This trade between Manila and Japon has already been usual for many years, although in ships of small burden. It has been demonstrated by experience that if all the trade to Japon were theirs, all that country [i.e., the Philippines] could be very easily sustained without needing anything further from Nueva Spana and Spana than soldiers and the products of those countries. Consequently it would be sufficient for two small vessels to sail in that route of the South Sea. That would cost but little and that expense might even be met from the royal treasury of Manila.

But the greatest bulk of this trade is from the Portuguese of Macan, a town on the Chinese coast, which is about the same distance from Japon as Manila. All its inhabitants, in number about three hundred, support themselves by that trade; for, although they have other trade, it is of slight importance.

Therefore, it is advisable, in order to attain the said trade, that that town be abandoned, and that its inhabitants go to live in other cities of India. They can do that without much injury to their goods, since they carry them all by sea; and anywhere they have trade by way of the sea. In order to dismantle that town, it is sufficient for his Majesty to order that nothing be freighted thence to Japon, but only from Manila. Thereupon all the inhabitants would immediately pull up stakes [59] and leave that place.

Although such a thing appears harsh, and seems like falling out with one saint to placate another, still it will seem an easy and very advisable measure to those who have seen that town, or know it close at hand—and there are several such persons here in this court. And even if it were not evident that the good results above mentioned would follow from it, this step should be taken as a policy of good government, as such a course is advisable for the service of God. For his name is blasphemed by the people of that kingdom of China because of that town of Macao—such are the deeds of its inhabitants; for they live as a people without any master, and are not under the control of his Majesty, for the dwellers in that town are not his vassals, but those of the king of China. They pay tribute to him, and are subject to his mandarins, but not to others. Consequently his Majesty does not derive one maravedi's profit from it, while he incurs considerable expense; for he supports all its ecclesiastics out of his royal treasury of Malaca, for the honor of the Portuguese nation. For there they are so subject to those mandarins that, unless they kneel on the ground with both knees, they cannot talk to them; nor can they build one palmo of a wall, even in their own house, without the mandarin's license, while [they practice,] besides, innumerable infamies. [The transfer of] those people will be for the welfare of the state of Yndia, because its fortresses are without soldiers, by reason of the lack of dwellers in their ports. For the Portuguese, being so eager for liberty, go to live in the lands where there is most liberty, as in that land of China and that of Vengala. There go most and the best of the soldiers of Yndia, who take service with infidel kings and fight in their wars. Thence it follows that India is lost, land and sea, while the Dutch have become masters of it; and through their efforts much of the commerce between certain ports has ceased. The consequence of that is that the public storehouses [at Macao?] have become very poor, on account of the deficiency in their usual supplies; and they do not possess the means to bear the expenses, either in war or in peace, for the food of laymen or ecclesiastics—nearly all of whom live on what is paid to them by the king. Consequently, were that town of Macan dismantled, at least that protection would cease; and they would settle in his Majesty's lands, as is just, since the majority of them have gone to Yndia at the cost of his royal treasury. That would also be a matter of importance for the welfare of the kingdom of Portugal, since that country gains so much in having a quantity of silver sent to Spana from the Indias, because of the large amount of it that oozes from the latter country into Portugal; and just so much more would flow thither as less is drawn off from Spain to other parts. Portugal does not enjoy one single maravedi of the fruits of the trade of that town, all of which are consumed in it and in China, where it is situated. Besides for the maintenance of Portugal's state of Yndia, the helpful proximity of the Philipinas is of much more importance to it than one or two towns of that state, for it has been very evident, for some years past, how important are the forces of the Philipinas to cope with the common enemy of both states, namely, the Dutch. Those forces have been sufficient to defeat the Dutch more than once. Since money is what enables war to be carried on, it is advisable for both states that Philipinas have considerable of it, at so little expense to the state of Yndia as the possession of a town—at least, one of the importance and advantage which we have mentioned—and also at little expense to the treasury of his Majesty and of his kingdoms.

Only two objections can be opposed to this, but they are only apparent objections. The first is that two ships are wont to ply between Goa and China every year for cargoes of silk, which are afterward consumed in India. That is the chief trade of the Portuguese in India. Those vessels anchor at the city of Macan, and thus it seems as if [the abandonment of] that city would cause the lack, [of a port] there for this trade. But I answer that this is not so; for the Chinese would not deny the port to the Portuguese, since they do not deny it to many other nations who trade in their country without having a town of their own there. On the other hand, the Chinese use that town of Macan so harshly, that were it not for the large amounts that its inhabitants owe them for the goods that the Chinese have supplied to them on credit, the latter would already have driven the inhabitants of Macan out of their country. But the Chinese act thus toward the Portuguese, and treat them like negroes, so that they should go away [of their own accord]. That town is rather a very great injury to the Portuguese merchants who sail from Goa in the said ships—so much so, that they avoid trading with its inhabitants, who generally sell the goods that they have bought from the Chinese during the year, to the Goa merchants at higher prices than the Chinese themselves ask. For several years, the merchants in that region have been wont to go with all their silver twenty leguas up stream in small boats to the city of Canton, in order to trade with its natives, leaving their vessels in the port of Macan—the inhabitants of which are mocked and disappointed in the profit that they expected from the coming of the ships.

The second objection is that, were that town abandoned, all hopes for the conversion of that great kingdom—which seems to have made a beginning through Macao—would be crushed. But to that I answer, that Macao is rather the great hindrance to the conversion; for the infidels only see in that town evil examples. It is a great inconvenience to have the Portuguese so prominently before the Chinese, for the latter judge from them that all other Christians must be like those whom they see there. Besides the ministers of the gospel, who would have to conduct the conversion, cannot enter the interior of the country unless in native costume—as is done there by some fathers of the Society—and under protection of certain natives who conceal them. That can also be managed from Manila, in the return voyage of the Chinese ships, as well as from Macan.

Consequently, the suppression of that town by taking away its trade involves no injury, but rather the said advantages. And, if there were any difficulty, one should reflect which is the greater—to abandon a church like that of the Philipinas, with so great a number of the faithful, from which so much more may be expected, since there is hope that from the Philipinas it could extend to all that world (which is, beyond comparison, much more densely populated than this world of our Europa); or, in order to preserve the church, to use the lands of his Majesty so greatly to their injury; or to order three hundred inhabitants to settle in another region, and to abandon that location. May God give understanding to him who shall have to decide this matter. I pass over any other better opinion. I am of the above opinion, and affix thereto my signature. At Santo Thomas, etc.

Fray Diego Auduarte

[Endorsed: "Have this sent to Don Alonso Fajardo, so that after examining the contents of this paper—which was furnished by a competent person, who has spent considerable time in those islands—he may use what portion of it seems most advisable, in accordance with the present condition of affairs. The Council; May 26, 619."]



RELATION OF THE EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS AND IN NEIGHBORING PROVINCES AND REALMS, FROM JULY, 1618, TO THE PRESENT DATE IN 1619

These Philipinas Islands are surrounded by so many and various neighboring countries that they are like the center of a very beautiful circumference composed of cities, kingdoms and provinces. The condition of this district depends so much upon that of other places that it will not be inappropriate to relate briefly what has occurred this year in these other places, in order better to understand the present state of affairs here. And if the description of any places should not fulfil this purpose, it will at least serve to give an interesting notice of countries so far away. All that is written here is taken from relations and letters which our fathers have sent from various places, and from what I have seen this year in this country.

