The island of Mindanao, which is one of these Filipinas Islands, has rebelled against us; and its chief places have easily accepted the law of Mahoma, which was brought there from the Malucas by the Ternatans. They have done us no damage this year. On the contrary, we have done them considerable. Captain Benitez has made some very successful raids in their country, and has killed many and captured others—who are made slaves, in accordance with the old-time usage of this country, on account of the damages which we have received from those enemies. Now the governor has offered to conquer that island, which is not a very difficult thing to do; but there is always so much attention to be paid to the Dutch, that he has as yet been unable to attend to this.

The Dutch enemy, together with the English, went to attack Macan during former years with seventeen ships. They landed many men on the shore, but the affair turned out so badly for them that they were forced, after many men had been killed, to retire and to raise the siege. But the Portuguese, fearing that the enemy would attempt another year what they had not been able to accomplish then, set about enclosing the city with an excellent wall (for it had none before), and sent Father Geronimo Rodriguez [28] to Manila for some good artillery, which Don Alonso Fajardo gave him. A master founder also went there to make many other pieces, which have been founded; and the city is placed in a very good state of defense. The Portuguese also asked for a good captain and some infantry for whatever occasion might arise. Don Alonso Fajardo gave them as many as one hundred infantrymen, with Don Fernando de Silva, sargento-mayor of the camp of Manila, and an excellent soldier. They stayed in Macan for some time, but the Portuguese, seeing that the Dutch enemy did not come, and that, even if they did come, the city was more than defended; and inasmuch as they did not get along very well with the Castilians, since there was considerable quarreling and strife between those of the two nations, tried to despatch them to Manila. They did so, in a vessel that carried more than five hundred thousand ducados in merchandise.

The Spanish encountered so grievous a storm on their voyage that they were forced to put in at Siam, where they unladed their ship; and, trying to get over the bar of a river in order to relade, they were wrecked. They bought in place of that ship two others, in order to go to Manila; but as the season was advanced, and they could not get away so quickly, they despatched a champan with some eight Spanish sailors. The latter took some of the merchandise, and came to Manila to give news of what had happened. At that time there was a Dutch patache established in the river of Siam, a very beautiful and large river. That vessel had also entered and traded in that kingdom. It was rumored among our men that that Dutch patache had captured the champan that our men were sending to Manila—although such a rumor was untrue, for the said champan arrived safely at Manila. But induced by that false report, Don Fernando de Silva, who was stationed some leguas up the river, having one day observed the Dutch patache attacked it at night with certain very small craft (I think they were two small boats or lanchas, for they had not bought larger vessels); and after fighting with the enemy, with the loss of only one Spaniard, captured the Dutch patache. It had more than twenty thousand pesos in silver and merchandise, and the Dutch aboard it were captured. Had the matter ended there, it would have been a fortunate result. The king of Siam was informed of it, and sent a message to Don Fernando de Silva saying that he should set the Dutch at liberty and give them back their ship and the property which he had taken or captured from them, since it was captured while the Dutch were in his kingdom, under his royal favor and protection. Don Fernando de Silva answered that he would not do so, and broke out in words that might well have been avoided toward the king. The latter quickly collected a numerous fleet of boats, and one day attacked our ships with Japanese (who form the guard of that kingdom) and many Siamese. Our men, fearing what would happen, were hurriedly embarking their merchandise, in order to come to Manila. Our men began to serve the artillery, but there were so many hostile boats that they covered the water. The Spanish craft ran aground in the confusion and danger, whereupon the Siamese (and chiefly the Japanese) entered the ships. Don Fernando de Silva, with sword and buckler in hand, sold his life dearly, and others did the same. But the enemy killed them except those who fled at the first stroke of the victory, who remained alive. I think some thirty were captured. The goods were pillaged, notwithstanding the fact that the king had ordered that good care be taken of them.

The captured Spaniards were taken to the court of the king, which is a city more than twice as large as Sevilla. [29] They were led manacled through the streets, receiving many blows, and regarded as traitors. That happened in the year 1624. This disastrous event was learned in Manila by way of Macan, but no attention was given to the matter on account of the death of Governor Don Alonso Fajardo. In the year 1625, another Don Fernando de Silva, of the habit of Santiago, came to act as governor. At that time Father Pedro Morejon [30] arrived at Manila. He came from Roma by way of Yndia and Camboja (which lies next Siam), and was informed of that disaster there. Governor Don Fernando de Silva, seeing that Father Pedro Morejon, as he had been so long a minister in Japon, had great knowledge of, and access to, the Japanese, and that those Japanese who live in Siam have a great part in the government of that kingdom, suggested to the father to go there as ambassador, to see whether he could get what they had captured from our Spaniards, which belonged for the most part to the inhabitants of Manila. The father replied that he could not neglect, before all else, to go to Macan in order to advise his provincial of his procuratorship to Roma; but that his Lordship should write to him, and that he would return at the beginning of the year 1626, which was the season when one could go to Siam. The governor wrote, and the father provincial of Macan sent Father Pedro de Morejon for the said time, besides another Portuguese father, called Antonio Cardin. [31] They reached here in good time. The governor prepared a vessel with some Spaniards of good standing, and despatched them all by the month of January. They reached the kingdom and court of Siam and negotiated what they were able—namely, that the captives be delivered to them, as well as the artillery, and a quantity of iron belonging to our king which the ships were carrying, and which they seized from us, and some other merchandise. For although the king ordered everything to be given up, thinking that the goods were safe, as he had ordered, it was impossible to get them, the soldiers having pillaged them and divided them among themselves.

Father Pedro de Morejon was given a cordial reception by the king, who showed him many favors. At his departure the father told the king that he was leaving Father Cardin in his kingdom, and asked his Highness to protect him. The king offered to do so, and gave permission for all who wished to become Christians. Father Cardin erected his church and commenced his ministry. Father Morejon and the Spaniards returned to Manila, where they arrived in August of 1626; and they delivered to Governor Don Juan Nino, who had now arrived, a present given to them by the king of Siam. Father Morejon, being summoned by his provincial, went to Macao for the second time, where he is now. It is now reported that the governor is not satisfied with what they sent him. Perhaps he will attack Siam with the galleys, in order to punish that kingdom for its actions toward the Spaniards.

In order to destroy the trade between this city of Manila and Great China, and between Macan and Japon—the former for us, and the latter for the Portuguese—the Dutch formed a scheme to build a fort on the island of Hermosa. That is an island between Japon, China, and Manila, which extends north and south for more than fifty leguas, while it is about thirty broad. The Dutch built the said fort some years ago, and they have been fortifying it ever since; so that they have already erected four cavaliers, in which they have mounted twenty-four pieces of artillery—besides others that they have mounted on a platform which defends the entrance of the port, as those of the fort do not command it. The Dutch also have a stock-farm, which they began with cattle and horses brought from Japon. For its defense they built another large cavalier in which they mounted a half-dozen pieces, and stationed a few Dutchmen to guard it. They are now at peace with the natives, with whom they were formerly at war and who killed some of their men. In this way they have been established for some five or six years at that point, which they call Pachan. The Chinese have gone there with a great abundance of silks and other merchandise to trade. Consequently, they have made on that account a large alcaiceria, where there are generally more than six thousand Chinese. The Japanese have also gone there from Japon with their ships, although it is said that they are ill satisfied because of I know not what duties that the Dutch asked them to pay. From that, notable damage can ensue to Castilians, Portuguese, and Chinese, since the Dutch are in the passage by which one goes from here to China, and from Macan to Japon. If we have not yet seen the damage so plainly with the eyes, it has been because the enemy are in great lack of ships and men.

In order to counterbalance that scheme and the designs of the Dutch, Don Fernando formed another scheme. He went to seize another port on the same island of Hermosa, some twenty leguas distant from China and thirty from the enemy. For that purpose he sent, in this year of 1626, two galleys with many small boats, infantry, and all that was necessary for the settlement, under an experienced captain called Carreno. They occupied the said port, and it is very good and suitable for our purpose. As our men entered the port, the whole population, numbering fully a thousand houses of the natives who were settled there, fled. Entering the houses, they were enabled to see, by the articles that they found there, that those people were intelligent and civilized. Our soldiers took some food, of which they kept account in order to pay for it—as they ought to do; since I know not what pretext they could have for showing hostility to the natives, since they had received no injury from them.

