How the Indians are treated by the curates and ministers. The Indians, Sire, of this archbishopric are generally treated with mildness, love, and zeal for their salvation, by the priests and ministers who instruct them. Whenever the contrary is heard from anyone, he is corrected, admonished, and punished—by myself if he is a secular. If he is a religious, his superior does it, when he deems it best; for I (even though the case be one of the ministry and care of souls) alone have power to warn and ask his superior to remedy it. In regard to that, it would be greatly advisable that the bishops of the Philipinas have more power over the ministers of souls in their charge, and that the latter be obliged to give account. But, however this may be, it is not a matter from which results any considerable annoyance or harm to the Indians, except that of the bad example which they might derive from it, if they saw their priest and teacher do the contrary of what he teaches them and censures them for by word of mouth. The most powerful cause, then, that destroys and consumes the Indians of Philipinas is the same one that has destroyed and consumed the Spaniards. All have been ruined by the continual and large fleets with which the Dutch enemy persecute us, and because our forces are so few to oppose them, as I have represented in other letters that I am writing to your Majesty. It is impossible to prevent us all from suffering, and even perishing very speedily, if your Majesty's most powerful hand does not help and defend us. Consequently, Sire, I consider as inexcusable the vexations that have come and are coming upon the Indians in the building of ships and the making of other preparations to defend us; for these would be very much less if the Indians were paid for their work as your Majesty orders, if they were placed in charge of disinterested persons, and if compassion were shown them.

Preachers for the Indian natives. There are as many preachers for the Indians as there are priests who minister to them; for although the chief and most important instruction which can be preached to them is to make the Indians understand the ministers of our holy religion, and for the minister that he know the language thoroughly, there is no difficulty in preaching to them, if one does it (and thus it is advisable) simply and plainly.

Preachers for Spaniards. There is not any lack of preachers for the Spaniards either, for generally each of the convents of St Augustine, St. Francis, St. Dominic, the Society of Jesus, and the Augustinian Recollects of this city have two preachers, who are erudite fathers and of exemplary life. Besides, there are certain others, who by reason of living in the convents and surrounding missions attend to the preaching of several sermons during the year. These with holy zeal reprehend vices with thorough modesty and prudence, and tell us what is suitable for our salvation. But your Majesty is assured that the chief preacher and teaching for the inhabitants of Manila, and the best method of banishing public sins from it, is the good example and life of the governors. With that, and with the affability and love that they would exercise toward the virtuous, and with the displeasure and asperity with which they would treat the vicious, there would result, at least in the exterior court, the good or evil conduct of the inhabitants of this community. Inasmuch as the community is small, and all its inhabitants need the governor and are watching him, they will try to imitate him.

In regard to sending a relation of the persons worthy and capable of being appointed prelates. Your Majesty ordered me in the said royal decree to send a separate and very secret relation of those persons most worthy and capable in this archbishopric of being appointed to prelacies—recounting their virtue, morals, and example, character, prudence, age, and modesty; and of the intellect, learning, degrees, and governing ability of such persons, besides other circumstances. Obeying the commands of your Majesty, I report all that in a separate letter, and I shall continue to do so in the form and manner in which your Majesty may advise me.

Whether there are vacant prebends or benefices. At present, Sire, there is no vacant prebend in the cathedral of this city, although some are being filled by appointments by the governor until your Majesty shall confirm them or shall appoint to these posts persons who are pleasing to you. In regard to that, I refer to what I am writing to your Majesty in a separate letter. The benefices are appointed by competition as soon as they become vacant, in the manner prescribed by the holy council of Trent, in accordance with the royal patronage and last royal decree of your Majesty that treats of this matter. Consequently, throughout this diocese there is no vacant prebend or benefice. As soon as any become vacant, I shall take care to provide for them as speedily as possible, as your Majesty so piously orders me.

Regarding the number of curacies and missions, and of the persons who administer them. In regard to the relation and report that your Majesty orders me to make of the curacies and missions of this diocese (both of Spaniards and of Indians); of the persons who serve them, and the manner of their presentation, whether of seculars or of friars, and of what orders; the age of each, and his length of service in those curacies and missions; and whether he serves with the good-will, humility, unworldliness, and good example to which he is bound; as well as of other things contained in the section that treats of this. I refer to what I have said in my letter, without going into particulars regarding the names and ages of the ministers; for that appears to be less necessary, since the benefices at present held by seculars in these islands are so limited in stipends and obventions that nearly all of them are compelled to beg for these, in order not to desert their benefices. In the missions in charge of the religious, the same persons do not live continuously, for their provincials remove and change them from one to another, according as they deem most advisable.

That this relation shall be continued on all occasions. I shall have the care that your Majesty orders, in sending duplicates of this relation until I am advised that your Majesty has received it, and I shall add to it whatever occurs later. When I learn that your Majesty has received it, I shall observe the order given me, to refer to what I shall have written in what may not be new matter, increased and corrected by the past relations as far as may be advisable. I shall continue to do that without awaiting any new order for it from your Majesty, whose very Catholic person may our Lord preserve for the increase of new kingdoms and the prosperity of those which you possess, as is necessary to Christendom, and as we your Majesty's humble chaplains desire. Manila, August, 1621.

This, Sire, is the relation of that I wrote to your Majesty in the past year of 1621. I found nothing to correct except the section treating of the number of the convents in charge of the Order of St. Dominic, which is amended in its place in the margin. Manila, July last, 1622.

Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano, archbishop of Manila.



Royal Decrees Regarding the Religious



Ordering the Dominicans Not To Meddle in Government Affairs

The King. Venerable and devout father provincial of the Order of St. Dominic of the Philipinas Islands: I have been informed that the religious of your order are living with great lack of restraint, and are meddling in the government of those islands, from which have resulted and are resulting very great difficulties. Moreover, the honor and procedure of those who have been men of those islands have suffered; for, both in the pulpit and in other ways, the religious are trying to sully the reputation of those persons when they are not acceptable to them. Now inasmuch as that is unworthy of any person whatever, and more so of religious who have to furnish an example to all by their retirement from the world and their method of procedure; and inasmuch as it is very advisable to reform that efficaciously: therefore after examination of the matter by my Council of the Indias, it has been deemed best to charge and order you, as I do, to summon immediately all the religious of your order. By the best method that you shall deem advisable you shall censure them for their irregularities, and represent these to them; and warn them to engage only in their devotions and the conversion of souls according to their obligations—which is the main purpose for which they went there—and that they shall not meddle in government matters, or in any other matter that does not concern their order. You shall advise me of what you shall do in this matter. Given at Madrid, December thirty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. [49]

I The King

By order of the king, our sovereign: Juan Ruiz de Contreras Signed by the Council.

[Endorsed: "To the provincial of the Order of St. Dominic of the Philipinias Islands, ordering him to summon the religious of his order, and censure them for their irregularities, warning them to engage only in their devotions and conversion of souls, without meddling in government matters or in any other matter that does not concern their order."]



Ordering the Archbishop of Manila To Examine Religious

The King. Very reverend father in Christ, the archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands, and member of my Council: The king, my sovereign and father—may he rest in peace—by his decree dated November fourteen of the past year, six hundred and three, charged the archbishop then governing that church [i.e., Benavides], that in accordance with the rules and ordinances he should not permit or allow any religious in the missions in charge of the orders to enter upon or exercise the duties of a priest [cura] unless he had first been examined and approved by the said archbishop or by the person appointed for that purpose, so that such religious should have the necessary competency, and know the language of the Indians whom he should have to instruct—as is contained more minutely in the said cedula, which is of the following tenor.