Of Eastern India

To begin with, the most notable of the events that have occurred in India is the destruction of the city of Bacani, a very beautiful city, and important as containing many Portuguese hidalgos. It was situated on the north coast, opposite the Mogors, with whom the Portuguese carry on war. [60] It was very well built of stone, with seven good monasteries of various orders; but its great strength was not sufficient to defend it from the powerful hand of God, who chose to raze it to the ground. To accomplish this, He employed all four of the elements: the water, which fell in a great deluge from the heavens; the air, which broke loose in the most horrible and furious winds ever known; the earth, which trembled terribly; and fire, which, wishing to serve its Creator in no uncertain manner, shot out its tremendous bolts into the air and discharged them over the miserable city. With such powerful enemies all the buildings fell down—not one stone remaining upon another—except a chapel of our Lady of Health [Nuestra Senora de la Salud], and part of the convent of St. Francis, where some people took refuge. There were lost, in the river more than sixty vessels loaded with provisions, bound for Goa; and two others from Ormuz, one coming and the other going. This destruction took place on the seventeenth of May, 1618. The reason for it only God, with His unbounded wisdom, knows. All that we here can understand is that the sins of the city provoked His wrath, and that for two years past interdictions and censures upon it have been continuous. Even the day before this disaster occurred, God took from it (as He did another [?]) Father Rodrigo, of the Society, who was one of His zealous servants, and transported him to another and a better life. When news of this reached Goa, great demonstrations were made there to appease the wrath of God, that He might not afflict that city as He had afflicted Bacani.

Of Great China

In China, within recent years, a very severe persecution of Christians broke out; and on account of the enmity of a mandarin, who was the cause of this storm, four fathers were ejected from the residences of Sanguin and Paquin [i.e., Pekin]. One of them was Father Diego Pantoja, [61] a native of Toledo, a noted religious, one of the most noted men who have been in China, and one who has learned most of the Chinese letters, sciences, and language. Upon reaching Macan from his exile, this father passed from this to a better life. There still remained in China eight fathers of our Society. These, with some others, are cultivating the vineyard of the Lord, maintaining in the faith those already converted, and bringing into it others, who, forsaking the false belief of idolatry, receive the water of holy baptism. In short, these fathers are promulgating the holy gospel. They write that they found, in one of the many provinces of that extensive realm, a people who worship the holy cross, and who are called Christians—although they are so only in name, for they are in truth heathen. They also found a synagogue of more than twelve thousand jews who live under the law of Moses. [62]

The Tartars, who usually are at war with the Chinese, this year invaded China on the north side by way of the border province of Lona [sc. Liao?]. [63] They routed the Chinese armies, made a great slaughter among them, took some cities, and destroyed many villages; and then, because the winter is so cold, they retired to their own country to remain till another year, when, they say, they will come with a great force. And although they fear that they are not possessed of everything necessary for this invasion, yet a short time before, [64] a violent storm demolished for them that famous and strong wall, six hundred leguas long, which separated China from Tartaria. The events of this war and the state of the kingdom of China will be set forth in a petition, or memorial, which the mandarins presented to their king. Our fathers of Macan sent it to us, saying that the Christians of Paquin had sent it to them. The fathers put it into Portuguese; translated into Spanish, it reads as follows:

Memorial which the mandarins of Paquin sent to the king of China in the year 1618, when the Tartars invaded that kingdom.

This year, 1618, in the sixth moon, which is the month of August, the president of the council of war presented to the king a memorial for the defense [of the kingdom] against the Tartars, who entered by the north walls. He humbly begs of you, my king, that you give attention to this matter, and quickly open your treasuries in support of this war to raise soldiers and to collect supplies. The facts of the situation are, as I just now heard from the mandarins who are in the province of the north walls, that the Tartars assembled with the determination to seize this country of China. They say that on the day selected for battle they entered through the walls and captured some people, whom they sacrificed and burned at two in the morning before the pitched battle; and, while they were burning the sacrifice, great bombs and ingenious fireworks were discharged. They raised flags on the hills and proclaimed their own king as king of Paquin. Of soldiers who bear arms and other people there are thousands of thousands—they are indeed, innumerable. Each soldier carries several weapons. They entered by force of arms through the walls called Humbre. The mandarins entrusted with the defense of this part of the walls collected two armies [companias], ninety-six captains, and three hundred thousand men, and came to blows eleven times. In the first encounter our captain-general and thirty-seven captains ordinary were killed. Our captain called Chun entered valiantly on horseback into the ranks of the Tartars, killed five of them, and was then himself killed and mutilated on the spot. Countless numbers of our men died in these actions; some thousands were captured; and, in retreating from the battle, amid the confusion and tumult, more than a thousand more were killed. The victorious Tartar raised his flag aloft and his men cried out, "Our king of Paquin comes to take possession of Great China, which dared to resist him." The Tartars, following up the victory, killed in various encounters more than six hundred captains and soldiers of repute. The inhabitants of the cities and towns deserted them and fled to the forests with their women and children. On the same day the Tartars took three cities.

When I heard this news I met with the Colao and the mandarins of the court to take counsel as to what should be done. And truly it seems that Heaven is assisting the Tartars, for how else could they kill so many thousands of men and take three cities in one day? [65] We all say that this is a punishment from Heaven, like so many other calamities that are being suffered. For example, it did not rain during the whole of last year in the province of Paquin, and so the people went about almost dead. In the province of Xanto the hunger was so great that they ate human flesh, for which there was a public market. A great multitude of rats crossed the river. The fires of heaven burned all the royal palaces. A gale blew down the five towers. There were, also, in the heavens two suns, one swallowing the other—an occurrence, certainly, of dire portent. Another very extraordinary thing beside these occurred. We saw that man called Chanchain enter the palace to kill the prince, in which event the mandarin [illegible in MS.] wishing to speak to you, my king, in a rather loud voice, in order to show his fidelity. But you did not choose to listen to him, and, instead, you ordered him to be put in the jail, and in fetters, and sentenced to death, on the charge of having disturbed the soul of your mother, who had recently died. We, the mandarins, wishing [to aid?] him, beg you that you may be pleased to pardon him; because it would certainly be a great pity to treat as a rebel a faithful mandarin, who merely showed his love for you.

Moreover, the viceroys and the Chaiery of each province several times sent you memorials advising you of the calamities of the people, and begging that you be pleased to diminish the customs and impositions, a matter worthy of careful consideration. In the same way, all the mandarins of the court have often implored you, by means of memorials, that you should go out incognito to hear complaints for the good of the government of the kingdom, and to bring it into harmony with the will of Heaven. If you had done this, we would now find ourselves in a very peaceful condition, and our empire would last a thousand centuries; but oh king, as you neither listened to nor examined into what was proposed to you, it appears, rather, that you are sleeping at your ease in your palace. You act as if you did not notice what you clearly see with your eyes. Hence for a long time the mandarins have been very much troubled. We have seen rivers running with blood. Are not all these matters of evil portent? There are indeed, other disasters than the falling of the walls on the Tartar frontier. We often sent memorials asking you to order that they be rebuilt; and at last you sent two mandarins with two hundred thousand men to repair them. They went out last year in the ninth moon. While on the way, for some unknown reason, a quarrel arose among the men at midnight; and in less than two hours more than eighty boats and over seven hundred men were burned, besides the many who were drowned. All this augured evil. And thus we sent you a memorial asking that you should give audience on matters concerning the good government of the kingdom, according to the will of Heaven. You answered, "Now it is cold, now hot; I am indisposed and unable to do it; I shall choose another day to go out, or you may choose it." We the mandarins, together, chose the seventh day of the same moon, which was convenient. You, however, did not answer favorably, but instead threw the memorial into the fire.

Furthermore, we learned from the province of Xansinque, this third moon, that a man suddenly appeared dressed in yellow, with a green cap [bonete], and a little fan of feathers in his hand. He called out, "Vanlle (which is the name of the king here) [66] is a king without a government, although he has ruled a long time. He is always asleep in his palace, wherefore the kingdom is about to be lost. The men of the people must perish of hunger, and the great captains must die by the sword and the lance." With this he disappeared. The viceroy, Chaien, and the mandarins were greatly terrified, and made vigorous efforts to find him and to learn who he was and where he lived, but they never found further trace of him.