Our soldiers have fortified themselves there excellently. However, at the beginning, the land tried them, for many died, and they suffered great wretchedness and hardships—eating even dogs and rats, also grubs, and unknown herbs, because they soon finished the provisions which they had brought with them, and others had not arrived from Manila, as I shall relate later. But afterwards they got along very well, for many ships came from Great China with many presents and food. The climate is very fine, and like that of Nueva Espana. It has its winter and summer quite temperate, and has many fruits such as we have in our Espana—as for instance, pears and peaches, which are indications that it is as fine a country as is reported. We have also heard that wheat is harvested. The soldiers found skins of lions and tigers; and although there were none of those animals, as there are none in Filipinas, they had no lack of the skins. They sent to summon the Indians, some of whom came. They won them by means of caresses and presents, so that they continue to come. They are not driven from our fort; and they even delivered two infants to us for baptism, and others are petitioning it. There is great need of learning their language. They bring some food, which they exchange for jars, gems, agate, and silver, which they know thoroughly, and whose value they esteem. They have no headman or chief who governs them, but each village governs itself, and some villages have war with others.

The joy received in Manila at the news of the island of Hermosa was exuberant. At that time Don Juan Nino came to govern. He was unable to send them help at the right season [for sailing]; consequently, after it had sailed, the ship put back and was detained for more than four months in a port of this island. It sailed again, and again took refuge at Macan, whence they tried to make the voyage for the third time. They had so severe a storm that they lost their rudder, and reached the coast of China. After great danger and opposition from the Chinese of that region, they refitted, and finally made our port in the island of Hermosa, where they arrived April 29, 1627, and were received with the joy that can be imagined. They left there the supplies they had brought, and returned to Manila.

The governor sent to Macan to ask for a mestizo, Salvator Diaz, who was in the fort of the Dutch and who escaped from them. He has also prohibited vessels from sailing to China which pass near the establishment of the Dutch on the island of Hermosa. It is inferred from that that he is thinking of attacking the fort of the Dutch.

The persecution of the missionaries in Japon has daily been assuming greater fury, and the doors are daily being shut more closely on the religious. It has been ordered under penalty of death, and of being burned with their merchandise and ships, that no ship sail from Manila to Japon. Accordingly, one ship which sailed last year and which they had not notified of the edict, they notified and ordered to return immediately to Manila, without allowing anyone to disembark, or to buy or sell anything—keeping them, on the contrary, shut up on the ship and guarded. The Japanese made a law that no Japanese could leave or enter the kingdom unless he first forswore our holy faith, etc.



LETTER FROM FELIPE IV TO TAVORA

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there: Six letters which you wrote me—five on the twentieth of the month of July, and the other on the twenty-second of the same month last year (1626)—dealing with the wars, have been received and considered in my Council of War for the Indias, and you will be satisfied on all points.

You say that Pedro de Heredia wrote to you that he had not fortified the island of Manados [32] and the straits of Santa Margarita, because it seemed to him of little use. Afterward, however, seeing that many tributarios might be acquired; that, being pagans, missionaries were needed; and that the expenses of these strongholds might be lightened by the rice which they furnished—he sent to you asking for fifty men to occupy the fort which he was to build there. Seeing that he had orders for it and that it was so advantageous for the service of God and myself, you sent them to him. It is well, and I order you, as having the affair under your present direction, to provide everything which is necessary thereto.

In your advices, the said Pedro de Heredia wrote also that it would be to our great advantage to send him the lord of Terrenate, who is in this city, in order to bring about some agreement between him and the king of Tidore, which will be of considerable value. Your orders in this matter have already been sent you.

I am advised by you that three of the enemy's ships were in the port of Malayo, and that it was understood that a fleet would arrive in May, 1625; I am also advised of the ten ships which the said Pedro de Heredia had.

I have considered the number of galleons and pataches with which you are provided, and the galleys which were in process of construction. I confide in your zeal and care to provide for the defense of those islands, as I expect from you, doing on your part all that you shall find possible. You will have assistance from here, and I have written to my viceroy in Nueva Espana regarding the measures to be taken therefor. He and my royal officials have now been ordered to send at the first opportunity to these kingdoms six thousand ducados, on account of the usual situado that goes to those islands. The money will be sent on a separate account to the House of Trade in Sevilla, to buy the arms that you ask for; when it arrives there, these will be forwarded to you.

You informed me that at the death of Don Geronimo de Silva his property was distrained, on account of the suit that was proceeding against him for beating a retreat two years ago with the fleet. You petition that in such a case property should be distrained from no one, except the proceedings be always taken in conformity with justice. The same [33] in the other matter which you mention, that in prosecuting the commanders of the ships of the said fleet, process should be conducted by written charges.

You say also that because the Order of Saint John was the heir to the estate of the said Don Geronimo, you ordered that whatever property might be found should be deposited in the probate treasury, and that the landed property should be administered by the courts. You also notified the said order, that it might decide what course to take, and that any debts of the said Don Geronimo must first be paid. The matter has been considered, and you and that Audiencia will take such measures as are just, in case the estate is any further indebted.

You say also that the office of sargento-mayor was held at first by alferezes, and afterward by captains—who drew, however, only the pay of captains; and that sixty-five escudos of ten reals were assigned to Don Fernando de Silva by the treasury council that was held in that city—which sum you understood was paid everywhere to captains ranking as sargentos-mayor—on condition of obtaining my approval, which has not yet been presented, and you ask me to approve it because it seems just that if captains and the master-of-camp receive what is elsewhere received by the sargento-mayor, who has more arduous duties, the latter should receive a salary accordingly. It has seemed unwise to me to make any change. You will give orders, then, that the payment of this salary shall proceed no further; and that no person filling the said position of sargento-mayor shall receive any more than the salary formerly paid; and you will cause the increase to be collected from those who have obtained it, or ordered it, or from their bondsmen, so that the amount shall be immediately deposited in my royal exchequer. In order that this be more exactly fulfilled, I have had decrees to this effect sent to the inspector of that Audiencia and the officers of my royal exchequer in that city. This must also be understood in the case of Don Juan de Quinones, whom you appointed to this place.

In conformity with what you wrote regarding the sentence which Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo issued against Captain Miguel de Villegas (who had been a captain in the infantry, and was a substitute in your personal service), of three hundred lashes and ten years in the galleys, I have sent a decree that the said sentence shall not be executed. The said sentence is overruled; and the said Don Alvaro is to send to my said Council an official copy of the proceedings, and the reasons which he had for giving that sentence. In the future military customs must be observed, and no such punishments imposed, as you will see by the said decree, which is sent to you with this letter.

In regard to your request that it be proclaimed that the shipmen who serve in those islands—such as pilots, masters, and other officers—need not pay the tax on their salaries in virtue of the decree which I commanded to be sent, ordering the collection of dues on all the grants for offices, incomes and gratuities that are conferred, I think it well that the said shipmen—mariners, pilots, masters, or other persons who draw pay on the rolls—shall be excused from paying the said salary tax; but it must be collected from all other officers holding commissions or decrees in which our favor is declared. You will cause the said decree to be executed in conformity with this.

In the letter in which you spoke of the offices to which you had made appointments after you took possession of your duties, you say that on account of the resignation of Pedro Sotelo de Morales, [34] who served as the warden of the Santiago fort in that city, you appointed Don Antonio de Leoz to that office with a yearly salary of eight hundred pesos, the same salary which his predecessors have received, with the condition of receiving my approval within five years. But because persons who hold the offices ad interim are not to take more than half the salary which is attached to the office, in conformity with the provisions of various royal decrees, you will take measures and give orders that the said Don Antonio de Leoz or his bondsmen shall return to my royal exchequer any sum that he has received exceeding half the said salary; and I shall write to my royal officials in that city to collect it. You are advised that in the future such appointees are not to receive more than half the salary. [Madrid, September 3, 1627.]

I The King Countersigned by Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras.



LAWS REGARDING THE SANGLEYS

[The following laws are translated from Recopilacion de leyes de las Indias (Madrid, 1841), lib. vi, tit. xviii. For method of treatment, sec Vol. XVII of this series, p. 27.]