"The King. Very reverend in Christ, the father archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of Manila of the Philippinas Islands and member of my Council: Although it has been stringently ordered that the ministers appointed to the missions of the Indians, both seculars and friars, must know the language of the Indians whom they are to instruct and teach; that they be possessed of the qualities required for the office of priest [cura] which they are to exercise; and that the teachers among the religious, in so far as they are priests [curas] be visited by the secular prelates: I have been informed that those orders have not been observed as is needful; that you prelates do not exercise the fitting care in examining the said religious teachers in order to be assured of their competency and thorough knowledge of the language of those whom they are going to instruct; and that in the visitations many of their omissions and irregular acts in the administration of the sacraments and in the exercise of their duties as priest are not remedied. That is a matter of considerable annoyance. And because the Indians suffer greatly, in the spiritual and temporal, from those appointed by their superiors, both in this and in the choice of persons less careful than they should be; and because it is advisable for the service of God our Lord, and for our service, and for the welfare of the Indians, that the ministers of instruction be such as are required for that ministry, and that they know the language of the Indians: therefore I charge you straitly, in accordance with the rules and ordinances, not to permit or allow any religious to enter upon or exercise the duties of the office of priest in the missions in charge of the religious in the district of that archbishopric, unless he first be examined and approved by you or the person whom you shall appoint therefor, in order to satisfy yourself that he has the necessary competency, and that he knows the language of the Indians whom he is to instruct. In the visitations that you shall make you shall remove those whom you shall find to be incompetent, or lacking in the ability and good morals that are requisite, and those who do not know sufficiently the language of the Indians whom they instruct; and you shall advise their superiors of it, so that they may appoint others who shall have the requisite qualifications, in which they are also to be examined. You shall advise me of whatever is done in the matter. Given in San Lorenzo, November fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three.

I The King

By order of the king, our sovereign: Juan de Ybarra."

And inasmuch as my intention and will is that the orders and commands on the said subject be obeyed and executed exactly, I request and charge you to examine the said decree, above inserted, and to observe and obey it in toto, exactly as is contained and declared therein. Such is my will, notwithstanding that, in the course of time and with the claims of the prelates, any other custom may have been tolerated or introduced. That shall not be allowed, under any consideration whatever. In order that the above order may have more complete effect, I am having the Audiencia there ordered, by another decree of the same date with this, to give you the necessary protection and aid for it. You shall advise me of all that is done in this matter. Given at Madrid, December thirty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two.

I The King

By order of the king, our sovereign: Juan Ruiz de Contreras Signed by the Council.

[Endorsed: "To the archbishop of Manila, that he observe the decree above inserted, so that the religious of the missions shall be examined in the language of the Indians."]

[Endorsed: "Id. To the bishop of Nueva Segovia in Philipinas." "Id. To the bishop of Nueva Caceres." "Id. To the bishop of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus."]



DOCUMENTS OF 1623-1624

Letter to Fajardo. Felipe IV; October 9, 1623. Royal permission for the Dominican college in Manila. Felipe IV; November 27, 1623. Expedition to the mines of the Igorrotes. Alonso Martin Quirante; June 5, 1624.



Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from the "Cedulario Indico" in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the second, from Algunos documentos relat. Univ. de Manila, p. 21, and Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangelica, iii, p. 565; the third, from a MS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: All these are made by James A. Robertson.



Letter from Felipe IV to Fajardo

The King. Don Alonso de Tenza, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia thereof: The letter which you wrote me on August 20, 1622, containing information regarding the state of those islands, has been received; and in my royal Council of the Indias the points that belong to their province have been considered, and you will be furnished with the resolutions adopted thereon.

You mention the revolt and retreat to the hills of certain natives of the provinces of Pintados, Nueva Segovia, and Cambales, and the reason which you think they had for it. I appreciate the care which you have exercised in that matter, since on other occasions when you have been directed to see that the Indians be treated as well as possible, you have endeavored to have my orders carried out, for in this way they will be preserved as we desire. Again I charge you that you inform the superiors of the convents, and religious who are busied in the conversion and teaching of the Indians, how important it is to treat them well.

Since you were unable to attend to the mines of the province of Pangasinan, in the mountains and the lands of the Ygolotes, on account of the press of business which you have had, you will now carry on their exploration, since you see that it is desirable to accomplish this enterprise. [50] As for the efforts that you have made to discover certain fruits of the land, and your assertion that a considerable quantity of nutmeg [51] has been discovered similar to that from the Malucas Islands, you will make the necessary investigations to ascertain this accurately. I also charge you to continue what you have begun, and to send a quantity of the said nutmeg to the officers of my royal exchequer in the City of Mexico in Nueva Espana, so that they may send it to these kingdoms; and there also shall the investigation be made, according to the orders sent in my decree.

As regards your remarks concerning the Licentiate Geronimo de Legaspi, auditor of that Audiencia, you will execute your orders in the matter, and I shall await the result. What you write in response to my decree, which was sent you on June 8, 1621, that you should investigate the mode of life of the wives of the auditors and other officials therein mentioned, is noted; and all this is placed in your charge and on your conscience. You are to correct the abuses which you find existing, no matter whom they concern, and shall read this section in the Audiencia, so that they may know my will.

I am advised of what you say, and have often represented, as to the necessity that the persons who are appointed to that Audiencia shall be well-known and approved. I am also advised as to what you say of the person of Don Geronimo de Silva, and the assistance which you have had from him. The embassy for Japan—with a gift, which shall not seem an acknowledgment—you say, could not be sent off last year, which is well. In the future, you will execute your orders in this matter.

All the other sections which your letter contains have been considered, and now nothing remains but to make suitable provisions regarding them. [Madrid, October 9, 1623.]

I The King

By order of the king, our lord: Juan Ruiz de Contreras



Royal Permission for the Dominican College in Manila

By license of the ordinary and the governor of the Filipinas Islands, and the consent of our royal Audiencia therein, the religious of the Order of St. Dominic in the city of Manila founded a college, where grammar, the arts, and theology, are taught. In it they established two religious for each subject, and they have twenty secular collegiates. From this has resulted and now is resulting a great advantage to the youth, to the preaching of the holy gospel, and to the instruction of the sons of the inhabitants. We order that now, and until we order otherwise, the said religious make use of the said license given them by the governor to found the college, and to study the said branches. This is and shall be understood to be without derogation or prejudice to any decrees concerning like foundations, in order that they may not be established and begun without our express permission, which must be observed throughout our Indias, without any exception. [Given in Madrid, November 27, 1623, by Felipe IV.]



The King. Inasmuch as Fray Matheo de la Villa, procurator-general of the Order of St. Dominic in the Philipinas Islands, has reported to me that a college was founded in certain houses that they held as theirs in that city, by the license of the ordinary and of Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca, my governor and captain-general of those islands, where grammar, the arts, and theology are taught; and that there are two religious of each department in it for that purpose, and twenty secular collegiates; and that from it has resulted, and is resulting, great advantage to the youth, the preaching of the holy gospel, and the instruction of the sons of the citizens: and petitioning me, in consideration of the above, and of the fact that the license which was conceded to them was on condition that they obtain my confirmation of it, if I should be pleased to give it; and the matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have considered it advisable to give the present. By it I order that for the present, and until I order otherwise, the said religious of the Order of St. Dominic enjoy the license that the said my governor gave them to found the said college and to teach in it the said branches; and such is my will. Given in Madrid, November twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three.

I The King

Countersigned by Juan Ruiz de Contreras, and signed by the members of the Council.



Expedition to the Mines of the Igorrotes

Relation of the discovery of the mines and of the pacification of the Ygolotes in the province of Pangasinan

Relation of the voyage and entrance that I, Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, made by order of the governor and captain-general, Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca, during this present year, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, to the province and mines of the Ygolotes; and the tests or assays made of the metals there by various miners; the nature of the country, and what I was able to learn of its inhabitants.

First, I left the city of Manila by order of the said governor and captain-general, to attain the said entrance, on December twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three, and went overland to the province of Pangasinan. I reached that province on January first, six hundred and twenty-four, and took over the offices of justice and war from Captain and Sargento-mayor Antonio Carreno de Valdes. As he notified me of the royal decree ordering his residencia to be taken, in fulfilment thereof I took it, and sent him to the said city on the fifth of the following February.

On the eleventh of the said month of January, the champan which was despatched at my departure from the said city, laden with the infantry, ammunition, and other war-stores necessary for the said entrance, reached the port and storehouses of Arrimguey.

