposed upon the Chinese silk, so that, less of it being imported for that reason, less money would be taken from Nueva Espana to Filipinas for its purchase; while more money would be brought to these kingdoms. That would result in greater investments and cargoes, and more silk would be produced in these kingdoms. For so little silk has been produced in the kingdom of Granada for the last two years, because of its little sale and value and its great cost, that the duties from the revenues of their silk have been worth thirty thousand ducados less each of those two years than they were worth during the years before. Two signal losses have resulted from that, and they will become greater every day, and more irreparable. The first is that as so little silk is produced, and the producers have left the leaves on the mulberry-trees, the trees have come to such a pass that for lack of pruning and care they will be ruined in little time and destroyed—so that when one may try to remedy them he will be unable. The other is that the little silk that has been produced has been of so little profit to the producers because of its diminished value during this time—on account of the quantity of foreign silk that has been imported and its better sale, because of the lower price at which it has been sold—that the said producers and the holders of the annuity grants have not had sufficient means to pay the said annuities; and for the last two years they have owed his Majesty two hundred thousand ducados. It will be impossible to pay that sum and what shall be owing in the future years, as long as the importation and sale of that foreign silk is not prohibited. But if that be done, the production will be increased, and the trade and value [of the Spanish silk] will return to its former figure. By that benefit all the producers will be encouraged to persevere in it, and will cause greater duties, not only for the larger amount of silk that there will be, but in the excise duty for the consumption of food. The producers will have the means to pay what they owe on the annuities that are due and will fall due. And although the silks will be dearer than now, the greater durability of what will be made from them, because of their good quality and worth, will make them cheaper. For if the Chinese silk is not imported, nor ours mixed with it (which is the thing that spoils, harms, and damages ours), what is woven will never break, and will not be dear at any price. The money [now] invested in the silk of China and taken to that country will come to these kingdoms, and will be invested in our silks and merchandise and the returns from them will continue to increase both in the increase of the royal revenues, and in the universal welfare of his Majesty's vassals. Thus will it be seen in a very short time how well advised has been the decision that will be made in the prohibition of the said silks of China, as well as the great damage that its importation has caused. Besides, the danger of navigation will not be so great, because of both its less distance and its greater safety; nor will there be so many losses of ships and property as there arc continually now. This trade will proceed with less coercion by the enemies; consequently, the power of the latter will not be so great, nor will the depredations that they commit on our own coasts by robbing us have to be feared. That is all worth very considerable thought, in order that one may see how just is this claim, and so that the remedy for this difficulty be procured, as it is the one that demands reform most urgently of all that now present themselves to our attention.

Juan Velazquez Madrco

[Endorsed in writing: [55] "Arguments why the silk of China should not be admitted into the Yndias or into Espana. October 7, 628." "File it with the papers that treat of this matter."]



DECREES REGARDING THE CHINESE



The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, member of my Council of war, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be: Fray Melchor de Manzano, of the Order of St. Dominic, has reported to me, in the name of the Chinese living in those islands, that the said Chinese pay me annually sixty-four reals in silver for the sole purpose of remaining in that country, in addition to five more, which is the usual tribute, and twelve more for the treasury, which are spent in assessments for affairs of my service; and that, for a few years back, the alcaldes-mayor have introduced the practice that no Chinese enter or live in their districts without their permission (even though they have yours), and the permission given by the alcaldes-mayor is for a very short period, in order to get from them the fees for the said permission very frequently. Although orders have been issued in this matter by that Audiencia of mine, prohibiting the granting of the said permissions, those orders have not been obeyed. On the contrary, those officials proceed in their own interest, and oblige the Chinese at the same time to attend to the service of the city, by going to fish and to provide all the necessaries of life; and, whenever they go they experience many annoyances. He petitions me that I will be pleased to order that, since the Chinese pay so large fees to live in that country, the permissions that you shall grant them be valid in all the districts of the said alcaldes-mayor; and that the latter take no other fee, or the former have no need of any other permission, besides yours; and that for yours not more than one real in silver be collected. If the expedition made by the said Chinese should not last longer than one month, the permission of the alcalde-mayor of their district will be sufficient, and they shall not be obliged to get another in that place to which they go, within the said month. That given by the said alcalde-mayor shall not carry fees in excess of one-half real. If the alcalde-mayor of the Parian grant such permission, he shall collect no fee, since the said Chinese pay ten pesos to him, and the same amount to the clerk of the salary fund. Having examined the matter in my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it advisable to refer the matter herein contained to you, so that you may provide that the said Chinese be not annoyed or molested, in order that there may be no occasion for their coming to complain; and you shall advise the said my royal Council of the Indias of the correction that you shall apply in this matter. Madrid, June 8, 1628