Law III

The bishops do not permit the Christian Chinese who are converted to our holy Catholic faith in the Filipinas Islands to return to their own country, so that intercourse and living among heathen may not cause them to fall into the peril of apostasy; and the governor, knowing that they have no other manner of livelihood except their trading in the neighborhood, buying provisions in order to supply the community, does not allow them to leave Manila without permission, which is a very great obstacle and stumbling-block to the conversion of others. We order that no fee be charged for those permits; and the governor shall have great consideration and care, that no trouble results from them, in respect to the Chinese having free passage through those islands. [Felipe II—Madrid, June 11, 1594.]



Law IX

The goods of the Sangleys who come to trade in Filipinas with Chinese merchandise, and who sell them at wholesale at a price [named] by persons deputed for it (which is what is there called pancada), are left in their possession under guarantee that they will not dispose of them without an order from the governor; and that a price will not be set on the small things, but only on certain fine products. And inasmuch as this is advisable, we order that the Sangleys be notified who shall have to return to those islands, that they must and shall pass according to the laws and orders that shall be made for them. And, in respect to the pancada, it shall be continued with, all gentleness, so that the Sangleys shall not receive any injury; and so that no occasion be given them so that they shall discontinue their coming to attend to their trading. [Felipe II—Madrid, June 11, 1594.]



Law X

We have been informed that the Sangley Indians who go from China to Filipinas to trade, receive injuries and harsh treatment from the Spaniards; and especially that the guards posted in their ships by our royal officials ask and take bribes from them, in order that they might permit and allow the Sangleys to take out certain things that they bring from their country to give to private persons; that the employees who go to register the ships take and scatter all the best merchandise, and leave that which is not of so good quality, from which there results a considerable loss on the balance, and often the Sangleys cannot sell what is left, as they could have done with the good merchandise which was taken away from them; that even when the Chinese who go to register take the best, the officials say that they will pay for it at the price for which the balance is sold, so that they only pay the price of the worst and common merchandise. Thus the Chinese lose what would be the most valuable things that they have if they sold them freely; for, fearing lest the employees who go to register take from them the merchandise at the time of evaluation, they place on their merchandise a greater value than it is really worth, so that they pay the duties at the rate at which the merchandise is valued, although the truth is that they sell it later for much less. [We are also informed] that the masts of their vessels are taken from them, in order to step these in the vessels built in those islands, for their masts are light; and that they are given in exchange others so heavy that their ships cannot support them and are wrecked, from which the Chinese suffer grievously. And since it is right that when those people go to trade they be welcomed and given good treatment, in order that upon their return to their country, they may take good accounts of the treatment and welcome received from our vassals, that others may thereby be induced to go, and by means of that communication receive the Christian instruction and profess our holy Catholic faith, to which our chief desire and intent is directed: we order the governors that, after having examined the character of these injuries, they issue the necessary orders for the cessation of such troubles. They shall not allow the Sangley Chinese, or any other traders, to receive any injury, molestation, or oppression such as is mentioned herein, or others of any sort; and they shall be very careful to treat the Sangleys well and to give them good despatch. They shall punish those who offend and aggrieve them. We charge this upon them very earnestly, as it is a matter of great moment to our royal service. [Felipe II—Madrid, June 11, 1594.]



Law XIII

We order the governor and captain-general not to allow the citizens and residents of Manila to keep Sangleys in their houses; and to prohibit them from sleeping inside the city. He shall, if necessary, order the judge of the foreigners to punish him who does not observe this, severely and with heavy fines. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 6, 1608.]



Law VI

Inasmuch as the alcaldes-mayor of Manila have claimed the right to try the suits and causes of the Chinese who live in the Parian, jointly with its governor, we consider it fitting to order the ruling of ley xxiv, titulo iii, libro v, which concedes the first instance exclusively to the governor [of the Parian], with appeals to the Audiencia. [35] Now it is our will, and we order the president, governor, and captain-general, and the Audiencia, not to allow any ordinary judge or one who has received a commission, to try civil or criminal suits or causes of the Sangleys in the first instance, even if they be auditors of that Audiencia, who shall be performing the duties of criminal alcaldes; neither shall they try cases regarding the locations or inspection of shops or their trade (for it pertains exclusively to the governor of the Parian to try such), except it be a case so extraordinary, necessary, and requisite that it becomes advisable to limit this rule. [Felipe III—Ventosilla, October 15, 1603; El Pardo, June 12, 1614.]



Law XI

In the city of Manila the custom was established that a certain number of fowls be given to the president, auditors, and officials of the Audiencia annually at a price lower than the current rate. The governor of the Chinese was ordered to make the assessment among all the Chinese, obliging them to give weekly so many fowls at a fixed and lower price, and to punish and fine him who did not obey it. That has caused the Chinese considerable injury. The governor of the Chinese got as many others at the same price. We order that no such assessment be made or asked from the Chinese, and that it be left to each person's own will to buy those fowls that are necessary to him, and to the Chinese to sell them at the price that they can and that is current. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1619.]



Law VIII

Many Sangleys are converted to our holy Catholic faith in the Filipinas Islands, who are married to native Indian women of those islands, and live in the environs of the city. If a site be given them in the unfilled lands where they can assemble and form a village, in order to cultivate and sow the land, in which they are very skillful, they would become very useful to the community, and would not occupy themselves in retailing and hawking food; while they would become more domestic and peaceful, and the city more secure, even should the Sangleys increase in number. We order the governor and captain-general to enact thus, and to endeavor to preserve them and to look out for them with the care that is advisable. [Felipe III—San Lorenzo, August 25, 1620.]



Law IV

The governor shall have particular care not to impose personal services on the Sangleys, outside of their [usual] employment and rules; and he shall endeavor to give them good treatment, in order to induce and incite others to go thither, to be converted to our holy Catholic faith. [Felipe III—San Lorenzo, September 5, 1620.]



Law I

It is advisable for the security of the city of Manila, the island of Luzon, and all the other islands of that government, that the number of the Chinese be very moderate, and that it do not exceed six thousand, since that number is sufficient for the service of the country; and, if that number be increased, the troubles that have been experienced may result, notwithstanding the permission that was conceded by ley lv, titulo xv, libro ii, [36] which is to be understood until this limitation is reached. Likewise it is advisable that there should not be so many Japanese in that city, for they already exceed three thousand, because there has been neglect and carelessness in driving them away from there; while the number of the Chinese has been increased through greed for the eight pesos that each one pays for his license. In regard to the above, we order our governor and captain-general to apply the fitting remedy, taking note that the licenses are not to be given for money, or for any other interest, either in their own behalf, or for that of other government employees. They shall only consider what is most advisable to the welfare of the public cause, the security of the land, trade and commerce, and the friendly reception of the foreigners and surrounding peoples, and the other nations with whom there shall be peace. That commerce and relationship shall be continued, and all care and caution shall always be taken so that the Chinese and Japanese shall not be so numerous, and that those who shall be there may live in quietness, fear, and submission. But that shall not be any reason for not treating them well. [Felipe III—Ventosilla, November 4, 1606; Madrid, May 29, 1620. Felipe IV—Madrid, December 31, 1622.]

Law II

The licenses that the governor of Filipinas shall issue so that some Sangley Chinese may remain in the islands, shall be with the consent of our royal officials, and account shall be rendered of all. The money resulting therefrom (eight pesos for each license) shall be placed in our royal treasury. A separate book shall be kept there, and names and marks [of identification?] shall be entered in it distinctly, so that there may be no concealment. [37] [Felipe III—Madrid, January 12, 1614. Felipe IV—Madrid, November 21, 1625.]

Law VII

The Sangleys converted to our holy Catholic faith shall not pay tribute for the first ten years after their conversion; after that time it shall be collected from them as from the natives of Filipinas. [38] [Felipe IV—Madrid, June 14, 1627.]



Law XII

The Sangley Chinese of Filipinas have a box with three keys, in which each Sangley deposits twelve reals per year in order to meet their obligations to our royal service with that fund. We order that if there be any balance in any year, it be not withdrawn; and that the Sangleys be assessed so much less the following year. [39] [Felipe IV—Madrid, September 10, 1627.]