And now, when we learn of the calamities of all the provinces, when from all of them we hear news of the great famine being experienced, and when we see that many renowned mandarins, captains, and soldiers have been killed in this war, we are well able to understand that this man was an omen from Heaven, and the whole affair causes fear. If you, our king, wish to go forth to encounter the Tartars you cannot do so unless you have several millions of men, and thousands of thousands of wagon-loads of supplies. We humbly beg that you undertake to release the above mentioned mandarin, who is so unjustly detained in prison. We also beg that you shall be pleased to open the treasuries to raise an army. If you do so, much of the trouble will be removed.

Of Cochinchina

The new mission of Cochinchina, near China, where they formerly endured great hardships, is now prosperous, and there are good prospects that a splendid Christian community will grow up in that realm. [67] The people there, induced by their false priests, had rebelled against our fathers, saying superstitiously that it had failed to rain because of the presence of preachers of the holy gospel. In this way they forced the king, against his will, to order the fathers out of the country for a time. But the fathers, in obedience to an order from their superior, did not leave until they had almost completely christianized a Japanese settlement which is there; and they so subdued these Japanese that, although formerly they had been very rebellious and had given much trouble to the king, they now became peaceable. The king was so pleased with this that he recalled the fathers with the same benevolence that he had formerly shown, and he gave them license to erect a church and residence at his court. Heaven assisted at the same time in behalf of the mission by sending abundant rain, thus leaving the superstition of the heathens confounded and mendacious, and the king despicable for this persecution. Two fathers of the mission and a lay brother went to a port of the same kingdom, Cochinchina, called Pullocambi, about fifty leagues from the court, at the request of the heathen governor there. He offered to satisfy them, and treated them so well that a beginning was made in that port of another residencia of the Society. It may be possible to build up a large Christian community in that place, since it is more quiet than Cochinchina, through its being less cursed by traffic and by people of various nationalities coming to trade. Thus there are six of the Society residing there, teaching those whom they have converted, and with much diligence learning the language of the land, without which they would not be able to accomplish much.

Of Japan

In treating of the affairs in Japon one would wish to begin with the coming of Fray Luis Sotelo, who, as soon as he arrived here, began to attempt so many things that he succeeded with none. He said to the bishop of Zebu (who is governor of this archbishopric) that he had secured bulls from his Holiness authorizing him to be bishop of half of Japon, [68] but as they remained in the Council they were worthless. They even say (about which I am not certain) that he attempted to consecrate himself here, but he did not succeed.

Then he planned to establish a seminary of Japanese, and had many of them ordained, with what right or authority we do not know. Over this matter there was much contention. He had a church built for this seminary, and also took possession of various places, particularly in a suburb of this city of Manila. One day he quietly took possession of a house, placed a bell upon it, and said mass. Soon the governor and the bishop came and asked him what he might be doing. He responded that a smith puts his forge wherever he can in order to work at his trade, and that he was doing likewise. They drove him away from there, and now he is in one of his convents.

They are expecting in Malaca the bishop of Japon, Father Don Diego Valente, [69] of our Society, native of Lisboa, and formerly head of the professed house at Villaviciosa. They say that with him are coming the procurators of Japon, Father Graviel de Martos and Father Pedro de Morejon; the father procurate of China, Nicolas Trigaucio; and a goodly number of members of the Society, who will have to wait in some other place because the condition of affairs in Japon is such that they cannot go there at present.

This year in Japon a great number of supernatural occurrences have been noted, particularly in the city of Yendo, [70] which is the court of the emperor. First, in the river at Yendo they saw some very beautiful ships sailing against the current, a thing never seen there before, for the river is small, and navigable only by very small boats. Second, in the patio [i.e., courtyard] of the palace, one day there was seen an animal larger than an ox and smaller than an elephant, whose species none could tell, as they had never seen such an animal before. They tried to kill it with arquebuses and arrows, but it disappeared. Third, in a hall of the same palace a large greyhound was found howling pitifully. This the Japanese took for a bad sign. They asked who had brought such a dog there, but no one could find out, because the guards had been at the door all the time. They tried to catch the animal and put it out, but it became invisible to them. Fourth, in the quarter [vario, for barrio] of the Daimones, [71] who are the nobles who serve at the court, there was heard a great clatter of arms, just as if a very bloody civil war were going on. They called to arms in the city, and every one responded. They went to the vario, but found everything perfectly quiet. Fifth, on the top of a hill near by the city they discovered some flags in the trees. They went to see what they were, but found nothing. Finally, when the emperor was about to go to Meaco, a comet like a handled catana [i.e., sword], with a very beautiful cross in its head, appeared above his fortress of Yendo. This caused him so much fear and consternation that he gave up his journey entirely. Many of these things will not be readily believed. Some of them I did not see, but credible persons from where they occurred report them as well authenticated.

The persecution of Christians in Japon is more bloody than it has ever been before, and has become as bad as could be imagined. It will suffice to say that in the city of Nangacaqui thirty bars of silver, each one containing about four ducados, are publicly offered to whomsoever may discover a religious. But just as tender plants, because of the cold of winter, take deeper root in the soil, these religious, because of their difficulties, plant themselves more firmly in the faith and bear more plentiful fruit. This has already been demonstrated. Indeed, during the last year more than fifty Japanese have nobly given their lives to the service of Jesus Christ; and almost two thousand adults have for the first time received the water of holy baptism, through the efforts of our fathers alone. These fathers, like good pilots, have not been dismayed by this great tempest On the contrary, there have been thirty-two members [of the Society] distributed throughout Japon, holding fast to the helm of this little craft, toiling lest the sea should swallow it up in so furious and destructive a tempest. Not less valor has been shown in this matter by the chief pilot, Father Francisco de Vera, whom our father general sent as visitor of Japon from one of the provinces of India. When he reached Macan and learned how cruel the persecution was, he determined—in spite of being almost seventy years old and afflicted by many infirmities—to go this year to Japon, to console and encourage the Christians and our brethren who so commendably labored with them there. His life has been a great source of edification and consolation to all. In order that his presence there should do no harm, he went very secretly and without company. He wears secular dress. The good father goes from house to house, under a thousand inconveniences and dangers, such as the other fathers also endure. What he has suffered and is still suffering in this way is very pitiful.

Some religious (although only a few) from the orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine, are also working laudably in the vineyard of the Lord. Some went to Japon this year, but the majority of them have not succeeded in this design, because most of the Japanese boatmen, although Christians, have been afraid to carry them. For the emperor issued a very stringent order that any boat which should carry religious should be burned with all its goods, and that those going in it should be put to death. Nevertheless, some Franciscan friars have gone, very secretly. Some time ago, in the city of Fixoxuna, Father Antonio and Brother Leonardo, both Japanese, were imprisoned for the faith. For this also, on August 16, 1618, they beheaded in the city of Meaco Fray Juan de Santa Marta, of the Order of St. Francis, and a native of Cataluna. He had been imprisoned three years in the public jail, where, in spite of the hard labor and bad treatment to which he was subjected, he continued to preach our holy faith to the heathen prisoners, some of whom received it and died in it. [72]

At midnight on December 13, 1618, they seized Father Carlos Espinola, procurator of the province of Japon, and his companion, Brother Ambrosio Fernandez. The same night they seized two other fathers, Dominicans, two of four who went to Japon last year. The other two returned to these islands. On the twenty-fifth of March, 1619, they seized the provincial and the prior of the Dominicans, Fray Francisco Morales and Fray Alonso de Mena. One of these Dominican fathers died in the jail. Thereupon the rest of the religious concealed themselves so effectively that the Portuguese traders in the country could not find any one to whom they might make their Lenten confessions.

Last year I wrote how one of the ships which were despatched from this city to aid Maluco resorted to treason, and took possession of everything. Thenceforth, as is well known, it went from one country to another and from one place to another. Finally it sailed, almost shipwrecked, to an island of Japon. When the Portuguese commandant learned of this, he sent to the ruler of the island to demand those robbers who had mutinied on one of the king's ships. The ruler sent to the commandant, proposing to hang them; but some religious forbade it, whereupon he sent them prisoners to Macan, where, they say, the mutineers were punished.