I The King By order of the king our sovereign: Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia resident in the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands: Fray Melchor Manzano, of the Order of Preachers, in the name of the Chinese living in those islands has reported to me that it has been ordered for the security of the islands that the Chinese live in the village of the Parian, outside the walls of that city; but that for a few years past they have been scattered among different settlements outside of the said village. There with difficulty can the wrongs experienced at various times by such settlements be righted, as many of them do not go to mass or hear the word of God, but indulge in excessive gambling, to their own hurt and that of the inhabitants of that city. Any insurrection can easily be feared because they can arrange one very safely in the said settlements, where they can hold secret assemblies and meetings—from which resulted the impositions, false testimonies one against another, and false witnesses; and the fortifications of the walls of that city are in great danger. For if the said Chinese live in the village of the Parian, one can derive from that means to fortify the walls and prevent destruction and losses; but if they live outside the Parian, that will be lacking, and consequently the safety of that city [will be endangered]. I have been petitioned that I be pleased to order, under severe penalties, that no Chinese be permitted to have a dwelling outside the Parian; and that those now outside return there, except the married Christians who may live in the village of Vindanoc [i.e., Binondo], which has been assigned to them. Having examined the matter in my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it fitting to refer the matter to you, so that you may proceed in it with all the haste that may be advisable for the service of God our Lord and my own, in order that those troubles cease. You shall advise me of what you shall do, on the first opportunity. Madrid, August 17, 1628.

I The King

By order of his Majesty: Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, member of my Council of War, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be: I ordered you by a decree of September 10, 627, to appoint to the office of protector of the Sangley Chinese (which was held by the fiscal of that Audiencia) a person who should prove competent, with the salary that was assigned to him; and to order that my said fiscal of those regions exercise the office no longer. You were ordered to charge the person whom you thus appointed to watch over the said Sangley Chinese most carefully, so that they might not be troubled or annoyed, or any ill-treatment shown them; and that any balance left any year in the fund that he keeps should remain there, in order that the Sangleys may be assessed so much less the following year. When that order was executed, you were to inform me of what had been done and what took place in respect to those who are mentioned in the said decree, as well as the advantages or troubles that its execution might cause, as is contained more in detail in the decree, to which I refer. Doctor Don Juan de Quesada Hurtado de Mendoza, whom I have appointed as my fiscal of that Audiencia, has reported to me that, having petitioned that the documents be given to him as to his predecessors, and one of them being the decree that orders that the fiscal of that my Audiencia be the protector of the natives and the Sangleys, he found that the above decree had been despatched, ordering you to appoint a competent person. The cause therefor was that Fray Melchor Manzano, of the Order of St. Dominic, urged it for private purposes, until he actually obtained it. The fiscal declared that it was advisable for my service to have the decree suspended, and that my fiscals of that Audiencia exercise the said office, as they had always done; and that the said Fray Melchor Manzano, while he was in those islands, and other religious of his order, having made themselves protectors of the said Sangleys, and having petitioned the governor to order that the fiscal be not the protector of them, and that the salary of whoever should be protector be moderated, the said governor did not change the custom of whether the fiscal should or should not be the protector. In regard to the salary, it was moderated only to eight hundred pesos. When the matter came before that my Audiencia, it declared by acts of examination and review that the said protection pertained to the said my fiscal. In consideration of that, Don Fernando de Silva, my governor ad interim of those islands, ordered that the said acts be executed; and that, in conformity with them, the office of protector of natives and Sangleys be exercised by Licentiate Marcos Zapata de Galvez, my fiscal of that my Audiencia at that time. I am petitioned, in consideration of that, to be pleased to have a decree despatched ordering that he and other fiscals who shall succeed him in that my Audiencia be protectors of the said Sangleys and natives, as they have been, notwithstanding the ruling of the said decree of September 10, 627. Having examined the matter in my royal Council of the Indias, together with what Licentiate Juan Pardo, my fiscal therein, stated and alleged—for I wish to know whether the Sangleys have need of that protector and whether they ask for him—I order you to inform me of what you find out concerning this; and in case that it appears necessary that they have one, I order you and that Audiencia to appoint six persons who may be suitable for such protector. You shall cause such nominations to be sent to the said my Council, so that it may indicate that one of the six appointees who is most suitable. He must not have trade or business relations with the said Sangleys; and the one named by the said Council shall be, for the time being, the one who shall seem most suitable to the Council. Madrid, March 27, 1629.