DECREES REGARDING THE RELIGIOUS

Concerning lawlessness of Augustinian religious



The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands: In a letter written to me by Don Francisco de Caravajal Campo Frio, dated August two of the former year six hundred and twenty-five, he declares that while alcalde-mayor of the province of Balayan, he heard that Diego Larias Maldonado had arrived there, who had run away with the wife of a certain man. He had them arrested in the town of Batangas, a mission of Augustinian friars. He declares that Fray Antonio Muxica, prior of the said order, at the head of his fiscal and choristers, broke open the gates of the prison, and loosed the prisoners, after maltreating the government agents. And although he drew up a report about this action, and informed their superior of it—sending the latter a copy of the report, while he kept the original, in order to give you an account of it—the superior did not inflict punishment, but on the contrary exerted himself to get hold of the original report. But as he did not succeed in this, two religious, accompanied by over one hundred natives, went to Caravajal's house, surrounded it, went up stairs where he was, and took away the said [original] report from him, after having bound him and maltreated him by word and deed. Although he informed you of it, that crime has not yet been punished. Inasmuch as it is not right that such a crime remain without punishment, I have considered it fitting to send you a copy of the said letter, so that if the relation made by the said Don Francisco de Caravajal Campo Frio be true, you may enact justice, in order that, in the future, it may serve as a warding. For this you shall have recourse to the provincial of the said order. Given in Madrid, May twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven.

I The King

Countersigned by Don Juan Fernando Ruiz de Contreras, and signed by the members of the Council.

[Endorsed: "To the Manila Audiencia, sending it a copy of a letter written to your Majesty by Don Francisco Caravajal Campo Frio in regard to the outrage committed against him by certain religious of St. Augustine, so that, if his report be true, justice may be done."]

Granting alms to the Augustinians

The King. To the officials of my royal treasury of the Philipinas Islands: You know already that it was ordered by a decree of the king my father (who is in glory), dated August seven, of the former year six hundred and one, that a ration for two additional religious be given for four years longer to the convent of St. Augustine, of that city of Manila, in the manner that it is given to four religious in that convent; and that he prolonged the said time for another four years by another decree of six hundred and sixteen, and for another four years (which are completed) by another decree of May nine, six hundred and twenty. Now Fray Hernando Guerrero, of the said order, bishop-elect of the city of Nueva Segovia in those islands, has reported to me in the name of the said convent, that the religious of his order from the other convents are entertained and treated there in their sicknesses; and that it is in a college and seminary of grammar, the arts, and theology, whence subjects go out to preach the holy gospel. In consideration of that, he petitions me to order that the said ration continue to be given to the said two religious for such time as I may choose.

The matter having been examined by the members of my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it advisable to order that it be given to them for another four years, that time to run and be counted from the day on which the said last four years were completed. Accordingly, I order you to pay to the said monastery of the Order of St. Augustine in that city, from any revenue that may be in that my treasury, the said ration for the said two additional religious, during the said four years of this prolongation, in the same form and manner as it is given to the other four religious; for such is my will.

Given in Madrid, June eleven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven.

I The King Countersigned by Fernando Ruiz de Contreras.



Recommendation of the Council of the Indias regarding the Recollects

Sire:

Fray Pedro de la Madre de Dios, procurator of the order of discalced Augustinians in the Philipinas Islands, has represented that the poverty of the religious of that order is very great, as they have no income; and inasmuch as medicines are dear, they cannot get the money in order to buy those necessary for the sick, whence it follows that they cannot maintain the health necessary for their attending to the ministry of preaching and instruction among the Indians, and the relief of the royal conscience. He petitions your Majesty, in consideration of the above, to grant alms to the said religious, so that they be given the medicines urgently necessary to treat themselves, as these are given to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Francis. He says that what they can use would amount to one hundred and fifty pesos annually. The matter having been examined in the Council, and the poverty of the said order appearing, and seeing that they have no income, and having considered how well they serve our Lord in the conversion of the natives under their charge; it seems best that your Majesty grant favor to the said religious, for six years, of the medicines that may be necessary in order to cure the sick, provided that it do not exceed in any year the stated sum of one hundred and fifty pesos above mentioned. Your Majesty will show them such favor as is in accord with your royal will. Madrid, November 4, 1627.

[Signed by the members of the Council.]

[Endorsed: "Council of the Indias. November 4, 1627." "That your Majesty might grant concession for six years to the discalced friars of the Order of St. Augustine, of the medicines necessary for the treatment of their sick." In a different hand, evidently that of the king: "It is well."]



DECREES REGARDING THE CHINESE

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein: Fray Melchor de Manzano, of the Order of Preachers, has reported to me, in the name of the Sangley Chinese who live in those islands, that the said Chinese, in order to avoid the wrongs that they received from the [government] ministers who were exacting daily assessments that were levied on them for my royal service, established a chest with three keys, in which each one was to deposit annually twelve reals in silver, in order to aid in the despatches of the warships, galleys, and trading-vessels for Nueva Espana, the powder-house, the artillery, the building of ships and other undertakings. Among other conditions that they required, in order that this assessment might be made among them, was one that they were to have no protector; but that in case one were assigned them, he be not the fiscal of that Audiencia, as such office was incompatible with his duties, and because of the experience of long years that it was rather a damage than an advantage to him—and that, for that reason, the said office of protector had been made separate in the beginning from that of fiscal, until Don Juan de Albarado Bracamonte, when fiscal, had so negotiated that the said occupation be assigned to him. The father petitioned me that since the said Sangley Chinese spend so much in aiding my service and pay so fully the salaries to their alcalde, and chief of guard, lesser protector, and to the ministers of instruction, without any expense therein to my royal treasury, it be ordered that the said fund cannot be altered or suppressed, unless the said Chinese should voluntarily wish to do away with it or to make some alteration, or change certain of the conditions which they established when the fund was established; and that the said office of protector be distinct from that of fiscal, and that the office be given to a person who will protect and defend them. If there remain any balance in the said fund at the end of each year, he petitions that the Chinese be allowed to spend it, without the permission of any person, for the welfare and benefit of their village or church. By that means they will be spared new expenses that must necessarily be made for that purpose. After examination by the members of my Council of the Indias, of this request and of the statements regarding it by my fiscal of the Council, Licentiate Juan Pardo, it was voted that I should order this my decree to be given, by which I command you to provide and order that the said office of protector be not held by the fiscal of that Audiencia. From now and henceforth, you shall appoint to it a satisfactory person, giving him the salary that is assigned. You shall charge him to look after the said Sangley Chinese very carefully, so that they may not be annoyed or vexed, and that no ill treatment be accorded them. You shall order that the balance remaining each year in the said fund be left there, and that the Chinese be assessed so much less the following year, After the accomplishment and execution of the aforesaid, you and the said Audiencia shall inform me of the status of matters, and what are the facts in regard to what is mentioned by the said Fray Melchor de Manzano, and the advantages or disadvantages, present and future, of what he asks for; so that, after my said Council has examined it, the advisable measures may be taken. Madrid, September 10, 1627.

I The King By order of the king, our sovereign: Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

The King. Fray Melchor Manzano, of the Order of St. Dominic, has reported to me, in behalf of the Sangley Chinese living in the Parian outside the walls of the city of Manila, that they experience much extortion and injury, on account of not only what pertains to the Christianity that they profess, but their liberty, possessions, and honor, by making them cut their hair when they become Christians—a thing regarded as ignominious by their nation, and which is an obstacle to their conversion, and contrary to the orders of the decree of the king our sovereign and grandfather, who is in glory; as also that they pay annually sixty-four reals in silver, in addition to the ordinary tribute, or that they return to their own country, which means that they are forced to abandon the faith which they received with baptism. He declares that that tribute was never paid by the Christians until it was imposed by Don Alonso de Faxardo, my former governor of the Filipinas Islands, contrary to the advice of my Audiencia resident therein. Fray Melchor has petitioned me that, attentive to the above, I be pleased to order that those converted to our holy Catholic faith be not obliged to cut their hair, or pay the said tribute, or anything else besides the ordinary tribute paid by the natives of the said islands; or that it be moderated so that their conversion may not thereby be made difficult, and that those who once receive the faith be not obliged to abandon it by returning to their country because of their inability to pay so large a tribute—since the majority of those converted are poor laborers, who cannot earn that tribute. Having examined the matter in my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it expedient to order this my decree to be issued. By it I order that for the first ten years after their conversion the said Sangley Chinese pay no tribute, and that none be collected from them, as I have commanded shall be done in regard to the other pagan Indians who are converted. After the ten years, the tribute shall be collected from them, as from the natives of the said islands. I order my governor and captain-general of the islands to see that the above is strictly obeyed and observed, and not to allow their hair to be cut, in observance of the decree that has been issued concerning this matter. Madrid, November 19, 1627.