The two Dutch ships which last year were plundering in these islands the ships that came from China, returned to Japon, after having loaded up with many silks which they had seized. They took with them three Chinese ships with rich cargoes, placing on each one a guard of Hollanders. But in a storm the Chinese fled with their ships, carrying with them the Hollanders that were on board, on whom they retaliated by drowning them in the sea. Thus the spoil [of the Dutch] was not so rich as was expected.

This year there went to Japon a patache which the Hollanders had captured in Maluco from the English, and on which there remained some English, badly wounded. They reported that the Hollanders had taken two ships from the English, and had cut off the noses and ears of all whom they had found alive. Upon hearing this, the English who were in Japon were exceedingly angry; and, as they were in good standing at the court, they went to complain to the emperor. The Japanese merchants also complained that because of the robberies which the Hollanders had committed during the last two years on the coast of Manila, they had lost the profit which they had usually drawn from the trade with Philipinas. They said that not only were the Hollanders of no advantage to Japon, but that rather they were very injurious, since they took from the kingdom large quantities of munitions and provisions for their fleets, and thus made everything dearer. It may be hoped that from these complaints will result the expulsion of the Hollanders from Japon, which will be very injurious to them, but very good for us.

The Hollanders felt keenly the loss of one of their large pataches which was coming from Olanda to Japon with thirty men, good artillery, more than fifty thousand pesos in money, and very rich jewels intended as presents to bribe the magnates of Japon. On the way, the patache encountered four Portuguese galliots which were coming from Macan loaded with goods. The Hollanders attacked the Portuguese, intending to seize a galliot; but fortune changed, and in the fight their ship was run down by one of the Portuguese vessels. When the Hollanders saw that they were lost, they themselves set fire to the powder; and those on board were hurled into the water, where they were despatched with pikes. The Portuguese rescued only a Japanese who had been to Olanda, and was on the ship coming back with the Hollanders. [73]

Of Mindanao

The island of Mindanao is one of these Philipinas; it is inhabited by Mahometan and heathen people, who make fierce war upon us. They sally out with their little fleets, repeatedly plunder the towns, desolate the fields, capture many Indians, and even Spaniards, and kill a great number of people. This year the Lord has been pleased that they should not be able to sally forth as usual, as they have been very much occupied in civil wars. And if the Hollanders were not so constantly engaging our attention, and we were to go there, they might be destroyed—as is asserted by a Franciscan friar who has been a captive among them for a long time, and has recently come from there. [74] But we leave it to God; for He, with His most lofty providence, knows how to govern in His own way.

Of the Malucas

To begin with spiritual affairs, a wide door to the holy gospel has opened in the island of Manados, which borders upon that of Macacar; and it is hoped that through it will come a rich harvest. At present a father of our Society, named Father Cosme Prieto, is there. The fathers of Portugal, to whom the Malucas Islands belong, plan to send more laborers there. The king has been converted, as well as nearly all the princes of the kingdom; and only the queen persists in her heathenism.

The people of the island of Tidore, who long have been our friends, and through whom we are able to maintain ourselves in the Malucas, broke the treaties which they had made with the Terrenatans. They are engaged in war, and every day there are deaths on one side or the other. These circumstances are very advantageous for us, because the Terrenatans are warm friends of the Dutch and enemies to us.

All the aid sent last year from this place reached Maluco, without suffering any loss on the way, either from the sea or from the enemy, as has usually been the case other years. To furnish this aid five ships went laden with supplies, and with fifteen thousand pesos to pay the infantry. Hence our forces there are, for the present, well and even abundantly supplied, although there is some lack of men, because many have died of bebes, which is a disease of the legs very common in those islands. [75]

In 1619, ships went to Olanda loaded with cloves and drugs and other things of various values; we fear, therefore, that the power of these Hollanders will increase in these parts, because what they carry enriches them and enables them to send large fleets here. The enemy, the Hollander, built another fortress besides the ones that he had in the islands of Ternate; and we also built another in Tidore, and are building still another. We may thus be able to inflict much injury upon our enemies.

In Nambrino it happened that in a drunken revel of the Hollanders the powder took fire, and a large part of the fortification was blown up; but they have already repaired it. They say that in this accident nearly two hundred men were burned. The inhabitants of the island of Vanda are much of the time at war with the Hollanders, of whom they have killed many—notable among them the commander-in-chief—by poisoning the water that they used. It is said that they do not like the Hollanders, but prefer the Portuguese, with whom they have been friendly for many years. A Portuguese just now arrived from Maluca, fleeing from the Hollanders who had held him prisoner more than three years, and with whom he had been in various places. People say that at present the Hollanders are on very bad terms with the nations where they have factories. It is also said that there have come to them from Olanda six ships and a new governor.

With oil of cloves and drugs people go to the Malucas from almost all over the world; it is therefore believed that in these seas there must be for a long time to come some of the hardest battles ever seen, and that many in attempting to trade in cloves will have to encounter iron. [76]

The French have a factory there. [77] Three of their ships came and fought with the Hollanders, who took away one; the other two were sent to France with cargoes. Some galleons have also come from the English, who, according to report, now have fourteen. It is said that they have had a fight with the Hollanders, from whom they took away two ships. These two nations are unfriendly because of the above-mentioned injury which the English received from the Hollanders, and also because they are rivals. It is said that the English have an order from their king to the effect that if the Hollanders should be stronger than themselves they must join with us and harass them on all sides.

The Hollanders have seen that in their battles with us they have received much damage from our galleys; therefore they built two vessels of this class to bring with their fleet to these islands. But our Lord was pleased so to order it that, when coming from Amb[o]ino to Ternate, one galley sank with all the people, and the other ran aground, although the people were saved.

Of the Philipinas Islands

On the eleventh of November, 1618, at three o'clock in the morning, a comet was seen from this city of Manila. It had a tail, was silver-colored, with a slightly ashen tinge, and had an extraordinary form. At first it was like a trumpet, and then like a catan (which is a weapon peculiar to Japon, resembling the cutlass), with the edge toward the southwest; and at the end it appeared palm-shaped. The declination [78] of the southwestern end was twenty degrees south. At first its length was equal to the whole of the sign of Libra, with which it rose. Eight days afterward, the declination of the southwestern end was twenty-four degrees and thirty minutes south. At this time the head was thirty-one degrees south, and the lower point, or end of the tail, eight degrees from the star called Spica Virginia. No star exhalation [79] was seen, although some say that they saw a very small one. On the twenty-fourth of November another tailed comet appeared, even more beautiful and resplendent than the first. At its head [al pie] was a burning star. It appeared in the east. It had a declination of eight degrees, and it pointed southwestward to the sign of the Scorpion, which is the sign of Manila. These two comets lasted some three months. They write from Japon, Maluco, and India that they were seen in those places.

The devotion of the Immaculate Conception of the Holy Virgin has been notable in this city. This year great eight-day fiestas, with masks and illuminations, have been celebrated with much solemnity in the cathedral church and in that of St. Francis. It is feared that there will be much hunger in the islands during the present year, because the locusts are so numerous that they cover the fields and destroy the grain. May God help us!

In September, 1618, a ship was despatched from these islands for Macan primarily to carry needed munitions, although it did not neglect to take a quantity of money belonging to private persons, to be invested in merchandise. A few days after setting sail it was overtaken by a storm severe enough to drive it to the coast of this island of Manila; but, although the hulk was lost, the people and cargo were saved. Afterward another ship was sent on the same errand. It is known to have reached Macan and to be trading successfully in everything, particularly in the purchase of an excellent galleon that the Portuguese have there, and that we need for the fleet which must be prepared to oppose the enemy next year.