I The King

By order of his Majesty: Andres de Rozas



RELATIONS OF 1628-29



I

Relation of affairs in the Filipinas and in other regions, for the year of 1628 and 629, sent by the fathers [of the Society]; and of a victory gained by our men.



An excellent and large fleet has left this great island of Mindanao during these last few days to punish the insolence of the Dutch and of the Joloans, the neighbors of Mindanao, who are robbing the country from us and capturing the Indians of these Filipinas. The fleet is there, and I was to embark with it, but in order not to leave this district alone Father Fabricio Sersali, a Sicilian, went. The fleet consisted of thirty ships and more, and in them sailed two hundred Spaniards and innumerable Indian soldiers and rowers. May our Lord give us the success that we hope. [56]

A fleet of two galleons with high freeboard has also left, and in them four companies of soldiers, in pursuit of the Dutch enemy who were in Macan and along the coast of Great China. Advices were received of a Dutch ship which was carrying one million pesos' worth of wealth. The result has not been ascertained as yet.

[Word in MS. illegible] On March 13, fire fell from heaven upon the Parian or fair of the Chinese (according to what they themselves swear, namely, that they saw it fall), and burned it all, without a single one of the more than eight hundred houses that it contained being left; and the only thing that was left standing was a church which was in the Parian. [57] The Parian of Manila and almost all the city of Zebu were burned, with great loss.

The fleet which went from the province of Oton to punish Jolo has arrived at this very moment. I shall relate here a very fortunate result that our Lord gave them. It is as follows. The island of Jolo is next to that of Mindanao. The fleet left here, as I said, on the first of April. At dawn of Holy Saturday it reached the mouth of the river of Jolo, and entering it and attacking the village, the enemy fled as a single man to the mountain, so that the energy of all our men was directed to pillaging. The sack amounted to thirty thousand pesos. What was pillaged from the house of the king amounted to six thousand pesos in silk, cloth, wax, huge quantities of wax, innumerable weapons, and other things of great value. It was all divided among the villagers. That news was one of the best which this country has heard, as that enemy was the one who does us most harm. Father Fabricio Sersali, who was with the fleet, preceded them all with an image of St. Francis Xavier raised on a spear. In this manner did the aged saint enter the mosque, and leap for joy. Now boats are being prepared in this town of Arebalo to complete the uprooting from these islands of those nations who disturb them. They burned the town, and the house of the king, the mosque, and the rice which they could not carry away. They felled the palm trees, so that they might deprive those people of support. They did all that in one day. They burned one hundred and forty ships—forty large ones and the others of less burden. Such and such people were captured; and then they set out on their return in high spirits, in order to go out another time, for which they are preparing. Oton, May 30, 628.