I The King By order of the king, our sovereign: Don Fernando Ruiz De Contreras



INADVISABILITY OF A SPANISH POST ON THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA

I would consider it a very important fact that the Spaniards of Filipinas have seized and fortified a site on the island of Hermosa, if that would be the efficacious means of driving out the Dutch from their fort and from that island by force of arms, but otherwise not.

In order to discuss this proposition reasonably, it will be necessary first to investigate the objects that the Dutch may have had in order to have fortified, as they have done for the last three or four years, the island of Hermosa.

Some have thought that the purpose of the Dutch must be to destroy commerce between China and Filipinas, by plundering more at their ease the Chinese ships, because they are there near China, and in a place where the fleets from Manila which have sometimes defeated them, cannot attack them. But in my judgment, this is not their purpose, although it is a fact that they are very near the coasts of China in the island of Hermosa. For that reason, even the Chinese, before they set sail, ascertain by means of oared craft whether Dutch vessels are waiting in that place. Consequently, they either do not leave their ports, or if they leave, accomplish their voyage, since they can do so easily by sailing so as not to go within sight of the island. But it is impossible to escape the Dutch ships when they await the Chinese on the coasts of Filipinas, as they have done since the year 609, when they began that practice, until that of 625. During that time scarcely any ship escaped them; for the Dutch generally go to the coasts of Filipinas when there is no time to advise the Chinese not to leave their country. The latter, having sailed, necessarily fall into the hands of the Dutch. However, it is true that when the Dutch await the Chinese on the coasts of Manila, they need a larger fleet; and that they risk its loss by fighting with that of Manila. Here the capture of the Chinese is assured, while for the above reasons (of which the Dutch are not ignorant) that is almost impossible in the island of Hermosa.

In my opinion, then, the purpose of the Dutch is to establish a factory in the island of Hermosa, in order to trade with the Chinese by buying silks from them, and to sail with these to Japon (although taking some of them to Europa also, as well as other goods), just as the Portuguese of Macan do. I am persuaded of this, for, while I was sailing from Filipinas to Nueva Espana as captain and master of the ship "San Francisco," which was wrecked in Japon in the year 609—the first time when the Dutch went to that kingdom—the Dutch petitioned for a factory from him whom we style emperor of Japon, offering to take him silks from China. Thereupon it was given to them, notwithstanding that the emperor was informed by the Spaniards, and by one Guillermo Adan [40]—an Englishman who had been living married in Japon for many years, to whom the emperor turned for information—that the Dutch were rebel vassals [of the Spaniards] and pirates; and that they could not get the silks if they did not plunder them from the Chinese. Thus did they establish their factory in the port of Firando, where they have maintained themselves to this very day, taking the silks that they have pillaged from the Chinese, and certain cloth stuffs from Europa, and buying food and supplies for their forces in the Malucas and other islands of those regions. Governor Don Juan de Silva, having conquered on the coasts of Filipinas the fleet of the Dutch who were robbing the Chinese in the year 610, it was learned from the instructions of Count Mauricio that they were forbidden to plunder the Chinese and other nations, and that they were only permitted to trade with them. Thus, although they robbed the Chinese, it was on their own responsibility, and incited by greed; and even that they palliated by making a price on the silks, by weighing them, and settling the account for that amount. Paying for the goods partly in reals—although only a small part—they gave to the Chinese due-bills on the factory of La Sunda. I saw those papers in their own flagship, as I was captured by the Dutch in the said year 610, when I was returning from the wreck at Japon to the Filipinas. Nor does it contradict this that since then they have continued to plunder the Chinese, since they have given out that they do it because the silks were bought for silver which the Spaniards of Manila are sending to China; and because even supposing that the silks be some belonging to the Chinese, they do not wish the latter to trade with the Spaniards, their enemies. Consequently, although the Dutch have pillaged them, it has been by affecting this pretext, and giving them to understand that the Dutch were not their enemies.

But what most persuades me to believe that this is the object of the Dutch is because they are not ignorant of the great advantage to them of buying silks from the Chinese and taking their investments to Japon; for it is evident to them from the high profits made by the Portuguese of Macan. That profit will be greater for them because of the greater ease of making the investment, and their nearer and easier navigation. Whenever any other nation wishes to trade with the Chinese, that trading must be done entirely with silver; and as the Dutch can take so little silver from Europa, and have no opportunity to get it from Japon unless in exchange for Chinese merchandise, it is certain that, both because of the high profits of this trade and in order to maintain themselves in their factory at Japon—whence they furnish the forts of the Malucas, Ambueno, and other places with supplies and some food—they will procure the trade with the Chinese by all possible means, by maintaining a factory in the island of Hermosa. Thus, becoming wealthy, they will utterly destroy Macan and deprive the Filipinas of the trade of Chinese silks which they had in Japon, which was formerly of so great profit that the investment generally yielded one hundred per cent in eight or nine months.

It is to be noted that this trade of Macan and Filipinas with Japon is the principal thing that should be aided by Espana, for it does not involve the danger of having the silver of the Indias wasted in China, if voyages are made to Macan from Lisboa by way of India, because it comes from China to Portugal, and from Nueva Espana to the Filipinas in return for what is taken to Nueva Espana. As for the investments made in Macan and Filipinas for Japon, the return for these is silver from the mines of Japon itself.

Now, then, it seems very advisable, for the above reasons, immediately to drive out the Dutch from the island of Hermosa, if there is any possibility and power therefor, uniting the forces of Filipinas, if necessary, with those of Macan—to whom the question is so vital, both because of the said reason of the commerce (which is of prime importance), and because the island of Hermosa lies in the path of the voyage from Macan to Japon; and also, I do not deny, because it is possible that the Dutch have taken a port in the island of Hermosa in order to conquer Macan therefrom, to which they are very near, as they attempted to do in the year 622. Therefore, it will be more expedient and convenient to drive out the Dutch from this island of Hermosa as soon as it is attempted; and that will be very gratifying to the Chinese, who are much offended at the Dutch because of the many robberies of their ships in the Filipinas trade that the Dutch have committed for the last seventeen years, and are bitterly hostile to them. But although it seems that that hostility will be sufficient, for the present, for the Chinese not to make any beginning in commerce in the island of Hermosa with the Dutch, that disinclination will disappear in a short time—both because of the kind reception that the Chinese will experience from the Dutch, and because the Chinese are so notably covetous that, although they are prohibited under penalty of losing life and property from trading with Japon, some ships laden with silks have gone to that kingdom during the last few years, pretending in Chinese ports that they are going to the Filipinas.

The above is what occurs to me in regard to the first part. In regard to the second, namely, that it is not advisable for us to have a port in the island of Hermosa, whether the Dutch are there or not, my opinion is the following.

Since the Dutch are there, one would think it advisable to prevent them by force of arms from the commerce of China. But for that one must attack either the Chinese or the Dutch. Since the Chinese are our friends, and since we cannot live in the Filipinas without their trade, I do not see how it can be done justifiably, as they are free to trade with all. Even should we attempt it, they will oblige us to permit them [to trade as they choose] by taking the trade from the Filipinas. But if it should have to be by attacking the ships of the Dutch, new and very long and costly wars would be renewed which would complete the exhaustion of the Filipinas, as has been done in those of Terrenate. Then, too, we would not have greater advantages in this war in the island of Hermosa than in those of Terrenate; for it also is a war to be carried on with ships, and the Dutch have their factories of Japon very near by. They are not inferior to us in accommodations, although the island of Hermosa is near the Filipinas.

But if the Dutch were expelled from it, neither do I find any advantage in the Spaniards having a fort and settlement in that island at present, considering the condition of the Filipinas, unless it be to prevent the return of the enemy to refortify it. For first we must determine for that purpose, whether we can prevent that, by the nature of the island and by other circumstances that would render it very difficult—as was seen in Terrenate, when, although we had five hundred or more Spaniards there, the Dutch built another fort almost in sight of ours (which they still hold), as soon as we gained that small island. Now, too, although the Dutch were fortified first in the island of Hermosa, they have not prevented us from effecting a settlement there. For among other things, for such purposes, more men are necessary, and the cost of those men with whom a fortress in a kingdom not one's own is generally maintained.