The Hollanders came to these islands with their fleet of five galleons to plunder the Chinese ships, as they have done in former years. The fleet entered the bay of Manila on the twelfth of October, 1618, and afterward continued coming and going. It went back and forth on these seas just as if it were at home. But its appearance caused so little disturbance that everything remained as quiet as before, which illustrates the force of habit; for being accustomed to seeing the fleet every year has brought it to pass that its advent now causes no uneasiness. Nevertheless, sentinels were placed on all the coasts, and the country was very well prepared. Thus there was nothing to fear; besides, the enemy does not wish to have us at too close range. On our side, only three galleons and four galleys were ready for use in the port of Cavique [sic], because not more than two years ago two of our finest galleons went to the bottom in this sea in a furious storm. What caused more anxiety was the shipyard where other galleons were being built. It was feared lest the enemy should go there to burn them. To prevent this, a little fort was constructed, and a large force of good infantry and heavy artillery was placed there to guard the construction. Therefore they said that there was no need to fear anything, or to doubt that if the enemy should come to the shipyard he would fail in his design to burn the ships. He did not attempt it, perhaps because he knew of the thorough preparations that had been made.

Early in November, when the enemy was in the mouth of the bay, a Japanese ship came here. When it reached Ilocos, a port of the island of Manila, it learned that the enemy was in the passage through which it must go to reach, this city. But as it carried a chapa, or license, from the Japanese emperor it feared nothing. For the Hollanders respect the emperor's license in so far as it concerns them, and they give free passage in every part of these seas to all Japanese ships bearing it. So the ship continued on its way here till it met the Hollander, with whom it remained two or three days. The Hollander inquired if it carried munitions, which would be contrary to his wish. Although in fact the ship had on board a large quantity of munitions underneath a great number of sacks of flour, the question was answered in the negative. Thereupon the general allowed it to pass, and gave it an arrogant message for the governor. In this he said that his Lordship might well be preparing his fleet little by little, which he [the Dutch general] would await a long time; that he just now had learned that galleons were being built in the shipyards, but that the governor should not be disturbed; that, indeed, if it were necessary, he would go with his men to aid in finishing and launching them, just for the opportunity of fighting them; that this was what he most desired, as he had strong hopes of victory, which would be glorious in proportion to his Lordship's nobility; and that he therefore would welcome the governor's coming. This message the Hollanders sent with the Japanese ship. Later on, another Japanese ship came along; and, as it carried a chapa, it was able to enter. Then a Spanish ship, which likewise came from Japon, arrived; but, as it carried no license, it came by a different route, to avoid falling into the enemy's hands, and took shelter in another port of the islands before coming to the city. A Portuguese ship coming from Macan did the same, and thus the enemy captured nothing.

Four Ternatan slaves fled to the enemy, at which the latter were much elated. When the slaves reached them the Hollanders were seen from this city to discharge some pieces of artillery. One morning later on, when the Hollanders wished to land upon a beach not far from Manila, to take some recreation, they sent these slaves ahead that, like house-thieves, they might spy out the land. Information had just come that the enemy were accustomed to disembark in that neighborhood, so two companies were sent to lie in ambush to deal them some blow. The slaves landed, and our men seeing them, attacked them, killed two, and captured the other two alive. From these we learned in detail the forces which the enemy had. When the latter saw that his scouts did not return with the information, he was afraid to disembark. If he had landed, he might well have expected us to have won a very signal victory. In the shipyard feverish efforts were made to finish at least one vessel in time for service this year. Nearly three thousand men—Spaniards, Indians, Chinese, and others—were employed in this construction. From this may be gathered what our missions must have suffered in the Pintados Islands, in the midst of which the ship was being built, since almost all the Indians who worked there were from our doctrinas. So large was the equipment, and so great was the zeal shown in the work, that early in March a very beautiful galleon was finished, which would mount forty pieces. Then the difficulty arose, where they could enter to join the other galleons and galleys in the port of Cabique, for the enemy remained stubbornly in the mouth of the bay. But as soon as he drew aside a little, notice was quickly given in order that they might bring in the galleon, and it entered on the twenty-fifth of April, with four galleys which had gone out to accompany it in.

On another occasion two other ships came to the enemy with provisions from the kingdom of Japon. They also carried a goodly number of Japanese, who left their country secretly. They say that if they [the Japanese authorities?] had known it they would have killed these men, because they came to attack us in company with the Hollanders. These now found themselves with seven warships, or rather with six, since they left one outside in order to plunder any ship that might come along. They entered this bay with great ostentation and pomp on the first of March, the second day of the Easter festival. The governor ordered that the galleys and the three galleons which were there (the fourth, the one from the shipyard, had not yet arrived) should with many pennants and streamers draw a little apart from the fort of Cabique. When the Hollander turned about to go out he noticed that our fleet was at hand, with all this bravery. Then he also displayed many pennants, and came again, signaling that he wished to fight, and then slowly departed. He went toward the coast of Ilocos, the place to which they come to attack the ships on their way from China. Now the galleon from the shipyard entered the bay, and the preparation of the entire fleet was completed. It consisted of four galleys very well manned, and four very handsome galleons. The flagship mounted more than forty pieces, the almiranta more than thirty, the third galleon an equal number, and the fourth as many as twenty. In addition to these there were two pataches, each with as many as a dozen small pieces.

While our armada, thus prepared, was daily in readiness to set sail, the governor sent out in two directions to reconnoiter the enemy. The news brought back by the spies was that the Hollanders had reached a village of Indians on the coast of Ilocos. They entered the church and committed a thousand sacrileges, particularly that of cutting off the nose of a figure of Christ. They found a large quantity of wine, delivered themselves up to it, and became veritable wine-sacks. They say that if twenty soldiers had been there at the time, they might have played grand havoc with the enemy. The Hollanders finally set fire to the place and withdrew to their ships. Only one remained on shore to sleep off his intoxication. When he awakened and saw that the ships had already set sail, he cast himself into the water—of which he had need, in order to water the great quantity of wine he had cast into his stomach. He saw that the ships were far away, and in order not to drown he was forced to return to land. Here the Indians caught him and took him to Manila. The Dutch ships put to sea and never again appeared. On news of this the excitement of the fleet ceased, although there was no lack of opinion that it would be well to pursue the enemy, because he was fleeing to China to plunder. Although all this was said on good ground, others (and a majority) said that whether the enemy were fleeing very opportunely or not, it was better for us to remain quiet with such a fleet as we had; that our fleet would be increased by the galleon expected from Macan, and by those which were being built in these islands, all of which ships combined would be force enough for next year; and besides this, the enemy had gained nothing, but rather had lost, through the expenses which he had incurred in maintaining a fleet so many months without recompense. This opinion prevailed, whereupon the matter was dropped and the fleet became idle; when, behold, mere goes forth a false report that the enemy is in these islands plundering the ships that come from China. Everything is again in commotion; the fleet again prepares itself, and goes out in the morning; but the truth becomes known that there is no enemy, and the fleet is quiet again. The basis of this false rumor was the fact that the enemy went toward the coast of China to plunder, and one day encountering a Chinese ship going to Japon, robbed it. The Chinese vessel came to these islands to seek aid; and at once arises the outcry that it must have been robbed in the Philipinas, and that there must be enemies here. The truth is confirmed by the fact that at this time a Portuguese ship came from Macan, but in all this coast encountered not a single Hollander.

It may be considered as certain that the enemy lost a large vessel with people and cargo in a severe storm. The foundation for this opinion is the fact that some days ago a mass of wreckage, such as maintop-sails, rigging, masts, etc., was found in the place where the Hollanders have been.

A ship came from China and reported that one day, after having left that country, it encountered four ships which pursued it; and that early in the evening one of them was gaining on it. The Chinese captain, who knew of some shoals near by, steered toward them, in order to go around them. The Hollanders, thinking that the captain was trying to escape to leeward, also steered in that direction, and at nightfall ran aground on the shoals. The Chinese heard many guns fired; but, without seeing or knowing more, came to Philipinas and gave the news.

Dated at Manila, July 12, 1619.



LETTER FROM PEDRO DE ARCE TO FELIPE III

[Marginal note at beginning: "That the governor there, Don Alonso Fajardo, attends with great assiduity to whatever concerns the service of his Majesty; and he has gained experience by the construction of the ships that he has built from the time of his arrival in those islands, so that the enemy has not dared await him. If he were to be aided with some fleet sent to him, very good results would follow."]