From the said day, January first, until the eleventh of the following February, when I reached the said town and storehouses of Arriguey [sic] I collected and gathered provisions and everything else important for the success of the said expedition. Likewise, together with the preparation that I made of food in the said time, in the said month of February, I caused to be collected, in addition to the seventy Spanish soldiers and officers of my company, fourteen adventurers [extravagantes] or substitutes [sobresalientes], besides two sailors (one of them a miner), two Japanese miners, and one armorer; a clerk [tenedor] and notary; eleven of his Majesty's negro slaves, and nine Indians imprisoned for crimes; forty-seven Sangley carpenters, smiths, and sawyers; and one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight other Indians—eight hundred and ninety-three from the province of Ylocos, formed into twelve companies; and eight hundred and fifty-five from the province of Pangasinan, formed into ten other companies—who in all totaled one thousand nine hundred and three rations. Father Fray Raymundo Beger [52] of the Order of Preachers, and Licentiate Augustin Tabuyo Baldecanas, who was supplied by the bishop of Nueva Segovia, also went with us as our curas and vicars for the success of the said expedition.

On the fourteenth of the said month, I made a muster and enrolment of the said men. The next day rations were given to all of them for a fortnight, and I began to despatch them by troops in the manner and order following. On the sixteenth of the said month of February, I despatched Adjutant Andres Tamayo with twenty soldiers and two hundred Pangasinan Indians, a chosen and light troop, in order that being unencumbered or discommoded by their rations, arms, and tools they might open and clear the road, arranging camping-places along it during the assigned marches. They were given orders to stop in those quarters only over night, so that afterward and without joining them the second troop who were to follow could occupy the same. On the next day, the seventeenth, after having formed three divisions from the other men, with eighteen soldiers in charge of my sargento and of a corporal, I despatched five hundred and sixteen of the Indians of each province—all except their officers with their packs—with orders to follow the first divisions. They were to make the same marches, but were not to unite with the first troop, nor with the following one. This was in order to avoid the confusion and obstacles that might arise from both troops, since they were men of so little reason, both in camp and in marching; since they had to go by only one path, where because of its narrowness and poor condition they had to go in single file.

I despatched the third troop consisting of a like number of natives with seventeen Spanish soldiers, on the eighteenth of February, in charge of another corporal, ordering them to follow the other two preceding divisions, in the same order and marches.

The next day, February nineteen, having assigned eight soldiers under a half-pay alferez, and twenty-five Pangasinan Indians under their captain, as a guard to the said storehouses—and having despatched the master-of-camp of the province of Ylocos for more men, in order to exchange them after a month with those who had gone out before, who, I feared, were already beginning to desert in part—I started with the rest of the men that were left. I went to pass the night at the place called San Juan, two leguas along the road, where, at the foot of a cross set up there, I found a letter from the troop ahead, announcing that they had found the quarters burned to the ground, and that they did not know who had set the fire, but suspected it was the Ygolotes.

I left the above place on the twentieth, and went to pass the night with the said last division at the site of Duplas, located about four leguas along the road. I also found the camp and the country round about burning, the said Ygolotes having set it afire only a short time before.

Next day, Wednesday, the twenty-first of the said month, after the conclusion of sprinkling ashes on all the soldiers, I left the said place and went to pass the night at another place called San Francisco. On that day not more than one and one-half leguas could be made, because of the many rivers.

On Thursday, the twenty-second, at noon, after another one and one-half leguas made as above, my said division and I reached Buena Vista, where I found all three divisions had halted because the Ygolote Indians had occupied the road; and they were building forts at a narrow passage on it, with a stockade, where, when the said adjutant tried to pass ahead, they wounded him and some of the other Spaniards, and some Indians who accompanied him.

Next day, the twenty-third, I went out with thirty soldiers and about one hundred and fifty Indians to the said pass that the Ygolotes were defending; and although they resisted for some time, and killed some soldiers and natives, I gained the pass and destroyed the fort, so that the enemy could not remain in it longer or make any other sortie, as it was all unsheltered.

Saturday, the twenty-fourth, I left the said place of Buena Vista, and went with all my troops united to pass the night at Los Pinos, a march of three leguas. That distance was made with some difficulty as the roads in some parts are very closely grown with reed-grass; and in the bad passes are fallen trees which form the best defense that the Ygolotes can have, so that if we were perceived they could attack us in safety or could shelter themselves.

Sunday, the twenty-fifth, I went to pass the night, on account of the convenient supply of water, at Rio Frio [i.e., "Cold River"] with my said men, marching through the extremely hot sun for one and one-half leguas. Next day, Monday, February twenty-six, about one o'clock, I reached the new mines called Galan by their natives, located about three leguas from Rio Frio. As the Ygolotes had learned of our approach, or had seen us about to set fire to some houses—about two hundred which they had located in various places about the said mines and hill—they sought shelter without leaving anything except some small heaps of metal which they were digging in order to work.

Next day, the twenty-seventh, having reconnoitered the said place, and having seen that it was suitable and secure, and that within a stone's throw on the same elevation were the mines and veins of most importance that are yet known to exist among the said Ygolotes, according to the information given by men who already had experience of them before, I determined to establish a camp and fortify myself in them. That I did, locating in a place where in no direction could we fail to succor and overlook all the paths and ravines where any danger could be feared, or any difficulty of getting food and water close at hand and in the quantity desired. In the course of the said march, I saw and noted that from the time of my departure from the said village of Arringuey, we were always going from one peak to another, until we reached that of Los Pinos, from which other higher ones were discovered; while some small streams were passed on the way, not of great volume, but to some extent shut in with mountains and lands full of reed-grass.

Up on the said peak the mountains were almost everywhere destitute of forests; for except in the very damp ravines, reed-grass does not grow, or any tree except pines. For that reason, wherever one looks from the height, very many mountains are to be seen, so jagged, steep, and near together that it seems impossible for men or any other living thing to exist on them.

The climate of those mountains is cold rather than temperate, and less healthful than sickly. The winds that usually prevail are north and south, and the south winds generally bring rain, accompanied by extremely violent thunder-storms. Dense fogs always prevail, and generally make the country very damp.

Certain streamlets of water issue from the springs of those mountains, from which people drink; and these waters are so cold and thin that, if one does not eat sufficient, they do him much harm. For that reason it must be that birds do not breed there; for, since the first is lacking to them, those that can escape do not await their destruction. Only certain little birds like linnets are seen, and at times some crows, which must be foreign to them.

None of the most common useful and fruit trees, which abound in all the neighboring provinces, are found there; and less any of new or old Espana; nor any other that yields either known or wild fruits: so that the mountains are covered only with a great quantity of pines, whose roots do not penetrate the ground more than half a vara. The ground to that depth is black, but below that red and so hard [53] that the roots, not being able to penetrate it, are very easily torn up at any violent wind. All the said peaks are so cleared and despoiled of trees that they do not hinder one from noticing and seeing, for a great distance below the pines, whatever preparations are being made.

The houses in which those Ygolotes protect themselves from the inclemencies of the weather—which is intolerable, both because of the sun when it shines, and from the rains and cold—are very small, built of straw and short wood. They have no walls, for the roofs serve as everything, extending from above even to the ground. They sleep high up, on some boards or planks roughly put together. The doors of their houses, which are very small, are so low that one must get down on hands and knees in order to enter them.

Their settlements are established on the peaks of the mountains, and on the roughest of them, whence afar off they can see all the paths, so that no one can approach them without being seen by their sentinels, who always guard their posts day and night. If there is any danger, they can easily retire without being seen, leaving behind nothing more than their miserable huts; and, not fearing whether any go to seek them, they defend themselves as they may by hurling down huge rocks which they have suitably placed, sharp-pointed reeds, [54] and stones; and especially do they seek the sure and convenient site. In the rainy season they fear firearms but little, for they know that they are of less effect than none at all.