But, as this object is not involved in the other considerations which present themselves to my mind for keeping up a Spanish settlement in that island, I do not see that, for the present, the Spaniards are obliged to do that. For that island is not of importance to us, either for its own products or for the commerce of China—on the former ground, because it is a poor and barren land, of which it is now always said in the Filipinas that it only produces fruits and timber; nor is it for the second, for if it be made a way-station, wherein to invest in the silks of China, that means to add a new voyage from the Filipinas, which on account of its expenses cannot make up for the convenience of purchasing in Filipinas those same products, which the Chinese carry to Manila. If one tries to say that, by this means, the Chinese ships would not be stopped by the Dutch ships that await them on the coasts of Filipinas; and that if that voyage be made from the island of Hermosa in Spanish ships, they will sail more secure: I answer that there is less danger for the ships as they sail now. For, since the Chinese do not understand latitude and the directions of the compass perfectly, they do not know enough to go [by direct routes] to sight land in the Filipinas, thus making safe the coast where the Dutch await them; [41] but in that case [i.e., if they go only to Formosa] the Dutch, changing their position, would go to await the Chinese and our ships near our port or the island of Hermosa. Since those ships would have to sail so well equipped that they could defend themselves, it would be so costly an undertaking that it could not be maintained—especially at the present time, when the Filipinas are so exhausted and so in need of men, by reason of the reenforcements to Maluco, the entrances into Mindanao, and the insurrections in certain provinces of the natives. Besides, there is the so great danger to Manila from the swarms of abandoned heathen Sangleys who live there, besides other Chinese residents who are married and Christians, but lazy, and the great number of non-producing Japanese there also; and for security and defense from all these, the Spaniards do not even possess what is necessary.

Neither has that island of Hermosa such a location that it can be desirable for the ships of Filipinas that sail both to Japon and to Macan, to put in or to seek shelter there; and even less so for those returning from a port where they have taken refuge when they sail to Nueva Espana, or when, in sailing from Nueva Espana to Filipinas, by arriving late, the vendavals overtake them; or for ships on any other of the courses that we sail today.

But if one would say that it is a matter of importance for greater attempts that could be offered in time, by reason of the entrance into or conversion of China, that is not approved now. On the contrary, I fear from the caution and mistrust of the Chinese, that if we maintain a settlement in the island of Hermosa, and it is not clear to them that it is strictly necessary for that conservation, [they will act] without heeding other ends which they must obtain by way of diverting the trade with the Filipinas (since we see that they forced the Portuguese to tear down the fortification that they permitted them to erect in Macan, in view of the risk of its being captured by the Dutch in the year 622, who threatened to return to attempt it with a greater fleet the following year, although they had not returned up to the year 625). They are not unaware that Castilians and Portuguese are vassals of one and the same king. Neither have the Dutch failed to publish (as they did in Japon), that it is the custom of the king of Espana to conquer kingdoms under pretext of religion. That report, according to the religious of Japon themselves, has been one of the chief causes for the instigation of so terrible a persecution against Christians. Very true is it that the success in conversion in which his Majesty has so disinterested and holy an end, can neither be assured nor guided only by human reason. Consequently, what I judge to be an unsuitable thing might be the best method to attain it. In this argument one ought also to consider the heathen natives themselves in the island of Hermosa; but, admitting this, even for them at present I conclude that his Majesty is under no obligations whatever, because he has in the Filipinas not a few Indians who pay tribute, but who do not have sufficient ministers to instruct them. Also there are many heathen, who, because their country is not yet conquered, are without any knowledge at all of the holy gospel. But I shall not go into greater detail on this point, for it may, perhaps, seem to be outside the question.

Neither do I imagine that all that has occurred to me concerning this matter, and much more, has been left unconsidered by Don Fernando de Silva, governor of Filipinas, at whose order a site was occupied on Hermosa Island; for he is a very prudent gentleman and a gallant soldier, and one who will not have permitted the desire for glory and honor, of which the discoverers and conquerors of new lands are justly worthy, to carry him away. Yet I do not, on that account, regard myself as under no obligations to advise you of my opinion. Madrid, December 20, 1627.

Doctor Don Juan Cevicos



DOCUMENTS OF 1628-1629



Relation of 1627-28. [Unsigned]; July, 1628. Report of appointments made by the governor. Juan Nino de Tavora; August 2, 1628. Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Nino de Tavora; August 4, 1628. Economic reasons for suppressing the silk trade of China in Spain and its colonies. Juan Velazquez Madrco; October 7, 1628. Decrees regarding the Chinese. Felipe IV; June, 1628-March, 1629. Relations of 1628-29. Hernando Estrado, and others; 1628-29.



Sources: Most of these documents are from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, The first one is from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library); the fifth, from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; and the last, from MSS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.

Translations: The second of these documents is translated by Robert W. Haight; the second part of the last, by Arthur B. Myrick; all the rest, by James A. Robertson.



RELATION OF 1627-28

Copy of a relation-written by a father of this residence of Manila on the condition of these Filipinas Islands, and other surrounding kingdoms and provinces, from the month of July, 1627, until that of 1628.

In the port of Cavite, which lies three leguas away from and opposite the city of Manila, four very fine galleons were being equipped, that in size and strength could compare with the best in the world. For the flagship was the "Concepcion;" for almiranta, the "Santa Teresa;" while the other two were called "San Yldefonso" and the "Pena de Francia." Besides these there was another smaller ship called the "Rosario," and two other pataches and two galleys. The work was progressing rapidly; for as soon as the merchant ships that sail to Nueva Espana were despatched, our people had to begin their voyage to the island of Hermosa near China, in order to dislodge the Dutch who were fortifying themselves there. [42] That might result in notable damage to this city of Manila, and to Macao, by obstructing their trade with China, Japon, and other kingdoms. The food, ammunition, and artillery were already embarked, and many implements of war, in order to carry on the war by sea and land. On July 7. they began to lade the flagship with quantities of tiling which it was also necessary to take. But, burdened with the great weight, the flagship showed that it was not to make the voyage; for it commenced to leak so badly that it could not be kept pumped out. Consequently, it was necessary to unlade it, and they had to resolve to leave it behind in the port, to their great sorrow.

The galleon "San Yldefonso" became the flagship. The season was already advanced, and especially for the galleys, which need more calm weather to enable them to navigate. Accordingly, the galleys were despatched ahead July 26, under command of Don Pedro Alcarazo. On August 17, the chief part of the fleet, namely, the galleons and pataches, left port. Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora was in the flagship; master-of-camp Don Lorenzo de Olaso in the almiranta; in the "Pena de Francia," Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, an old and well-tried soldier; in the ship "Rosario," Captain Lazaro de Torres, a daring man in war; and in the other two pataches, two other captains. Each vessel carried a quantity of artillery, each galleon having more than forty very large pieces. There were many and very courageous men; although when they saw that contrary weather was setting in it did not fail to dishearten them, as was immediately seen. For scarcely had they left the port of Cavite (even before emerging from that bay), when so fierce a storm overtook them that the fleet was in danger of being wrecked. One patache sprang a leak, and commenced to take in water so badly that it was forced to make port and remain there. The governor—seeing that as the season was so late, it was quite possible that he could not get to the island of Hermosa and return to port with the fleet; and as quite a long period had passed since any reenforcement had been sent to our fort on the same island of Hermosa; and since he imagined that they were suffering very great need of everything necessary—in the probability of what might happen, determined to send Captain Lazaro de Torres ahead with his little vessel the "Rosario," which was carrying a large quantity of food. As it was a small, swift-sailing ship, he hoped that it would surely arrive, which was not looked for in regard to the rest of the fleet. We shall relate the experience of this vessel later.

Our fleet proceeded on its course, but with so contrary winds from the north that they [as it were,] consumed the vessels; and the seas ran mountain high toward the heavens, so that one would believe that they were trying to engulf them. They reached Cape Bojeador, although after considerable danger. That is the end of the island of Manila, where one crosses to the island of Hermosa. At that point the storms increased so violently that, a council of the pilots having been called, all thought that they should put in to port; for it was impossible to go any farther until the next year, when the expedition could be undertaken at a better season. They put back, and the fleet reentered Cavite on September 6. That was considered as not a little [good fortune by the Dutch]; for, as was afterward learned from some Dutchmen, whom the Portuguese of Macan captured, the enemy on the island of Hermosa were very weak and determined not to fight, but to leave their fort at the arrival of our fleet. Now the Dutch will be in a state of readiness, so that it will cost a triumph to capture the fort; and, even, may it please God that we can gain such a result.