Sire:

Don Alonso Fajardo, governor of these islands, will relate fully to your Majesty the present condition of their temporal affairs. He attends with peculiar care to whatever concerns the service of your Majesty, as has been seen in the construction of the ships that he has built since his arrival in these islands. Had he not been so assiduous in that, the enemy who came to this bay and coast of Manila would have committed very great depredations. But since the enemy saw that the governor was getting ready very promptly, they thought it best to go away and not wait. He is a gentleman very zealous for the service of your Majesty, and one who serves your Majesty with special and very disinterested love and affection. I think that, if your Majesty will aid him with some fleet, he will, with that and what he has here, accomplish great results in your Majesty's service. But the fleet here is insufficient to root out the enemy. Will your Majesty be pleased to send the aid which has for so many years been asked from your Majesty; for the profit that will accrue to your Majesty is vast in both the spiritual and the temporal.

[In the margin: "It is well."]

[Marginal note: "He asks that his resignation of that bishopric be accepted, and that a certain income be granted him on which to live."]

Last year I wrote your Majesty requesting you to be pleased to accept my resignation from my bishopric, and I send the same request in this letter to your Majesty; for I am worn out, and it is advisable for the security of my conscience—your Majesty granting me the favor to give me the means for my support, so far as that may not be in your royal treasury, because of the great difficulty of collecting from it. [In the margin: "It is provided for."]

[Marginal note: "That Admiral Pedro de Eredia is coming to this court to report on the condition of those islands; and, since he is one who knows them thoroughly by experience, and is zealous in your Majesty's service, credit can be given to what he says."]

Admiral Pedro de Heredia is going to that court of your Majesty to report the affairs of these islands. He is a person on whose word your Majesty can rely, as he is a man of great integrity and greatly devoted to your Majesty's service. He is experienced by sea and by land in these islands and in the Malucas, where he has served your Majesty a long time. He was the one who captured General Pablo Brancal [i.e., van Caerden], in those same Malucas Islands. He burned another of the enemy's ships in Playa Honda, and defeated the enemy's almiranta in the expedition made by Don Juan de Silba; while in Don Juan Ronquillo's expedition he captured the almiranta, but let it go, in order that his own ship might not be burnt. He is one to whom your Majesty may entrust any undertaking of importance, because of his great courage and his devotion to your Majesty's service. He is deserving of whatever favor your Majesty may be pleased to bestow upon him.

[In the margin: "It is well."]

[Marginal note: "That by the death of Don Juan de Aguilar, who was precentor of the church of Manila, the governor appointed Don Miguel Garcetas to that prebend, who by his qualities deserves to have the appointment confirmed."]

Because of the death of Don Juan de Aguilar, who was precentor of this holy church of Manila, the governor appointed Licentiate Don Miguel Garcetas to the same prebend. He came to these islands many years ago, and has held appointments of honor in them. He was treasurer of the holy church of Zebu, the chief church of that bishopric, and canon of this church of Manila; and is a man of good qualities and of good morals. He merits your Majesty's granting him as a favor the appointment he now holds, and greater favors.

[In the margin: "It is well."]

[Marginal note: "In approbation of Christoval Ramires de Cartagena, chaplain of the Audiencia."]

In this city of Manila lives a respectable ecclesiastic, one Christoval Ramires de Cartagena, who of the many years since he came to these regions has been several minister in the islands of Pintados. For many years he has been chaplain of the royal Audiencia. While a layman he served your Majesty in the army; and since becoming a priest he has done the same. He merits honor from your Majesty, and favors in remuneration for his many services,

[In the margin: "It is well."]

[Marginal note: "That the church of Cebu is in great need of ornaments and of repairs. He asks that your Majesty grant it some income, as has been requested at other times; and a cabildo with income, or some chaplains to serve it, for the divine offices are not suitably celebrated there."]

I have often petitioned your Majesty to have the goodness to grant some income to the church of Zebu for ornaments and repairs, of which it has daily need; and to give it a cabildo with income; and if there should be no occasion for that, to supply it with some chaplains to serve it, for it lacks everything. The divine offices are celebrated very unsuitably, which the natives, both Christians and infidels, cannot fail to observe. May your Majesty for the love of God remedy this. [In the margin: "Have the governor, Audiencia, and royal officials investigate."]

[Marginal note: "That it is advisable to show favor to this cabildo of Manila, so that in case of the death of the prelate, it may govern; as it contains competent persons; and because inconveniences result from the senior bishop coming to do this, as has been represented on other occasions."]

I have also advised your Majesty—perceiving it, and, knowing by experience—that it is advisable to concede to this cabildo of Manila that it shall govern in case the prelate die; because it has persons of sufficient rank and ability for the said government. Besides, many difficulties exist in the senior bishop coming to govern, as he has no person to leave who is competent to direct his bishopric—as I have experienced at this time, while I have been governing this archbishopric of Manila, by brief of his Holiness and your Majesty's decree.

[In the margin: "It is well, and what is advisable will be provided."]

[Marginal note: "That it has been heard that the fathers of the Society are urging that the orders in Japon shall depart thence; but that it is not advisable that this be done, because of the great harvest of souls that they have gathered, and are now obtaining, through their instruction. [He also says] that it will be to our Lord's service to have the consecration of father Fray Luis Otelo take effect, since the bishop of the western part is already consecrated; and since the king of Boso, although an infidel, is well affected to the Christians, and the two bishops are widely separated."]

It has been heard here that the fathers of the Society are making strenuous efforts to have the orders leave Japon. That is not at all advisable, because of the very abundant harvest of souls that they have gathered, and are gathering, through their instruction and example, even giving their lives for the welfare of these souls. Accordingly, I think it advisable for your Majesty to protect this cause, for thereby will your Majesty perform the greatest service to our Lord. I think it will also be to His service if the consecration of father Fray Luis Sotelo take effect, since the other bishop, the one of the western part, is now consecrated. I am moved to say this because the king of Bozo, [80] although an infidel, is well affected to the Christian religious, and has some in his kingdom. That kingdom is very distant from those regions where the other bishop lives. It will be advantageous to this community of Manila, for they will be able to trade and traffic in those districts, and get food and other necessary supplies from them for your Majesty's fleets. Nothing else occurs to me of which to advise your Majesty, except that may our Lord preserve for many long years the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty for the defense and protection of His holy Church. Manila, July 30, 1619 [sic.]

Fray Pedro, bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus.

[Endorsed on back: "Seen and decreed within."]

[In the margin: "Have a copy of this clause sent to the governor, as to what pertains to the religious leaving Japon, so that he may investigate it. What is advisable in the other matters will be provided."]

[Appended to this document is the following:]

Testimony of the resolution by the royal officials Ordinance. I, Gaspar Alvarez, scrivener-in-chief of the administrative and war departments of these Philipinas Islands for the king our sovereign, do certify truthfully to all who may see this present that, in a general meeting held by the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of these islands for the government, together with the fiscal of his Majesty and the judicial officials of the royal treasury of the islands, on the fifth of this present month and year of the date of this present, among certain matters and questions discussed and determined in the said meeting, was the following.

In the city of Manila, on the fifth day of the month of August, one thousand six hundred and sixteen, Licentiate Andres de Alcarez, senior auditor of the royal Audiencia of these islands, who exercises the duties of president and captain-general of them, while in the houses where the Audiencia resides, called a treasury meeting to discuss matters advisable for the service of his Majesty. Licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna, Don Juan de Alvarado Bracamonte, auditor and fiscal [respectively], in the royal Audiencia, and the royal officials of the royal treasury—namely, Captain Pedro de Saldiernos Demariaca, factor; Juan Saez de Hegoen, inspector; and Alonso de Espinosa Saravia, accountant—having attended it, and being thus assembled before me, the present scrivener of the administrative and war departments, he proposed the following.