Hernando Estrada [58]

Will your Reverence aid me with your holy sacrifices and prayers, so that I may imitate many apostolic laborers whom we have had here, and of whom we have at present many, who have come from all those provinces of Espana; they have made and are making gardens pleasant to the sight of God, from the obscure forests which the devil has possessed so many thousands of years and still possesses in these islands. For, as we have been told, there are eleven thousand islands, of which that of Manila is the largest and most important. It has more Christians [than the others], and yet even in it there are many infidels, who make war on us. Among the other islands there are very few [with Christians] because of the many which are so full of infidel people who profess the devilish worship of Mahoma. I cannot depict to your Reverence how surrounded we are by that canaille on all sides, and the wars that they so frequently make upon us—so that, in the summer especially, no one can be safe in his house. Daily do they enter our villages, burn them and their churches, break into bits the saints and images, and capture the poor Indians.

I left Manila in a champan, which is a boat used by the Chinese, and in which they come from their country here. We were four of the Society who embarked in it, and God was pleased to give it so favorable a wind that by means of it we escaped from the hands of the enemy, who were in ambush, watching for an opportune moment. The father-provincial [59] took the same route in a caracoa—a boat used in this country; but that craft was knocked to pieces before reaching the place where the enemy had established themselves. Hence it was necessary for him and his associate to come overland, suffering extraordinary hardships, over mountains and through rivers, for more than one hundred leguas. Thus does it seem that they escaped as by a miracle, as well as did the champan.

Soon thirty or more boatloads of Camuzones Indians arrived here. They were naked, having only a bit of cloth with which they cover, etc. Their weapons are certain pointed bamboos, but those bamboos are very strong. They entered a village which was under my charge, and burned it, together with its house and church. They broke the saints into pieces, although the ornaments were saved. Nine persons were captured here.

Another brother and I were going to another village, without thought of enemies. We entered the bar of a river at about one in the afternoon. That afternoon the enemy entered the same river. The next day, while we were giving thanks, they made a sudden attack on the village, whereupon all the people fled. We two went to the mountains, where we remained eleven days. Thence the enemy took their way toward another village, where the father-provincial was, together with Father Juan Lopez, [60] his associate, and other fathers. Before the enemy arrived, they received the warning which I sent them. Consequently, all took to the mountains, and the father-provincial and the other fathers were among the mountains for a number of days, where they suffered hardships. But our Lord was pleased to order that the enemy should not reach that village nor the village where I was staying, for fear of the narrowness of the rivers, lest they could not get through them when they departed. But they went thence to another town located on the seashore, and burned it entirely. The enemy also went to other villages of our missions and burned them, and the fathers escaped as by a miracle from their hands. When the enemy capture the fathers they cut off their heads, as they did two years ago with a father whom they captured. They treat the Spaniards whom they capture in the same way. Consequently, we all go about as if we were soldiers; our ships are laden with arms; and forts have been built in the chief villages and fortified with firearms, with which to defend ourselves; while forts are being built in the other villages.

All those coasts of this sea have been crowded with sentinels this year, for it was rumored that many Dutch ships were to come, and they always come to sight land at the cape of Espiritu Santo.

When we go from some villages to others, we cross many deep rivers, which are all generally full of caymans or crocodiles. These [reptiles] swallow a bull, a cow, or a deer even to their horns, thus causing great loss. They also catch and eat the Indians daily.

There is a most abundant quantity of snakes, almost all of which cause death when they sting. There is but one remedy for the wounds, namely, if they happen to have a little of the earth from San Pablo. By having it blessed, they are infallibly cured; and he who is treated with this remedy does not die. There are other snakes which are not poisonous. They are so large that they can swallow a large wild boar, or a large deer, horns and all. A father and some Indians killed one which was eating a hog; they ran up on hearing the grunts of the hog, and speared and killed the snake.