Some fathers of St. Dominic and of our Society were going in the fleet with the intention of remaining in the island of Hermosa, in order to engage in the conversion of its natives who are heathen. As servants of our fathers were also going two disguised Japanese fathers, in order to see whether they might go to Japon by way of the island of Hermosa. Their provincial had sent them for that purpose from Macan; for, as the door of Japon is so tightly closed, Ours seek extraordinary means to enter there, to aid that afflicted Christian people.

But let us return to follow our galleys. One can well guess how they would fare, when so large galleons suffered from the storm. They were struck very severely, but they made their voyage nevertheless, until they sighted the fort of the Dutch enemy on the island of Hermosa. From there, they put back to this island of Manila, in the province of Ylocos, because of the violence of the weather. While in port there, they had so fierce a storm that, having been hardly used by the past storm, their seams opened and they went to the bottom. Twenty convicts were drowned, and three Spaniards. The other men, even the commander himself, got away by swimming, and, as the land was near, they were able to reach it without much difficulty. That disastrous news reached this city October 20.

We come now to the ship "Rosario" in which Captain Lazaro de Torres was sailing. It made its voyage, although not without trouble. It reached our fort on the island of Hermosa, and its arrival gladdened and rejoiced our men greatly, for they were in great need of food. It had been more than a year since aid had been sent to them from Manila. At the ship's arrival, it was found that a disaster had overtaken our men. It happened that there was a chief on the river of Tanchuy, not far from our fort, who professed great friendship for our men for his reasons of state, which are not wanting even among barbarians. Those reasons were that that chief had wars of long standing with another chief whose domain was on the other side of the river; and he wished to have our men on his side, for whatever might happen. Our men trusting to his friendship, and forced by the necessity that they were suffering, the commander sent Captain Don Antonio de Vera with twenty Spaniards to the said river of Tanchuy to bring back rice to our men; for that is the ordinary bread, and that country abounds plentifully with it. Captain Antonio de Vera and his twenty Spaniards remained one or two months with the chief of Tanchuy, who, although he feasted them, did not conclude by giving them the provisions to return. The captain began to fear some detention, and sent to our fort for more men, in order to negotiate with arquebuses what they were unable to compass by kindness; but these were not sent. The chief concerted secretly with his opponent, and made peace with him. One day he took Captain Don Antonio and the other Spaniards out hunting; and suddenly attacked them, and killed the said captain and seven others. They first sold their lives, and with greed for death itself, killed some of their false friends, really their enemies—among them the very chief who contrived that treachery. The other Spaniards sought shelter in a small boat which they had there, left the river, and went to our fort, giving news of the disaster just as Captain Lazaro de Torres arrived. With the help that had just come to them, they determined to take vengeance for that perfidy. The commandant sent the said captain, Lazaro de Torres, with one of the galleys which they had there, accompanied by one hundred infantrymen. They entered the river of Tanchuy, which is very beautiful, and densely inhabited by the natives. The latter immediately deserted their settlements, and our men went to the rice granaries, and filled their galley and four large champans, which are used as freight ships in these seas. They could have filled fifty if they had had them, so great is the abundance in that country. They captured I know not how many persons; then without doing any more evil or burning their villages, they retired with plenty of food, which was the most important thing. This feat having been performed, the said Lazaro de Torres returned with his ship to Manila, where he entered February 21, 1628.

On the same day that our fleet reached the port of Cavite, which was, as aforesaid, September 6, 1627, a cho (a craft which is used in these waters, whose sails are made of rushes) came from Macan. It warned the Portuguese galliots which had come from that city to this with great wealth of merchandise, and which were about to return with about one million in silver, that they should take note that the Dutch enemy were stationed in the passage of Macan, awaiting them with four ships in order to capture them, and that they should change their direction and course. Thereupon, Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora, seeing that our fleet was ready, and that it would be a fine thing to effect some stroke with the Dutch, as well as for other ends which will be told later, resolved to send two galleons, to act as escort to the Macan galliots. The Portuguese gave twenty thousand pesos to help the soldiers. On October 13 the said galliots, five in number, left with the flagship "San Yldefonse," in which Don Juan de Alcarazo went as commander; in the other galleon, the "Pena de Francia," Don Pedro de Mendiola went as commander. Each galleon carried about six hundred persons. They were so well equipped that they could fight with any Dutch ships whatever. Father Ygnacio de Muxica of our Society, and a brother, were in the flagship, and a father of St. Francis in the other galleon. Both galleons suffered great troubles from whirlwinds, seas, and storms all the way to Macan. One day our flagship snapped the topmast of its mainmast and it fell down. Another day the mast sprang, and knocked the rudder out of place, and it had to be repaired. Another day they were all but wrecked on the reefs of La Plata. On another occasion they lost their rudder completely, and they had to steer the ship with the sheets of the mizzenmast; on another, they lost their anchors while quite near Macan. They grounded in two and one-half brazas of water, and had not the bottom been sandy they would have been smashed into a thousand pieces. They cut down the mainmast and lightened the ship, and got it out of the sand after the greatest of toil, for it was almost buried. The other galleon had its troubles too, but it was fortunate in making port at Sanchuan on the Chinese coast, where our father St. Francis Javier died, about thirty leguas from Macan. The galliots entered the latter place safely, for the Dutch ships were no longer in the strait, as I shall recount later in order not to interrupt at present the thread of our history of our galleons and their adventures. The latter were very ill received by the Portuguese because of the twenty thousand pesos which they cost, and because it was seen that the Dutch had deserted the strait. They judged the matter by the effect and not by what might have happened had the enemy captured their galliots with so great a sum of silver. Our galleons stayed more than three months at that place refitting, stepping a mast and replacing the rudder, and getting food in Macan. They bought a patache, of which they had great need. On the eighteenth of February the two galleons and patache sailed out to pursue their voyage. The latter was sent by the commander, Don Juan Alcarazo, to take its station in the bay of the kingdom of Tonquin and Cochinchina, in order to await a ship from Siam of which it should make a prize; and then to go with it in search of the two galleons. The fact is that they had an order from Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora to capture all the Siamese vessels for reprisal, inasmuch as five years ago a ship was taken from us in that kingdom, although it was friendly to us. The ship was said to be valued at one million in merchandise, and was on its way from Macan to Manila. Several Spaniards were killed. An embassy having been sent under Father Pedro de Morejon, as I wrote in another relation, the Siamese returned to us only the value of ten thousand pesos.

That patache, whose captain was Diego Lopez Lobo, a Portuguese, and which carried thirty Spaniards, waited two months in the said place, sailing about hither and thither. When the king of Cochinchina saw it, fearing lest it capture some vessels that he was expecting in his kingdom, he sent a father of the Society (one of those who reside in his court and other places, who I think are sixteen in number) in a small ship to tell the captain not to do any harm to anything belonging to his kingdom, and that he had always been a friend to us. Answer was returned that the presence of the ship in that region was not to do harm to Cochinchina, but to attain certain purposes which his captain-general had ordered him. Finally, on Thursday, the twentieth of April, a great freight ship was sighted, one of the sort that sail these seas. The Spaniards attacked it, and although its occupants tried to defend themselves, they were obliged to see that they had no defense against our artillery and musketry. They surrendered, and it was found to be the ship which was being sought. It was one which the king of Siam sends every year to Canton with some tribute for the king of China. It was returning with great wealth of silks and other things, and carried sixty Siamese and sixty Chinese. Half of the men were placed aboard our patache, and soldiers were transferred from the patache to the said Siamese ship. The strict vigilance necessary was maintained, as our men were so few, so that they should not be killed some night. The patache set out in search of the galleons, in the direction that had been set. But the winds were contrary in that direction, and they were unable to make any distance. Consequently, they had to sail with a stern wind to Manila. With their captured reprisal they reached this city on May 14. The cargo of the Siamese ship was unladed carefully, and it was found that it was worth about one hundred thousand pesos. It was placed on deposit in a building and excellent treatment is being given to the Siamese. But I think that they will be sent to their king, so that he may return us what he took from us, in which case we shall return what we captured from him. If that is not done, then we shall continue to capture their ships.