The usual dress and clothing of that people is a loose shock of disheveled hair that reaches below the ears, and certain bands about one jeme [55] wide made from the bark of trees. Having wound these about the waist, they twist them so that they cover the privy parts. They call these bahaques, and they are worn by all classes of people, men and women. Besides the said bahaque, the chiefs wear Ilocan blankets, which they have inherited from their ancestors; this garment is crossed from the shoulder to the waist, where they knot it. Thus do they go, without any other clothes or shoes. [56] The chiefs of those natives are not differentiated from the rest of the people in other things than in the possession of more bones of animals that they have killed in their feasts, more clothes, and greater age. There are more chiefs than in other nations, for there is one in every ten or twelve houses, who is head of his kinsfolk. They inherit from father to children, or by blood, and do not recognize one as greater than the other. Those chiefs generally insert gold in the teeth, which is so well fitted that it does not hinder their talking or eating at all.

The Ygolotes are in general a very active people, bold, well built, and feared by the other nations surrounding them. As they have discovered that, and that others, even when numerous, always run from them, the Ygolotes attack with but few men. Whenever they kill anyone, scarcely has he fallen before his head is cut off. On that account they make many feasts, and at night light many fires on many peaks. They make cups of the skulls, from which they drink in their feasts and revelries; and leave them as household effects to their heirs. If any of them are killed, and they can conceal it, they endeavor to do so; for they grieve greatly and consider it as a very great insult if the bodies of their dead are not carried away.

The arms used by them consist of a pointed lance one-third of a vara long, which they generally carry, well polished, and set in a handle of strong wood more than one braza long. They have others with which they usually fight, made from heavy green poles, larger than the above. At the head they insert a bamboo knot, with its point well sharpened into two edges. They cover themselves with their shields, which consist of certain short and very light boards, about four or five palmos long and two or more wide. They use many sharp-pointed stakes with which they sow the ground, particularly about their haunts, and wherever harm might come to them. [57]

The Ygolotes are an idolatrous race. They say that their god is the sky, whom they call Cabunian; and they offer and sacrifice to him, in their banquets and feasts, swine and carabaos, but under no consideration cows or bulls. The method of sacrifice practiced by them is [as follows]. Having tied all the animals not prohibited about the house of the sacrificer, after the ceremony an old man or old woman, having placed on the ground a painted cloth that resembles a surplice, and which they call salili, they continue to kill the animals, and make a great feast. They keep that up for two or three days until they have finished eating what they have, when their feast or magunito also finishes. He who keeps up such entertainment longest and kills most of the said animals is most respected.

Their sages or philosophers are the oldest men and women, whom they respect and obey in an extraordinary manner, and most when they are occupied in the said feasts; for they say that then and even ordinarily those persons are wont to talk with the devil, who keeps them blinded.

That race lacks all good natural reasoning power. They cannot read, nor do they know what day, month, or year, or the increase and decline of the moon, signify. They govern themselves by one star that rises in the west, which they call gaganayan, while they call the natives of their neighborhood by the same name. On seeing that star they attend to the planting of their waste and wretched fields in order to sow them with yams and camotes, which form their usual and natural food. They do not have to plow or dig, or perform any other cultivation than that of clearing the land where they are to plant.

When any one of those barbarians dies, they do not bury him for many days, for, as they say, they pass one month, during which period they amass quantities of food about the deceased, to whom they give his share as well as the others. Then they continue to prick the body, and, as they say, they draw off or suck out the humors until the body is left dry. When that time comes they wrap it in their blankets, and fasten buyos and other things about the waist for the journey. Some are buried in a sitting posture and placed with their backs against their shields, in caves under the rocks, the mouths of which are stopped with stones. Others they set in the trees, and they carry food for so many days after having left them in either one of those places.

It is not very easy to ascertain the number of those people, who are scattered, for they are so intractable, and do not let themselves be seen, moving from one place to another on slight pretext, without any hindrance; for their houses, to provide which would be the chief cause of anxiety, they easily build anywhere, with a bundle of hay, while they move their fields of yams or camotes (on which they live well) from one place to another without much effort, pulling them up by the roots—for, because of the dampness of the country, these take root wherever they are placed. In the same manner, they carry their ornaments or bones; [58] and since their arms and clothes are but little or nothing, they are not embarrassed, because they always carry these with them. Yet it is known that, if those called Ygolotes reach one thousand men, that is a great number. They can scarcely gather in one body or live on friendly terms with one another. For those of Banaco and those of Atindao, villages of the same mountains, have little or no communication with them, as neither do those of Aytuy and Panaquy, villages on the other side of the said mountain-range—to whom it is said that they pay tribute or a sort of recognition; but both are hostile to those of Alrade, Vigan, and Oyrraya, so that, all those Ygolotes being so separated, cautious, malicious and treacherous, no message or despatch can at all be sent them. For if it be done with few Indians, they secure and kill them; and if there are many, they fight them, and will not listen to or believe them. If Spaniards go with an interpreter to talk to them, as I have sometimes attempted to do, they anticipate them on seeing them and no one remains in his house, but they flee from the Spaniards. Then, if perchance they hear some arguments that are shouted out to them, they laugh, and answer that we are deceiving them, and that they will not trust us; that they know us for people of bad faith; and that we must lay aside our firearms if we wish them to approach. And if we did that, they would employ their usual treachery and evil methods, as they generally do.

In the rainy season, that wretched race, most of whom are miners, unite with their wives and children to wash the sand of the streamlets that flow from the mountains, where with less work than in their mines, by avoiding the digging and crushing of the metal, they get some gold, although very little. [59] With what all of them get in one way or another, they go down peacefully to the villages nearest to them, to trade for certain animals or cattle. They do not trade the gold by weight, but by sight. Those cattle are the ones that they eat, with the solemnity above described, in a general assembly; for they do not breed any kind of cattle or any other living thing for their feast or sustenance, except certain small and very wretched dogs which we have often had a chance to see.

It is not easy for us or even for them to ascertain the strata, veins, or ores whence that product is yielded, since it is well known that it does not originate or form in the sand, which does not contain nurseries for it, since so many streamlets descend from so many ravines and slopes. For it is not yet known that, moving about ordinarily and having signs of that product, without ascertaining or knowing any other in all the country, the natives have discovered more than five elevations or hills within a distance of five or six leguas, which they have worked during the dry season, in order to support themselves so wretchedly as is known. Besides, those Ygolotes are indebted to the natives of the villages who are our friends, and are unable to pay those who give them credit; the wealth and wit of both peoples being so small and restricted that, although those people have no other kind of expenses, or other thing to attend to, than the product of their mines, they are very generally in debt—a sure proof of the mistake made in believing that the gain is much, or the said mines of much importance, as has been and is demonstrated by experience.

On one of the five elevations which I have said that the Ygolotes worked, namely, the said new one called Galan (it being the chief one, as I have said), I camped, and built the fort of Santiago, under whose advocacy [i.e., of Santiago or St. James] they say it was before. Retaining with myself about two hundred natives from both provinces [i.e., Pampanga and Ilocos], with the Sangleys and prisoners whom I took with me, I sent back all the others with thirty soldiers on the twenty-eighth of the month of February, to get more provisions, ammunition, and other necessary things, at the village and storehouses of Arrimguey, although afterward some Ylocos Indians deserted in the one month and six days while I occupied that place, the natives having returned by a third path. In all three months, their provisions amounted to two thousand and eighty-seven baskets of rice, each of fifteen gantas; and for the rations of all the men from January sixteen (when food began to be issued at my account) until March twenty-four following, were consumed two thousand and ninety-four baskets. These rations were given to all the said natives, and to seven hundred and sixty others besides, who were brought from Ylocos by the said master-of-camp in order to exchange with the first, as has been said. On the said day, March twenty-four, I mustered all the men, and paid and despatched them, except about one hundred and twenty from both provinces, thirty-one Sangleys, and about five adventurers [estravagantes] and substitutes who remained with me to aid and accompany us.