There is great abundance of material products, and the country is very fertile. The grain of these regions is rice, and as a rule each fanega of grain sowed yields one hundred fanegas, and many yield two hundred fanegas, especially if it is irrigated and transplanted. There are oranges of many varieties, some of them resembling large melons. Honey and wax is found in the trees, where the bees make it. The wax is worth sixteen or twenty reals an arroba, and a jar of honey one real. I saw a tree which had many honeycombs hanging on the branches. The mountains are fuller of wild boars than are the commons of Espana of swine and cattle in acorn time. One of those swine, if it is fat, is worth two reals, but only one if not fat; and a deer is worth the same sum. There are almost no fruits of Espana. There are melons, cucumbers, pumpkins, and radishes of the country, and quantities of cabbages and lettuce. There are many native fruits, some of which are excellent, but they are not so many or so good as those of Espana, while the food does not have the same nourishment as in Espana. The swine here are excellent, and better and more healthful than those of Espana; for they are eaten like mutton, and are given to the sick as mutton is in Espana.

God is ever our physician and apothecary in sickness, and but few times does one fall grievously sick when our Lord does not supply the lack of medicines, without which [MS. holed: we?] get along very well, and God helps [us]. Panbohen, July 6, 1629.

Pedro de Prado

We received a letter from Eastern India which gives very good news of its condition; for the Dutch are now in small numbers and are very much disaccredited, with both the Moros and the heathen, and these have revolted against the Dutch and driven them from their lands and from the houses of trade that they owned, because they have found them false in their commerce and deceitful in their trading. Our men went to help drive out the Dutch.

Good news comes from Zeilan and Tebet of the great conversion to Christianity that is being effected there and in other regions, and that the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ continues to increase.

Ruy Freire went to besiege Ormuz with some ships, and the viceroy told him that he was going in person with [MS. holed] ships to capture it.

Father Geronimo Perez [61] had cut down, at a residence, a tree which was called nino, in order to dispel the superstitions of the Indians. That tree was twenty-five brazas in circumference, and there are other trees of this species whose trunks are used by the Indians as houses. [62]

Father Muxica writes from Macan that Father Trigautio had come from China to Macan, and said that there were many highborn and influential people in China who were being converted, and that they were living very exemplary lives. Manila, July 5, 1628 [sic].



II

A relation of events in the Philipinas Islands, and other neighboring kingdoms, from the month of July, 1628, to July,1629.



Continuing my project begun last year, I will proceed in this account to relate the events which have happened this year, without observing any other order than that in which they occur to me.

At half past one on the night of November 25, Our church fell, with so terrible a crash that it seemed as if the heavens were falling. It was due to God's great providence that it did not happen several hours later, for without doubt some of our fathers would have been caught in the ruins. It is the third time that this church has fallen; for years ago, just as they finished saying the last mass, and locked the doors, the whole vault, which was built of brick, fell in a great earthquake. If it had happened an hour before, it would have wrought great injury, by imprisoning beneath it all the people who were in the church. Then six years later, in the month of September, on the same day, just as they were beginning to decorate the church for celebrating the feasts of St. Ignatius and St. Xavier, one large pillar and two arches fell, leaving the roof in the air, without any means of support for more than eight yards—a thing which seemed miraculous; two of Ours were caught, but neither received much harm. On this last occasion the ruin was greater, because one pillar, when it fell, carried with it half of the church. Thus it remained, without repairs being possible; there was nothing to be done but to finish the work of destruction, and build a hut in which to accommodate our fathers in their ministries, until we finish the new church building and house—which is a very good one, and well on its way to completion. [63]