When the two galleons left Manila, the governor offered to send a patache after them to a certain place, and did so a little later; it was under command of Don Fernando Becerra, with about sixty men. They had bad weather. They looked for our galleons, and although they found traces of their having been in certain parts, they did not find the vessels. They only found a fine ship which was well equipped with artillery, and, thinking it to be one of our galleons, drew near it. But when quite near they saw that it was a Dutch ship, and consequently began to retire in all haste. The ship followed our patache, but as the latter was as swift as a bird it made so much headway in a short time that the ship abandoned the chase in despair. Our patache continued to retire toward Manila, where it arrived June 6, having lost fifteen men, who died of sickness, among them a Franciscan religious who was aboard. Consequently, our galleons were left without any patache, for one patache came in with the Siamese ship and the other did not find them. That was a matter of considerable damage; for, as the galleons were so large, they drew much water, and could not well go close to the shore in order to secure the desired results—as we shall see during the course of their voyage, which was as follows.

As soon as they left the patache in the said passage for the purpose of capturing the Siamese ship, they ran along the whole coast of Asia until they reached the island of Hainam, where the fishery of Great China is located, a place most plentifully supplied with food. They went to the kingdom of Champa, and anchored at Pulo Condor, where they sent out their lanchas with forty Spaniards, and about twenty Indians and negroes, to see whether they could get the water which was very necessary to them. In the meantime the galleons kept moving about on one tack or another; but they were overtaken by so violent a storm that they had to go to another island called Pulo Ubi, leaving the lanchas with their men ashore, and as yet nothing has been heard of the latter. But it is thought that they are in Camboja, for that king is friendly to us, and will have welcomed them, as they were only eight leguas from the bar of Camboja. [43] Thus the galleons were left without pataches or lanchas. They went to Pulo to land at the kingdom of Pan, where they anchored and got water; and they took food from the inhabitants of the country until the latter arose against and wounded some of our men. But our men killed some of them, among them a nephew of the king of Pan himself. The Spaniards took away two boats from them, from which they made boats such as we use. While at that place, a ship manned by Chinese and Malays was captured. They were coming with flags and passports from the Dutch, with whom they were trading. They were captured on that account, although they had nothing of any value, for they had left their merchandise in the kingdom of Pan. It was heard that there were Dutch ships in the strait of Malaca, which were committing depredations. The Spaniards sent a lancha manned by soldiers and an adjutant, to reconnoiter; but after spying carefully until they were quite near Malaca, no Dutch were discovered, and they returned to the galleons with that news. While they were there, the king of Pan wrote in very complimentary manner to our commander, and, not saying that he knew of the death of his nephew, offered our men everything that they needed, so great fear had seized him. A lancha was sent to the kingdom of Patani to see whether there was a Dutch factory there, as was usual. Two Javanese were brought back, who said that two years ago, when that kingdom was in power, they had driven the Dutch from that place. They had a great quantity of pepper (which is the product yielded by that kingdom), for there was no one to whom to sell it, as they had sold it to the Dutch before. The commander wrote to them to have their men take a load of it to Manila, and that it would be bought from them; and also that he would give them indemnity for a slight injury which some of his men had done them, not knowing that they were friends, by taking a small quantity of rice from them, which the fleet and those who brought it needed. The men fled, without giving any account of themselves.

The galleons went to the coasts of Ligor and Siam, and discovered three somas, freight ships of these seas. The lanchas attacked them; and, while fighting with them, fire was set to two jars of powder that the Spaniards had there. Twelve persons were burned, seven of whom died. Thereupon they retired, and the somas escaped. Afterward three other somas were discovered, which were coming from Siam. The lanchas were sent after them and defeated them, and brought them to the galleons. They were carrying as merchandise, rice, considerable pepper, and some cloth. The last named was much needed by the infantry, who already had rib shirts on account of the long voyage. The galleons entered the bay of Siam, and found three somas on the bar. One was Japanese, and carried drugs and merchandise. It was captured in good faith, but the justification of this act is being discussed. It is thought that the Japanese will be remunerated for the injury received, as they ought not to have been harmed.

Another of the somas belonged to the Siamese king, and was being laden to go to China for the purpose of trading lead, ivory, silver, leather, etc. As they were unable to get it outside of the bar, for it was very large and needed the high tide, they set fire to it and took the Siamese to the galleons. That would have been a prize or reprisal of importance had it been captured, and not burned. Then another Siamese soma laden with pepper and tin was captured, and a reprisal was made of it. The galleons returned, reconnoitering all those ports, to see whether there were any Dutch in them. Although they did not find any, they left those kingdoms in terror, for although our galleons were very large, report made them much greater. Rumor said that each one contained more than one thousand men, and pieces of vast size, which fear magnified greatly. Finally, the two galleons returned to port on the thirteenth of June after an eight months' voyage, with the death of more than forty men. The galleon "Pena de Francia" had many sick men, but only one man had died in the flagship; and he had died in port, as he was sick when he had embarked. The chief cause was the great care taken of the sick. That was attended to chiefly by the father and brother of our Society who were in the said flagship. Thus they all arrived safe and sound and happy, and all this city was joyful over their return. [44]

I said above that when our galleons arrived at Macan with the galliots they did not find the Dutch ships, and I said that I would tell why; and I shall do so now, before passing on. While the Chinese of Macan were awaiting the ships from Yndia, and thinking of making the usual voyage to Japon with four ships which they had already prepared, two ships and a patache and a galliot of the Dutch came in sight of the city, on July 21. The larger ship and the galliot stationed themselves in an entrance where the galliots from India enter and those for Japon leave. The other smaller ship and the patache took the other entrance, where the vessels that sail from Manila and other places enter. The design of the Dutch was to capture the vessels en route from Yndia, Filipinas, and other kingdoms; and to prevent the voyage to Japon, which forms the chief gain of the city of Macan. The people, seeing their affliction—and that a galliot en route from Yndia had escaped the enemy as by a miracle, and entered the city safely; and that they had scarcely been able to despatch to Japon one of the ships which they had prepared, at great risk of the Dutch capturing it, which the latter made all possible efforts to do—set about preparing a small fleet of merchant vessels to see whether they could lure away some vessel of the enemy, and attack and capture it. Five ships and six chos were prepared, the latter weak vessels which sail the Chinese seas. Artillery was mounted in them which could not have been very large, for the ships were not very large or strong. Commanders were appointed for all of them. A father of our Society embarked in each one for the expedition. In short, everything was prepared with the efficient care and solicitude of the chief captain of Macan, Don Felipe Lobo, who was governing that city. It only remained to assign the chief commander of all, over which there was great strife, for all wished to command and no one to obey. Consequently, one thing was resolved upon, which except among the Portuguese of Yndia, where there is so little practice in war or military knowledge, could not pass, and will cause laughter to whoever reads it—namely, that each one of the commanders of the ships should have command for his day, and should be superior of the others. They were to begin by lot, and he who should get the first lot was to have command the first day, and he the second who should get the second lot, and so one with the others, until the five days were finished. Then they were to take command again in the same way. They left port and found that the flagship of the Dutch was alone; for the galliot which accompanied it had gone to Japon, and the other ship with the patache had gone to their fort on the island of Hermosa. The Portuguese attacked the ship with great energy and valor, although with little plan, and defeated it. The Dutch captain-general, who was a circumspect man, by name Nicholas Cadem, sailed out to seek a hot engagement, and was killed. Thereupon the Dutch boldly set fire to the powder-barrels and blew up a great part of the ship, many of the Dutch jumping into the water. They were picked up by the Portuguese and taken into their ships. Twelve men of the Portuguese were killed and twenty-seven of the Dutch, while some thirty odd were captured. The half-burnt ship of the enemy was taken to Macan. They captured fourteen pieces of artillery in it and more than one thousand balls and other weapons. It was a pity that that ship was burned, for it was very fine and was well built. It was covered and lined with leather and sheets of lead. However, it is said that it will be of use if repaired. That victory happened on August 25, 1627. Consequently, when our galleons arrived with the galliots, the sea was already cleared of the enemy.