Having despatched the said men, I ordered the lieutenant of the province of Pagasinam not to advise me of anything unless it were a matter of great importance until the fifteenth of May, when he should send me four hundred other natives [from Pangasinan] and one hundred from the said province of Ylocos, all laden with beans and other things necessary for the sustenance of the men of the said presidio. That was done in order that I might more freely attend to the investigation of the mines of the said Ygolotes and what substance they contained. For that purpose I immediately ordered Martin de Vergara, my alferez, Rodrigo Lopez Orduna, Juan de Mugaburu, Graviel Molinero, and Diego de Tovar, soldiers of my company and all miners, and other persons who understood something [of mines] to investigate and reconnoiter the said new mines where the said Ygolotes were working. The mouths of those mines are in the northern part [of the ridge], about a stone's throw from the said fort, and the mine discovered extends from above downward in the manner of a horizontal vein or shell for the distance of a musket-shot from northwest to southeast, and then twists about for another equal distance to the direction that looks toward the northwest and west, until it disappears into the depths of a ravine or watercourse where there is but little sun. That is not the case with the one that extends northwest and southeast, for it is flooded with sunlight most of the day. When I reached that place the Ygolotes were working the said mines through many mouths or passages that they had opened, following the metal of one large vein, from which they were taking out the ore that was softest and easiest to dig, although it contained blue iron pyrites that contain antimony.

Having investigated and examined the above-mentioned, I judged it best to open a trial place or mouth high up, and in the middle of all the mine works that the said Ygolotes were carrying on, in order to get all the body of the metal from the top which is more than one braza wide, and from the crust of the earth. On the fifth of March following, we began to open it, and, following the opening for ten estados, we encountered the said mines that the Ygolotes were working, by which our field of work was enlarged much more on the level, at the sides, and vertically; and we continued to get metal for assaying.

The second hill or mine is that called Arisey and Bugayona, which is but little more than three leguas from the new one above. It issues from the same ridge or elevation, where the old fort Del Rosario [i.e., "of the rosary"] was established, which was destroyed by fire in November of the past year one thousand six hundred and twenty-three. It is on the slope facing west, and the sun floods it from nine until four. It has a descent of one-half legua that is very troublesome as it is very steep, with two divisions and ravines at the side, and precipices along both slopes and also in front; for it is very steep, with a hollow in the middle, in which a spring of water is enclosed, that rises near the place where the said fort stood. [There is] a slope which is at the foot of the work where the natives washed [gold], and gathered certain small stones known to them, which they crushed for their profit; for in no other way is there any known or constant source from which to obtain the metal—but only loose dirt with certain ores, and those of the said red metal, which traverse the soil—without digging down to the bottom. Nor can this dirt be worked without danger of caving in, as was the case in all the veins and works that were on that elevation. Nothing more of these remained than only the indications of having been opened and worked from the vertical within the elevation; for they do not follow the level and center as that has been found to be of no benefit. From that one is led to believe that the mines were abandoned long ago. Yet from the mouths of those sunken mines, inasmuch as no other place was found whence one might get ore, about fifteen small baskets of ore were obtained by the said miners, Alferez Martin de Bergara, Rodrigo Lopez Orduna, Juan de Mugaburu, and Diego de Tovar, from that which appeared best for assaying and examining its nature or the benefit that could be derived from it.

The third elevation and mine is that called Baranaban, which is about one legua from the said fort and mine of Arisey, on a barren hill that faces south, which is flooded by the sun all day long. Through it runs a vein about one vara wide, extending east and west for some distance. There are some works and openings there, narrow, and distinct one from the other. Thence were taken fifteen baskets of gravel and dirt, which has the color of coal, in order to assay it. One can get a quantity of it from the said vein, although with little security from the earth caving in unless the works be propped up; for all of them are of shifting dirt, which is easily undermined, for which reason the said works have caved in, and bear the aspect rather of neglect than of having been worked.

The fourth hill or mine is that of Antamog, which is perhaps more than two leguas from the said old fort and mine of Arisey, and five and one-half from our fort of Santiago, which faces south from a large hill whose peak extends east and west, the said elevation having been undermined by one of its springs, and traversed by very narrow small threads of white and yellow metal; while all the elevation is traversed by and filled with passages, which are found intermixed, opened sidewise from the vertical and inward, and dipping downward scarcely at all, as the threads of the metal are not deep. In order that these may not cave in, they are propped up with stakes and boards; for otherwise, inasmuch as the dirt is so loose, they would not remain at all secure, as has happened to those unpropped, since we saw some that were blocked up and caved in. The said works are very narrow, and all were examined without finding metal, because of the high level, or sides, or any kind of vein, except at the entrance of the openings whence they were drawn.

From the said threads they obtained a kind of brass-colored and less dirty earth, in order to wash it in another large placer, that they had at one side of the said elevation, with a small stream that rises on top of the elevation, where they had a small settlement. They could, to all appearances, obtain but little profit, and with great difficulty, even with the community so near by. According to the signs, it was a long time since those workings and mines had been worked, and they were more neglected than the others; yet they produced the best (or the best-appearing) ore that could be found. Twenty baskets of it were obtained by the said miners to assay and investigate its nature, and determine what it might be.

The fifth and last elevation, hill, or mine is that called Conog, which is about one-half legua from the preceding and located in the same chain. It is flooded by the sun all day long, as is the other. The said elevation, turning, extends toward the north. In it are to be seen five or six openings or passages, that differ but little from those of Antamog. No considerable or fundamental vein was found, but only brass-colored earth that contained some small bits of blue metal containing iron pyrites, all of them very soft. In one passage that was lower was found on the level a small stream of clear water which empties through another opening lower down than it, both of those openings having been made for one excavation. To all appearances those mines were abandoned long ago; and although they were not being worked, and were seen to be so neglected, they contained the best-appearing metal that was seen. The said miners got about ten small baskets of it to assay.

The tools with which those Ygolotes worked, or work, their mines are certain stakes of heavy wood fashioned like pickaxes, with the knot of the said stake larger at the end of it, where, having pierced it, they fit into it a small narrow bit of iron about one palmo long. Then seated in the passages or works, as the veins prove, they pick out and remove the ore, which having been crushed by a stout rock in certain large receptacles fixed firmly in the ground, and with other smaller stones by hand, and having reduced the ore to powder, they carry it to the washing-places. For that purpose they have some small streamlets near at hand, with two or three hollows in their beds. There passing the said ore from one to the other until they clean away the mud from it, by means of the sunlight, which floods everything, they discover and collect some dust or grains of gold. Then they again crush the large grains of ore, and wash and rewash it, until, having passed through the said basins, what remains at last is entirely useless. To judge by the tools that have been seen and which the said Ygolotes have, as above said, the most usual and only working that they give their ores is the above, and nothing further. With their little ability for discovering these, if nature and poverty—which reduces them to subjection without any expense—did not compel them, they would vainly spend their time, in one way or another, in searching for something to eat, which they do not possess or produce.

All the hills and elevations, mines, passages, veins, and works above mentioned have been examined and entered by the said miners. They have obtained and assayed metals with the greatest care possible. Each assay is set down separately so that it will stand as a testimony and token of service, with the day, month, and year, just as they have been made, in the following manner.

Refinement [of metals]. 1. First, on Palm Saturday, on the night of the thirtieth of March, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, a refining fire was made by the said Alferez Martin de Vergara and the other miners. Upon it and seventeen libras of lead was fed the dust and sediment of one-half quintal of ore that was obtained from the hole which I have said was opened in the veins and new mines of Galan, at a depth of ten estados. A grain of the appearance of silver, and weighing as much as one real, was obtained.

Quicksilver. 2. On the said day, April six, of the said year, three quintals of ore from the same hole and veins were incorporated with three libras of quicksilver and compounded with salt. On the tenth of the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold was obtained that weighed one-half real. In the said assay ten onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 3. On the said day, April six, three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore from the said hole and vein, which was obtained at a depth of ten estados; and the mixture was compounded with salt. It was washed on the tenth of the said month, and a small grain of gold of the weight of one-half real was obtained. Eleven onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 4. On Sunday, April seven, two quintals of the same ore from the said hole and vein were incorporated with two libras of quicksilver, having roasted the ore while in the form of stone, before crushing it. On the eleventh it was washed, and a small grain of gold of the weight of one-half real was obtained. Six onzas of quicksilver were lost.