On the twentieth of December, at eight o'clock in the evening, they omitted the holy sacrament in the Cathedral church of this city, because it had been stolen, together with the monstrance in which it was kept. Diligent search was made for it, arresting some and putting others to the torture, and making earnest prayers to placate the wrath of God, but no trace of the thief could be found in these or any other ways, even to the present day. [64]

On the twentieth of June an eclipse of the sun began at eleven o'clock, and at thirteen minutes after twelve it was so far eclipsed that it could not be seen at all. It seemed as if it were night, and the stars were seen in the sky, so that we were forced to light candles in order to eat; for there was a dinner that afternoon, on the occasion of a certain feast. As far as I know, this eclipse was not seen in Nueva Espana; it is the most complete one that I have ever seen, though I have seen many.

On the eighteenth of July last, in the village of Guiguan, which is a mission of the Society, an image of the Immaculate Conception of Our Lady with a gilded face, began to weep piteously—in the sight of all, and of the father who was expounding Christian doctrine in that village—with a saddened countenance, to the great terror of all who were present. It seemed as if this was the announcement of the disasters and calamities which have been suffered by those poor islands of the Pintados (which are in our missionary charge) from their enemies the Camucones and the Joloans, who have become very insolent—plundering many ships on the sea, some of them valuable; robbing and burning towns, capturing the people, and destroying the images, which the fathers have kept well until their flight and refuge in the mountains. It has been considered a singular providence that no one of our fathers has been captured (although there are fears about one, but nothing certain is known about it). The enemy suddenly landing, one father was surprised in bed, but made his escape almost in his shirt; they surprised another while saying mass, and he was obliged to make his escape in his chasuble, fleeing through the marshes; another they found sprinkling with holy water the whole population of the town in the church; another they met on the sea, and having given chase to his vessel, the father leaped overboard and finally escaped. The father provincial was in great danger several times, but in the end God preserved him and all the other fathers. The greatest hardship is, that it seems as if those who conduct the government do not endeavor to check these raids; may the Lord do so by restraining the enemies.

Relief was sent this year to the Malucas Islands, as has usually been done in past years, in several pataches and a galley. The Dutch enemy had at their Malayo fort (which is almost within sight of our fort at Terrenate), a very powerful ship which passed in front of our fort several times discharging their artillery as if defying us to come out and fight. After this bravado our men and Pedro de Heredia, governor of those fortifications, armed two pataches and the galley (a force much inferior to that of so powerful a ship) and went out to meet the enemy. He boarded it and began to attack the soldiers in it; the enemy, seeing that the fight was going against them, cut loose from our ship, and retreated or fled to their fort. There their people arrested the captain, because, although he had had the advantage on his side, he had not sunk our little pataches, but instead had taken to flight. Some of the Dutch and some of our men were killed in this fight.

At Xacatra, which is the capital of the Dutch possessions in all these eastern regions, and at which their governor and captain-general resides, there have been many harassing wars this year, because King Xabo with a very powerful army had besieged them for many months, seized and burned the suburbs, and killed many men. However, on account of the many winter floods, Xabo had to retreat; but the Dutch are left in considerable fear lest he will return, with the Portuguese giving him assistance. On that account they have still further fortified their forts, made greater provision of all necessaries, and detailed there six galleons from the great fleet, which they maintain at Ormus for the aid and defense of the Persian, [65] in order that the Portuguese, who are threatening that fortress, may not recover it.

With the aim of relieving these islands and their natives from the suffering that they endured in building galleys and ships, the governor decided to send some Spaniards to the kingdom of Camboja, which abounds in fine woods, to establish dock-yards; this purpose was carried out. With the Spaniards it was decided to send some of the Society, but for certain reasons this was not done, nor would we permit it. The fathers of St. Dominic, however, permitted it; and so some of them went there with the Spaniards, and were very well received by the king of Camboja. They immediately commenced to carry out their plans for the ships, while the religious built a church. The king gave them permission to baptize and convert to Christianity any persons in his kingdom who wished it.