[5.] That day, the eleventh of the said month, in a second refinement, the dust and sediment that remained from a quintal of the same ore was put on the fire. On being fused with twenty-three libras of lead, nothing was obtained from the said assay.

Quicksilver. 6. Saturday, the thirteenth of the said month of April, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two and one-half arrobas of ore obtained from certain excavations found below the earth inside a little hut, near our fort and the said mine, which was burned by the Igolotes. On the eighteenth of the month it was washed, and a grain of gold weighing one real was obtained; and three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 7. Tuesday, the sixteenth, four libras of quicksilver were incorporated with four quintals of ore obtained at a depth of ten or eleven estados in the said mine and hole. Having made that assay in a stove, on the twenty-second of the said month of April they washed the said four quintals of ore, and obtained a grain of gold of the weight of one real. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 8. Wednesday, the seventeenth, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of the said ore, obtained at a depth of eleven estados. Having been treated in a reverberating furnace, on the twenty-second of the said month it was washed and a small grain of gold of barely the weight of half a real was obtained. Three and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 9. Thursday, April eighteen, they recrushed and washed the sweepings and residue of the first three quintals of ore which had been compounded with quicksilver. With the one quintal that resulted therefrom, they incorporated on the said day one libra of quicksilver. On the twenty-second it was washed, and for the second time a small grain of gold was obtained of the weight of one-quarter real. Two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 10. Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of the said month of April, four libras of quicksilver were incorporated with four quintals of ore, obtained from a passage or opening carefully concealed in the bed of the streamlet, almost at the end of the said vein, and at the end of the other openings in it on the northwest side, where it obtains but very little sun and considerable dampness. It is an ore that contains a quantity of antimony, and one can obtain much of it, to judge from the works that the Ygolotes had, and those that we were making, as it seemed an ore of fairly good appearance. Compounding the assay of the said four quintals with salt and magistral, [60] the compound was washed on the second of May following, and a grain of gold of one-half real weight obtained. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 11. On the twenty-ninth of April, three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore obtained from a washing-place made by the Ygolotes below the openings, and near the preceding place. The compound was washed on the fifth of May, and a grain of gold weighing one and one-half reals was obtained. Eight onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 12. On the third of the said month of May, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said hole and vein as the four preceding assays. Having been crushed and burned in the openings before being incorporated with the said quicksilver, it was washed on the sixth; a small grain of gold, weighing less than one-half real, was obtained from that assay, while three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 13. April twenty-nine, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the old mines, of which I have made mention, called Baranaban. On May sixteen it was washed, and a small grain of gold obtained of one-quarter real weight. Three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Arisus. Quicksilver. 14. Tuesday, April thirty, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with another quintal of ore obtained from the said old mines called Arisey and Bugayona. On May seven following it was washed, and a small grain of gold, weighing less than one-quarter real, obtained. Two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 15. The first of the said month of May, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said old mines and from those called Antamo. On the eighth of the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold about as large as the head of a pin, which could not be weighed, obtained. Six onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 16. The said day, May first, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said old mines—from the one called Conog. On the eighth of the said month it was washed, and another small grain of gold obtained, of the same size as the preceding. Four onzas of quicksilver were lost in the said assay.

Quicksilver. 17. May two, one-half libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two arrobas of ore obtained from the vein and works of the streamlet at the new mine mentioned above as being near our fort of Santiago. Compounding that assay and calcination with magistral, nothing was obtained. Three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 18. The said day, May two, another one-half libra of quicksilver was incorporated with another half libra, I mean one-half quintal, of ore obtained from the preceding opening and vein. It was washed on the sixth of the said month, as also was the preceding assay. Only a small grain of gold weighing one-fourth real was obtained from that [mass] which was only compounded with quicksilver. Two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 19. On the fifth of the same month of May three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore from the first hole and mouth opened near our fort, as above stated. On the twelfth of the said month it was washed, and a grain of gold weighing scarcely one real obtained. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 20. Saturday, May eleven, one-half libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two arrobas of ore obtained from an enclosure found at one-half legua's distance from our fort and the new mine, on the edge of a river. It was washed on the sixteenth of the said month, but nothing was found in it. One and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Quicksilver. 21. On the fourteenth of the said month one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from a passage which was discovered to have been worked by the Ygolotes in the same vein and new mine, in its western part of which mention has been made. The said vein extends to the southwest. The mixture was washed on the eighteenth of the said month, and a small grain of gold, weighing one-half real, was obtained. One-half onza of quicksilver was lost.

Quicksilver. 22. On Thursday, May nine, three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore obtained from the first hole and vein of the new mine, of which mention has been made. May nineteen it was washed, and a small grain of gold, of one-third real weight, obtained. Twelve onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Smelting. 23. Monday, the twentieth of the said month, another assay was made by fusing one quintal of litharge [61] and two of ore obtained from the said hole and vein preceding. From the said mixture, although they tried it several times, it was impossible to fuse or melt the said ore. On the contrary, there was a loss of the lead consumed with the said litharge, and the mixture continued to be consumed; so that having been exhausted and the oven having become clogged, it was necessary to stop without succeeding with the said assay. They attributed that to the said ore being unfit for smelting.

Quicksilver. 24. Thursday, May twenty, two libras of quicksilver were incorporated with one and one-half quintals of ore obtained from a depth of fourteen estados in the said vein and hole which was opened as above stated. On the twenty-fifth of the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold, weighing one-half real, was obtained. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

Smelting. 25. Sunday, May twenty-six, a second assay by smelting was made with three quintals of litharge and one of tesmiquitate, [62] refined; both were fluxed with three quintals of ore obtained from the second hole or passage above mentioned as being near the level of the streamlet in the said vein and new mine. That was a second and different compound and was made by smelting and with the said flux; but they were unable to fuse the ore, although many efforts were exerted. It was useless because of the poor quality that the miners ascribed to the said ore. Finding that there was considerable loss and waste of the lead, they had to desist.

Smelting. 26. Monday, May twenty-six, a third assay was made by refining or smelting, by feeding the dust that was left from one quintal of ore, obtained at a depth of fourteen or more estados from the first vein and hole which, I have said, was opened in the said new mine. Having consumed twenty-five libras of lead, upon which the metal melted, a grain resulted that resembles silver, and weighs one and one-half reals. [63]

The said tests or assays having been made and finished, the lay of the land, and its natives and mines, having been examined, and having obtained a quantity of ore from all the mines, I left the said presidio and fort of Santiago well fortified with a garrison of fifty-six Spaniards and fifty Indians—twenty-five from the province of Pangasinan and twenty-five from that of Ylocos—eleven galley negroes, and one armorer, with food and all other things necessary for more than fifteen months. Then, with the said last division of the said five hundred Indians, who, as I have made mention, were to be sent me by a lieutenant by the twenty-fourth of May, I set about my descent, carrying with me, by the end of the said month, one hundred quintals of the said ore; this I am sending to the city of Manila in four hundred small rice-baskets, each numbered with the mine whence it was taken, so that proof may be made there of the efforts mentioned above; since it is the self-same ore, the governor and captain-general, the royal Audiencia, and the royal officials can confirm it anew and make the tests again, so that, understanding the said mines fully, they may report to his Majesty, and resolve upon the measures that they deem fitting in regard to the holding of the said presidio in a land of so little or no profit as is that land.