I wrote last year, that, annoyed by the injuries which these islands had received from the king of Sian, who had seized in one of his ports a ship of ours richly laden with silks, our galleons had gone there and made reprisals on some of his ships. The latest news is that a ship was sent there with some of the Sianese who were captured, and some Spaniards, to give an account of the affair; and to tell the king that our people desired to continue in peace and friendship, but that he must satisfy us for what he had seized from us, and in return we would satisfy him for what we had seized from his people. As yet we have had no answer from there, nor have we heard how the matter was concluded—much less if our fathers who reside there lost their lives when our galleons did so much damage to the Sianese ships.

The outlook for Christianity in Cochinchina was very promising, and in the year 1627 eight hundred adults were baptized; but this year we have had news that the fathers had encountered adverse fortune, and were fearing expulsion from that kingdom—but now they write that the tempest has already abated, and the skies are clearing.

In late years, there have been many wars in the kingdom of Tongin, which adjoins that of Cochinchina; but the Christians have been left in peace, and thus many have been converted to Christianity. It is even reported that this same king and a brother of his had been or were to be baptized. Would to Heaven that it were so! although hitherto there has been no certainty of anything, because we have had no letters from our fathers, on account of the said wars.

The Tartars have again revolted against the Chinese, who are so hard pressed that they have sent to Macan for artillerymen and artillery for the war. The Portuguese lent them two heavy guns, and thirty men to go with them, among whom was Father Palmerin, the visitor of that province [in the margin: in the secular habit], to visit, on this occasion, the houses and the residences in China.

As to the condition of Christianity in Japon, I cannot better give account than by inserting here letters and relations sent from there. The first, dated 1627, reads as follows:

"The persecution of the Christians here, which was begun several years ago, continues without any remission of its vigor, but rather increases with every day—not throughout the whole kingdom, however, but in certain parts of the Xymo or Tacab, in which the Christians are persecuted more than they have been hitherto. It commenced among the Christian converts of Tacacu and the lands of Arima, by soliciting the tono of that region, Gentir, to return to the favor of the lord of Japon, of which he has been deprived for some time, and to dissuade from the faith all the Christians who should enter his lands. An official was sent to all places with orders that they should not fail to go through every village, and to cause everyone, by any way or means whatever, to renounce the faith, in order that they might instead adopt one of the Japanese sects. The officials obeyed their orders and searched out all, whether steadfast or wavering; and some, in order not to risk their faith, left their homes secretly. Some of the strong ones were rigorously treated, and others gently, among whom some exiled themselves. Those Christians suffered, for their constancy, various and extreme torments never before seen in Japon, which at the said tono's command were inflicted in order to subdue them—stripping both men and women, and hanging them in their shame; hurling them from a height into cold water, in the depth of winter; placing them near a fire so that they would burn; and burning them with lighted torches. Two of them they roasted on burning coals, as St. Laurence suffered. Others were left so that they died in a few days. They also burned the men with a hot iron upon the forehead, leaving the word "Christian" stamped upon it. They cut the fingers from the hands, even of children, inflicting other indignities that cannot be written. The inhuman pagan, not content with this, had some men and women conducted through the streets of certain villages with insignia of dishonor commonly applied among the heathen to criminals, but of great glory to our Lord God, for whose love they suffered. When the servants of the Lord arrived at some of these places, they bound them in a shameful manner to stakes, in order to frighten the Christian inhabitants in this fashion; but with all their efforts they were not strong enough to conquer any Christian, or make him recant. Forty-seven, of all ages, were condemned to death; three were beheaded, and the rest drowned in the sea. Eighteen others, of all ages, they took to a mountain, where there were some very hot baths; and, binding them with ropes, they put them into the water, asking them again and again if they would not recant. Seeing their constancy, they bound them to stones, with which they were sunk in the sea. Twenty-six others, of varying ages, they also took to the said baths; and having especially distinguished ten of these by torments, they kept them for some time on the edge of the baths, repeatedly asking them if they would give up their religion. At the same time they poured upon their shoulders jars of that boiling hot water, drawing from them cries of pain; until, becoming convinced of their constancy, they drowned them in the said baths. Because the body of one of them was not burst open like the rest by the heat of the water, they cut it open in various places with a knife. In this torture he died, and, like the others, was flung into the baths. Adding to these two others who died of the terrible torture inflicted upon them, the number of those who died in the province of Tacacu, by fire, blood, and water was forty-seven. They went to rest and abide with Christ, and will always be able to say with David: Transivimus per ignem et aqua e reduxisti nos in refrigerium. [66] We would never finish if we undertook to tell in detail all the particulars of these martyrdoms, which we shall leave for a more extended relation, in which they may be viewed; and great consolation will be had from the fact that those Christians have endured such atrocious and unheard-of torments with such constancy, for the love of Christ.