Alonzo Martin Quirante



Act. In the camp of new mines and the fort of Santiago of the Ygolotes, on the twenty-ninth day of the month of March, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, chief magistrate of the province of Pangasinan and military commandant of that province and of that of Ylocos, in whose charge is the conquest or pacification of the Ygolote Indians, and the discovery, working, and opening of their mines, declared that inasmuch as he was ordered by Governor and Captain-general Don Alonso Fajardo de Tenca, he has come for the said purpose of the said conquest, pacification, and discovery of the said mines. And inasmuch as he had been informed by experienced men that the productive mines, to which the said natives are giving most attention at the present time, are the new ones among them called Galan, he has located and planted upon them the said camp and fort of Santiago, so that, having made a fort among them and placed in safety his men, food supply, and other military stores, he might make expeditions and explore the other mines of which he has or may have information that the said Ygolotes have profitably worked, or can work, throughout all this region. He declared that it should be ascertained what ore could be obtained from those mines, and the amount of metal that should result from them, and the loss of materials that should be allotted for their treatment. He ordered me, the present scribe, to make and prepare a blank book in which to set down as evidence, with the day, month, and year, the assays of the said ores obtained from such mines, and the materials used in their treatment; and that this act be placed at the head of such evidence, which should therefore be given, in the said manner, so that it might be seen for all time. Thus did he decree and order, and he affixed his signature. I, the said scribe of this said camp of mines and forces of Santiago, attest it.

Alonso Martin Quirante

Before me:

Alonso Callexas

Attestation. 1. I, Alonso Callexas, scribe of these new mines of Santiago of the Ygolotes, in fulfilment of the order given me by the said act above declared, having made this blank book, do hereby attest faithfully and truly, that today, Saturday, at ten o'clock at night, or thereabout, the thirtieth of this current month of March, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, the first assay was finished by Alferez Martin de Vergara, of the company of the said captain and sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, in the presence of Juan de Mugaburu, Rodrigo Lopez Orduna, Grabiel Molinero, and Diego de Tovar, all miners. The assay was for one-half quintal of ore which was obtained from a hole made in these new mines from the crust of the earth to the openings and veins whence the said Ygolote Indians evidently had been and were obtaining it, and when we had dug down about ten estados. The said assay was made by refining, by feeding [the dust of the ore] upon sixteen libras of lead. From it was obtained a grain that resembled silver, which, having been weighed by me, weighed a trifle more than one real. In order that that may be evident, I gave the present at the petition of the said captain and sargento-mayor, who, together with the said alferez, affixed his signature. Witnesses were Licentiate Augustin Tabuyo Baldicanas, cura and vicar in this said camp and fort, Adjutant Andres Tamayo, Alferez Don Joseph de Renteria, and many others who were present at this royal camp and fort of Santiago, where this is dated on the said Saturday, March thirty, one-thousand six hundred and twenty-four.

Alonso Martin Quirante

Martin de Vergara

Before me: Alonso Callejas, scribe.

[Twenty-five other attestations, one for every following assay after the first, all similar to the above, follow. The document continues:]

Attestation. 27. I, Alonso Callejas, scribe of these said new mines and fort of Santiago among the Ygolotes, attest and witness truly that the twenty-six assays contained in these six leaves and in this form, are of the mines and ores declared therein; and that from the said mines, in my presence, of which I give attestation, one hundred quintals of ore, besides that used in the said assays, were taken by order of Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, in order to send them to the city of Manila, by Alferez Martin de Vergara, Juanes de Mugaburu, Graviel Molinero, Rodrigo Lopez Orduna, and Diego de Tovar, all miners. Accordingly that ore, having been weighed by me, is being carried in four hundred small rice-baskets of an arroba apiece—so that, since they are from the same ores as those from which the said assays have been made, the governor and captain-general, Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca, and the royal officials may have the assays made again in the said city; and so that, with verification of the efforts that have been made in these mines, they may understand and see the truth concerning and the possibilities of the mines of the Ygolotes of which we have as yet had notice, and that have been worked or may be worked all about this said camp and for some leguas about it. And so that it may be evident, I gave the present at the petition of Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, who affixed his signature together with the above mentioned miners. Witnesses were Licentiate Agustin Tabuyo Baldecanas, Captain Joan de Salinas, and Adjutant Andres Tamayo, while in this camp of new mines and the fort of Santiago, where this is dated on the twenty-seventh day of the month of May, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four.

Alonso Martin Quirante Martin de Vergara Juanes de Mugaburu Rodrigo Lopez Orduna Diego de Tovar Graviel Molinero

Before me:

Alonso Callejas, scribe.

By order of the captain and sargento-mayor, Alonso Martin Quirante, chief justice of this province of Pangasinan and military commandant of it and of the province of Ylocos, I, the present scribe, ordered to be drawn and drew this copy of the original attestations and investigations which were made for the said purpose. It is a true and faithful copy, and has been collated and revised with the said originals which were sent to the said governor and captain-general of these islands, Don Alonso Fajardo de Tenga. In the copy, for its greater validity, the said captain and sargento-mayor interposed his authority and judicial decree in due form, and so that it might be credited in and out of court. And he affixed his signature, witnesses being Alferez Alonso Tellez de Prado, Sargento Domingo Ruiz, and Captain Joan de Salinas, who were present in this village of Alingayen, where this is given on the fifth day of the month of June, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four.

Alonso Martin Quirante

I sealed it in testimony of truth:

Gaspar de Los Reyes, notary-public.

Quicksilver that was lost

No. 1. It is silver.

10. No. 2. It weighed scarce one maes, or nine diezmos, of the fineness of eighteen or nineteen carats, alloyed with silver. It is worth on this occasion four reals. [64]

11. No. 3. It weighs two and one-half diezmos. Ten diezmos make one maes of the same gold of the above standard. It is worth one and one-half reals.

6. No. 4. It weighs one and one-half diezmos of the same fineness as the first. It is worth twenty-four maravedis.

3. No. 6. It weighs one maes and one diezmo of gold of twenty carats fine. It is worth five and one-half reals.

12. No. 7. The gold weighs one maes two diezmos of eighteen or nineteen carats fine. It is worth five and one-half reals.

3. No. 8. The gold weighs five and one-half diezmos of eighteen carats fine. It is worth two reals and twenty-four maravedis.

2. No. 9.

32. No. 10. The gold weighs six and one-half diezmos of sixteen carats fine. It is worth three reals.

8. No. 11. The gold weighs two maes four diezmos of twenty-two carats fine. It is worth thirteen reals twenty-four maravedis.

3. No. 12. It weighs two diezmos of sixteen carats fine. It is worth one real.

3. No. 13. It weighs two large diezmos of eighteen carats fine. It is worth one real.

2 1/2. No. 14. It weighs one large diezmo of eighteen or nineteen carats fine. It is worth twenty-four maravedis.

6. No. 15. It weighs a scant one-half diezmo of eighteen carats fine. It is worth six maravedis.

4. No. 16. It weighs a scant one-half diezmo of eighteen carats fine. It is worth six maravedis.

3. No. 17.

2 1/2. No. 18. It weighs one diezmo of eighteen carats fine. It is worth one-half real.

2. No. 19. It weighs nine and one-half diezmos of sixteen carats fine. It is worth three reals twenty-four maravedis.

1. No. 21. It weighs four diezmos of eighteen or nineteen carats fine. It is worth two reals.

1/2. No. 22. It weighs three diezmos of fourteen carats fine. It is worth one real.

2. No. 24. It weighs six and one-half diezmos of metal [but of a] very base alloy; to judge by its points, there is no standard with which to compare it. All the rest is copper.

No. 26. It is silver. Pelayo Hernandez. All of it is worth 5 pesos 6 tomins.

In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth of July, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, while Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo of his Majesty's council and his auditor in the said royal Audiencia, who exercises the office of its president; and Don Geronimo de Silva, captain-general on sea and land and of the artillery of these islands; Licentiate Juan de Saavedra Balderramas, Licentiate Don Matthias Flores, and Licentiate Zapata de Galvez, auditors and fiscals of the said royal Audiencia; and the judicial officials of the royal revenues, Diego de Castro Lizon, factor and overseer, and Martin Ruiz de Salazar, accountant—were in the hall of the Audiencia; and while they were thus assembled: the said president declared that inasmuch as a quantity of ores had been brought from the mines of the Ygolotes, so that the tests might be made here, in order to ascertain whether they conformed to those made there, of which Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, chief magistrate and commandant of the province of Pangasinan, sent a relation and attestation, it was advisable to discuss it and determine whether it would be advisable to send the ore brought thence to Nueva Espana in the ships which are next to be sent thither. Inasmuch as there are many persons skilled in mines and assay of ore in that kingdom, they might perhaps be able to furnish the accurate tests there that had not been arrived at here. If they did not succeed in ascertaining its quality there, that would be a greater proof of the disillusion that is talked of here. He trusted that what might be done in this matter be most expedient for the service of the king our sovereign. The assembly having discussed and conferred upon the question put by the said president, all were unanimously and harmoniously of one accord and opinion. They declared and voted that for the present the expenses and costs that are being incurred in the working of the mines of the Ygolotes be curtailed; that the officials and workmen there be withdrawn and disbanded; that the one hundred chiculetes [sc. quintals] of ore and dirt which are in this city, together with the gold obtained, from the assays and tests which were made there, be sent in those vessels next to be despatched to Nueva Espana, to the royal officials of the City of Mexico; and that the matter be entrusted to the royal officials of this city—not only to attend to it, but to send a relation of all that has taken place and of the efforts expended in the working of those mines, and the results thereof. Thus they may there prove it, and attempt to make new efforts to know whether the greatest profit has been obtained from what was got here—for it is understood that there are persons there of greater experience in that art—so that advice of it may be given to the royal Council of the Indias, and may also be sent to the said royal officials of this city.

The president also declared that the infantry stationed in the city of Nueva Segovia are very needy and destitute, as it is many days since any aid has been sent to them from this city; and, as the greater part of that province has revolted, his Majesty does not possess in it any royal revenues with which to be able to sustain the soldiers. [Accordingly, it should be considered] whether it would be advisable that the infantry established in the presidio at the mines be assigned to the province of Nueva Segovia, so that, with greater forces, our purpose to subdue the natives who have revolted there might be attained, since the said mines are in the middle of the path. He also declared that, above all, the said men present at the meeting should give their opinion, so that whatever might be voted be carried out as might be most advisable for his Majesty's service. The said men in the assembly having discussed and conferred concerning the proposition of the said president, all were unanimously and uniformly of one mind and opinion. They declared that four installments of pay be sent to the infantry established in the presido at the city of Nueva Segovia; and that the royal judges and officials send directions for the order that must be observed in relieving them. In what pertains to the infantry established in the presidio of the mines being taken to the city of Nueva Segovia, they declared that that be referred to the captain-general, so that he may take what measures are most expedient for his Majesty's service. They gave their opinion in writing, and affixed their signatures.

Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo Don Geronimo de Silva Licentiate Don Juan de Saavedra Balderrama Licentiate Don Mathias Delgado Flores Licentiate Marcos Zapota de Galvez Diego de Castro Lizon Martin Ruiz de Salazar

Before me: Pedro Alvarez

Collated with the original minute: Pedro Alvarez

Between lines are: "me;" "in;" "they find;" "that was brought from the old mines called;" "corrected;" "me;" "who;" "should be worth;" "erased;" "Ygolotes;" "in-[des];" "ten;" "it is not worth."

Revised with a copy of the originals that is in this royal accountancy, to which we refer. Manila, August eleven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four.

Diego de Castro Lison Joan Perez Descalona Martin Ruiz de Salazar



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, the pressmark of each being thus indicated:

1. Letter by Fajardo (July 21).—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1600 a 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7."

2. Letter by Serrano (1621).—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Manila vistos en el Consejo; anos 1579 a 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."

3. Affairs in Franciscan province.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1617 a 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38."

4. Letter by Silva.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oydores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1607 a 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

5. Letter by Fajardo (December 10).—The same as No. 1.

6. Letters by Messa y Lugo—The same as No. 4.

7. Letters by Serrano (1622).—The same as No. 2.

8. Decrees regarding religious.—"Audiencia de Filipinas; registro de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidos a las autoridades del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1."

9. Expedition to Igorrotes mines.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de Manila vistos en el Consejo; anos 1623 a 1641; est. 67, caj. 16, leg. 30."

The following is from a MS. in the collection "Papeles de los Jesuitas," in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid:

10. News from province of Filipinas.—"Tomo 87, no 48."

The following is taken from the "Cedulario Indico" of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

11. Letter by Felipe IV.—"Tomo 40, fol. 7, verso, no 15."

The following is found in the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library):

12. Death of Dona Catalina.—In vol. i, pp. 509-514.

The following document includes two, as thus indicated:

13. Royal permission for Dominican college.—From Algunos documentos relat. Univ. de Manila (Madrid, 1892), p. 21; and Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangelica, iii, p. 565.



NOTES

[1] According to the Diary of Richard Cocks, this prince was the father-in-law of Calsa Sama, the youngest son of the shogun Hidetada.

[2] Pedro de Avila joined the Franciscan missions in the Philippines in 1616, and immediately requested from his superiors permission to go to Japan. This was finally granted; he went there in 1619, but was imprisoned for preaching the faith, in 1620, and, after nearly two years of most painful and wretched imprisonment, was burned at the stake at Nangasaqui, on September 10, 1622, at the age of thirty years.

[3] The original MS. of this document is badly worn, in places; and the words enclosed in brackets, in the two following paragraphs, indicate the conjectures of the transcriber.

[4] These priests were Pedro de Zuniga, an Augustinian, and Luis Flores, a Dominican. In 1622, they, with the Japanese captain of the vessel, were burned to death by a slow fire, and the crew were beheaded. The Japanese shogun appropriated the cargo of the ship, leaving only the empty hull for the Dutch and English. (See Cocks's Diary, i, pp. xxxvi and xxxvii.)

[5] As a result of this alliance, the English and the Dutch East India Companies were united; "a combined fleet of English and Dutch ships, sailing under the modest name of the Fleet of Defence, was equipped for the purpose of endamaging the common enemy and diverting the trade of China from the Philippine Islands to the Dutch and English settlements; in other words, to blockade the Spanish and Portuguese ports and seize as many of the Chinese trading junks as possible. In the two expeditions to the Philippines undertaken by the fleet before the English and Dutch again separated, they captured many prizes." (See E.M. Thompson's preface to Cocks's Diary, i, pp. xxxi-xxxvi.)

[6] La Concepcion (v, pp. 106, 107), in reporting this incident says that the amour of the governor's wife was with a "distinguished subject of this community," that is, Manila, and that the latter was not killed but escaped across seas. Montero y Vidal (Historia, i, pp. 177, 179), who had evidently not seen the documents of the text, and partially following La Conception's error and improving on it, lays the time of Fajardo's vengeance in 1624, and says that the paramour was unknown and escaped by jumping from a window, later probably finding means to get to America. Montero y Vidal is usually more careful of his dates.

[7] i.e., for prayers or works for the benefit of the souls in purgatory.

[8] Serrano apparently overlooks the diocesan council convened in 1600 by Bishop Agurto at Cibu (see Vol. XIII, pp. 133-135). Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary says (p. 46): "Provincial councils, owing to the difficulties of the times, have been less frequent in recent times than formerly; but, by the Council of Trent, metropolitans are bound to convene them, every three years."

[9] The ecclesiastical judge to whom the bishop delegates his authority and jurisdiction for the determination of the suits and causes pertaining to his jurisdiction; and hence a synonym for vicar-general.

Rev. T.C. Middleton, in a recent communication, says that the term "provisor" was apparently used only by the Spanish and Spanish colonies. It is not to be found in Ferrario, Moroni, or Soglia, and has no legal equivalent in English. It generally appears linked with another term as "provisor y vicario capitular" or "provisor y vicario general." An archbishop or bishop usually had his "provisor" whose powers were apparently the same as a vicar-general's or a vicar-capitular's. The nomination, or creation, of a vicar-general is in the hands of an archbishop or bishop; whereas a vicar-capitular is chosen only when a see becomes vacant, the cathedral chapter naming the person, who is to rule (during the said vacancy) with title of "vicar-capitular." In the United States, since there are no cathedral chapters, there are in consequence no vicars-capitular, their place, etc., being taken by an administrator, who is chosen by the metropolitan, unless already named by the former occupant of the vacant see.