"Let us speak of the persecution which another pagan tono set in motion against the Christians in his lands, adjacent to those of Tacacu. They buried three of the martyrs whom the tono of Tacacu had condemned, and three others were captured who were going there; he ordered them to recant if they wished to save their lives, or else they would be subjected to various torments, but these they suffered rather than lose the life of the soul. Besides this, the Japanese persecuted the Christians of that town, and others near by, trying every means in their power to divert them from our holy faith. Some of them were steadfast, and others wavered. The tono, however, ordered them not to kill anyone then as a Christian, and this order was obeyed—although two widows, named Maria, gave a noble [word illegible in MS.] in order to show that they were more constant. They insulted these women in many ways, putting them to shame; and finally, as they were triumphant over every injury and torment, they were set free. Then they hastened to the city of Nangasaqui, the chief of Christian communities in Japon, where on August 16, 1627, they arrested and burned alive father Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, and the lay brother, Fray Bartholome, both Franciscans, together with their servants and other men and women. Others they beheaded, among whom the lot fell to a woman with three children, two of whom were two years old and the other older. On the sixth of September of the same year, they arrested and burned alive a Japanese father of Ours, together with two chiefs, his servants. The governor and president of that city was present at all these murders. He, in conformity with his orders, tried to make all the Christian inhabitants recant, without respect to age or estate, and to persuade them all to adopt some one of the Japanese sects, making use of many ingenious artifices for this purpose. Seeing that he could not effect his purpose, he tried locking some of them in their houses, nailing up the doors, and depriving them of all communication with relatives and friends, to which end he set guards around them. Some weak-spirited persons obeyed him; but the greater number, both chiefs and common people, resisted him. The governor, seeing that so many resisted, as he had no orders to take their lives, but only to send them as prisoners to the court, sent those whom he thought best, and among them fifteen of the most prominent persons. Fearing because some of these were persons of rank, and had many relatives, and some of them were actually officials in the same city, in order to prevent any revolt from arising he asked the neighboring tonos for a large number of soldiers. A great many of these came, who were lodged throughout the city; but, seeing that there was no resistance he ordered them back to their fortresses, and, the confessors being much rejoiced, he sent them prisoners to the court. Others are kept in captivity until the arrival of a decree from the court. Four distinguished families were exiled to Macan, with four hundred and thirty of the common people, who were driven to the neighboring mountains as a warning and intimidation to many others, and all intercourse and communication with them was cut off. It was ordered that no one should admit them to their houses. They were commanded not to build huts, even for the infant children, to defend them from the inclemencies of the weather. Guards were set over them so that no one should grant them even a mat for their shelter, the persecutors hoping by this means to bend them to their will. Although the confessors of Christ undergo great suffering, they do so with joy and invincible constancy. Others who were not banished were deprived of their employment, to force them to abandon their resistance. Many fled for this reason, leaving the most populous city in Japan almost depopulated, although it still contains confessors who ennoble it. [67]