Petition. A petition was read from Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of the city of Zibu, and governor of this archbishopric, which was of the following tenor. "Most potent Sire: I, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of the city of Sanctisimo Nombre de Jesus, and governor of this archbishopric by virtue of a brief of our very holy Father Paul Fifth, and a decree of the royal person of your Highness, declare that, in order to obey the said orders and fulfil my obligations in the common welfare of this archbishopric, I have come to this capital, and have left the comfort of a house that I had built, in the said city of Zebu, and have established myself with greater obligations for expenses in house and servants, in order to sustain some little of the greatness due the honor of the archiepiscopal dignity. I represent, as is well known to your Highness, that the expenses of this capital are excessive, for the rent of a moderate-sized house costs more than three hundred pesos and the ordinary food is very dear. For these reasons and others, well known to your Highness, and because the duties of the ministry are not lessened by the said government, it is in accord with justice that, since I bear the weight and obligations of archbishop, I be granted the salary assigned to his person. Therefore, I beg and petition your Highness to have the said grace conceded to me, in fulfilment of the said will of his Holiness and the royal person of your Highness. I ask for justice.

Fray Pedro, bishop of Sanctisimo Nombre de Jesus."

Resolution. Having heard and examined the said proposition, and discussed and conferred as to what should be done, all unanimously and in accord, with one determination and sentiment, resolved, in respect to what the said bishop Don Fray Pedro de Arce petitions, that, inasmuch as he must reside in this city and archbishopric, if he fulfil his obligations to govern it, and must have a house and servants, and the other things required by his dignity; and inasmuch as he cannot do this with the salary of five hundred thousand maravedis that he receives in his bishopric: therefore the third part of the salary received and enjoyed by the archbishop Don Diego Vazquez de Mercado shall be assigned to him. He shall enjoy it from the day when he shall show by authentic testimony that he took possession in this city of the government of the said archbishopric. The official judges of the royal treasury shall grant warrants for, and pay to him, the third of the said salary, according to and as it was paid to the said archbishop, during the full time of his governorship of this archbishopric. That shall be received from them and placed on the accounts of the said royal official judges. Licentiate Andres de Alcazar, Licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna, Licentiate Don Juan de Alvarado Bracamonte, Pedro de Caldiernos de Mariaca, Juan Saez de Hegoen, and Alonso de Espinosa Saravia affixed their signatures. Before me:

Gaspar Alvares

According as is manifest by the abovesaid and as appears by the said original meeting, which is in the book of minutes and meetings of the treasury, which is in my office, and on leaves one hundred and eighteen and one hundred and nineteen of it, to which I refer, and by petition of his Lordship, the said bishop, I gave the present in Manila, August eleven, one thousand six hundred and sixteen. As witness at its drawing and revision were Christoval Martin Franco and Joan Vazquez de Mercado, citizens of this said city.

Gaspar Alvares

As is manifest and appears from the original testimony, that remained in the possession of the reverend Don Fray Pedro de Arce, with which it was corrected and collated, and is issued actually and really corrected and collated, and on petition of the said reverend person, I gave the present in the city of Manila, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of August, one thousand six hundred and sixteen, witnesses being Christoval de Saavedra, Blas de Rrosales, and Andres Estevan, citizens and residents of Manila.

Therefore I affixed my seal in testimony of right. Gratis.

Pedro de Valdes, notary-public.

We, the undersigned notaries, testify that Pedro de Valdes, by whom this testimony seems to be sealed and signed, is a notary-public of the number [81] of this city of Manila, and that entire credence has been, and is, given, in and out of court, to the writs and acts that have passed, and pass, before him. Given in Manila, August twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and sixteen.

Diego de Rueda, notary. Juan de Cabrera, royal notary. Sebastian Samer, his Majesty's notary.

Sire:

Don Pedro de Arce, bishop of Cibu, declares that his predecessor, Don Pedro de Agurto, first bishop of that province, appointed and named canons and dignidades, although without any stipend, to serve in his cathedral church, without your Majesty's order. By his death the said canons and dignidades claimed the right to govern in the vacant see of the said bishopric; while the archbishop of Manila also claimed the right to place a government there himself. Since many opposing ideas have been expressed among the theologians regarding this matter, I supplicate your Majesty to have the goodness to order what procedure must be observed in this, and whether such canons and dignidades constitute and hold the force of a cabildo, or not, so that, at any event, suits and dissensions may be avoided; and it will receive favor. [In the margin: "Have all the documents that bear upon this argument collected, and have the fiscal examine them all, and let action be taken according to his declaration. May 4, 619."]

The fiscal declares that no other papers than this petition were brought to him. So far as can be judged from this statement alone, those who are referred to as canons and dignidades are not such, nor can they be such. In order to determine what further measures it it advisable to take, it is necessary that the governor and archbishop of Manila investigate the matter. Madrid, May 28, 1619.

As the fiscal says, and until they investigate, let a decree be framed ordering what the bishops must observe in appointing the canons, when they are not appointed by his Majesty and a cabildo is not formed. June first, 619.

Sire:

Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of the city of Cibu, in the Filipinas Islands, declares that, at your Majesty's order, and for the welfare of his Lord, he came to govern the archbishopric of Manila because of the death of the archbishop, Don Diego Vazquez de Mercado; and inasmuch as the stipend given us by your Majesty is slight, and we have to keep a house and servants in that city with suitable dignity and propriety, he laid a petition before your royal Audiencia of those islands, which was then governing, asking that he be given the stipend given to the archbishop. Having called a meeting of the treasury, as your Majesty commands by your royal decrees, they voted to give him, as a gratification, the third part of the salary given the archbishop, as appears by the testimony that he presents. He petitions your Majesty to grant him the grace, because of his many expenses there, to confirm that action, so that the royal officials who shall pay it shall not be responsible for those expenses; and thereby he will receive favor.

[Endorsed: "Have the fiscal examine it. May 4, 1619."]

The fiscal declares that, although the Audiencia and council of the treasury could not do this, and although they petitioned it, they ought to declare that it was to be understood if confirmed by the Council. Their motive may be found just; and did it appear so to the Council, then they might approve and confirm it. Madrid, May 28, 1619. [In the margin: "Let a decree be despatched in accordance with the fiscal's declaration. June first, 1619."]



LETTER FROM ALONSO FAJARDO DE TENZA TO FELIPE III

Sire:

In the vessels that I despatched from this bay to Nueva Espana last year on the tenth of August, I informed your Majesty of my voyage and arrival, and of the condition in which I found this country. By way of Portuguese Yndia I did the same in December of the said year, adding then what was new. What news I can now give is that, thanks to God, the said ships reached here on the return voyage on the third of this month, after a long trip of three and one-half months—and on the outward trip, the smaller ship spent less than four months, and the larger seven days more [than four months]. They have been among the most fortunate ships seen here. Glory be to His Divine Majesty for everything. These ships have brought two companies with one hundred and twenty-four volunteer soldiers together, thirty-four sentenced by justice to serve in these districts, thirty-two convicts for the galleys, three hundred and seventy-eight thousand five hundred and eighty-six eight-real pesos, in reals and in bars of silver, also arms, military stores, and other necessary supplies for the use of these strongholds and warehouses. Although the troops and money do not equal what was asked from here—nor what is extremely necessary, because of the very stringent need here of both men and money—according to what I have heard of the difficulty in collecting this aid, and the labor that it cost the viceroy of those provinces to expedite and send it, he is greatly to be praised for it. I am under obligations to him; but I find myself also obliged to entreat your Majesty to have him urged in vigorous terms, saying that you consider yourself served thereby, and to order him to continue it, doing the utmost possible in the reenforcements asked from here. He should also be asked to furnish those reenforcements in the same manner, in those years when ships do not reach Acapulco from these islands because of having to put back into port in distress, or from any other forced cause that prevents their voyage; for it is certain that even if no ship arrive there, the despatch [from Nueva Espana] should not be discontinued, because of its vast importance for the welfare of this community, and in order to bring provisions and reenforcements, as is usual and necessary. However much the viceroy be urged on, this country will not have what it needs, until your Majesty be pleased to have sent here the reenforcement of the fleet that was promised—adding to the men and ordering it to be provided with sufficient money for their sustenance and the execution of what must be done with the fleet. I trust in our Lord that, if it reach here safely, it will give us very good results. I offer on my part to procure those good results with its aid, as far as possible. I shall not again mention in detail the reasons existing as to why your Majesty should send us this aid, as they have been written so often by so many men, and are so evident and well known; and in order to conquer or conserve, or to make war in any manner, that reenforcement and money are needed. As there is so great a need of both these things and of small boats, as I wrote your Majesty in those letters that you acknowledged, I heard that the rebels of Olanda were coming to these islands with fourteen ships and a number of caracoas. These latter are the craft of our enemies of Mindanao, and they do the most harm to these natives. Although it appeared impossible to make sufficient preparation to resist them and prevent the depredations which were to be feared from so large a squadron, I resolved to exert my utmost efforts in order to attend to our defense, notwithstanding my lack of all things necessary for it that should have been sent me. Almost at the same time as the news, arrived the rebels. They had only five ships with high freeboard, to which were added two others, also large ones, a part of four vessels that we heard were to come from Japon—according to what was learned from that kingdom through the fathers of the Society, and by way of Terrenate, and from some prisoners captured along this coast, not far from here. The latter, landing in order to reconnoiter the country, so that they might land some Dutchmen on it, fell into the hands of a company that I had placed in ambush with the great desire to gather information and learn the designs of the enemy. In short, it was learned from those advices, and especially from those from Japon, that not only was it their intention to pillage the ships from China (whence proceeds the commerce that sustains this island) and commit the depredations of former years, but also to await the vessels from Nueva Espana, in order at once to conclude and finish everything. That obliged me to make the night day with my continual toil, so that the Spaniards who were scattered throughout these islands might be prepared and collected; and artillery cast, which was lacking to me for what was necessary (even a place where I could get the metal and the alloy). Then the workmen on two ships, the construction of which had been ordered, had to be urged to greater haste and all that was necessary supplied, so that either one or both of them could be finished in time to serve on the occasion then presented; and a ship of moderate size, which was the only one I found in this bay when I entered it, had to be repaired. The latter was so old that it was necessary almost to rebuild it. Also I did the same with a small patache and the galleon in which I came, and the Japanese vessel which also came with me from Nueva Espana. It needed not a little repair, and gave me a great deal of trouble with its owners, so that they should lend it. But finally they lent it, and now I have had it bought at a very cheap price. With it, and one of the new ones which were finished in time (which is the one now about to sail to Nueva Espana), and those above mentioned, and another new patache which I had finished from the bottom up—all together, they comprised two large vessels, two moderate-sized vessels, two pataches, and four galleys. They were repaired, and manned in great part with borrowed slaves and Dutch prisoners (for the Dutch inflict upon the Spaniards the worst of treatment). While this fleet was so far advanced that it could sail and fight in a few days afterward, the rebels entered for the last time into this bay, a thing which they had done eight times before. After staying a long time in the mouth of the bay, and seeing it prepared, and some craft ready and filled with men, it appears that they did not choose to try our arms or tempt fortune; for they sailed away and left their position, and went farther up the coast, until they passed the cape of Bolinao [82]—a district where they thought they would be safe from us, because we could not go there at that season without evident danger of being unable to return to this bay, because of having no longer a port to leeward, save those of Japon, where they have their factories. As soon as they left here, I sent some light craft after their ships, in order to ascertain where they were going, and to return to me with the information, being resolved to go in pursuit of them, and finishing my preparations for it. The news which was soon brought me was that, after taking the open sea, a storm struck them. According to that news, and the report by some Chinese of a junk that was plundered, and signs that were seen along the said coast, the enemy lost one of their largest ships on that coast. These Chinese met them on their way to Japon, so that they abandoned the islands. Although I should be better satisfied had my toil and ardent desire been employed in fighting and attaining some good result, with God's help, still I have also enjoyed great happiness and give His Divine Majesty many thanks because our vessels have arrived here, and those of the Dutch have received less gain than loss, and have caused no considerable loss [to us]. Likewise the despatches that I sent to China were important for that, in which I advised the Sangleys when and where not to come, and when and where they could come. I also sent an order and money to Macan to buy a ship of more than medium size, which was there, from the chief commandant of that city. According to the letters in which I have been answered, the ship can arrive here soon. With it, those that I have here, the other new one (which is now finished), and an urca [83] sent me by the viceroy of Yndia, I shall have seven vessels, counting larger and medium-sized ones, besides the large one and one patache which are about to sail to Nueva Espana, which can direct a good artillery fire. To them I shall add some artillery recast from burst pieces which, for lack of alloy that I sent to buy at Malaca, and which has now arrived, were not cast before. With this, I shall endeavor to get ready as soon as possible, for whatever time the enemy may come, or for whatever decision may be made, according to advices that we shall have of the enemy, and the measures that shall appear to be most advisable for your Majesty's service. The viceroy of Yndia sent me the urca above mentioned, after I had sent him a despatch with the letters that should be sent your Majesty from there, begging him to send me for next year, and for the occasion that can be expected in it, some ships with sailors and soldiers, equipped and manned. I also sent money and an order that, if any good or suitable ship be found, it be bought; or that they should contract to have one or two built wherever most convenient—or in Cochin, because the wood is harder than that of this island. Don Diego Christino, chief commandant of that city, was charged with it. According to the reply of Captain Gregorio de Vidano, whom I sent for that purpose, brought to me in the report that he has made me of the affairs of Yndia, it seems that that state is in need of reinforcements and special aid, as are we in this state of ours; only we, although few, are living in comfort, God be thanked, and if not with many forces, we are prepared and alert. Accordingly he returned with the said urca which the viceroy gave him. The latter sent me many offers of friendly offices in what might occur, and such as should be possible for him, with expressions of very great goodwill. I have believed them, for he is so gallant a gentleman, as is currently reported. However, I doubt their practical results, and would not like to find his aid necessary; for one can imagine that the inhabitants of that state would put difficulties in the way of it. That has already been demonstrated by experience. According to the little that can be hoped from India, and of what they write from Nueva Espana regarding the exhaustion of that country, and the impossibility of getting from it any of the reenforcements necessary in this country—as is evident from the so meager aid that has come here—the sending by your Majesty of the fleet that you have offered to these islands becomes unavoidable. You should see that the infantry contingent be in excess of two thousand men; that the contingent of sailors and artillerymen reach nine hundred—embarking them in such vessels as can come with comfort. It should be noted that ships for these regions and for the journey from Espana must not be less than five hundred toneladas, nor much greater than six hundred. Vessels of this burden, if new and strong, will be of very great service both for war and for trade and commerce with Nueva Espana; and each one will be assigned to the use most fitting to it, in accordance with its build. And if they carry efficient troops and artillery, a quantity of anchors and cables, capable commanders and sailors, and an order that the money for their sustenance be provided, they will be very welcome, whatever may be their fashion and build, as the restoration of this country will be certain. This is the only remedy hoped for. I have sent reenforcements of food, money, and other things, to the forts of Terrenate, with which, according to the advices received from that island, they are sufficiently provided until the regular time comes again to send them help, as it is the usual custom to do. When that time expires, which now is just the opposite of this voyage [i.e. to Nueva Espana], I shall try, with God's help, to send, together with the ordinary help, two companies of infantry, with some other soldiers of those who have come this year from Nueva Espana. If I can increase it to a greater number, I shall do so, by changing some of the soldiers who have been there so many years, and leaving those that shall be necessary for the defense of those forts. I shall also try to send two galleys, as galleys are more important among those islands than among any other parts of the islands of this region. I would already have sent those soldiers, if the season had not hindered, after the Dutch had left here; and until then it was impossible to divide the forces which were being collected to oppose them.

I have had many loud complaints from the forts of Terrenate, written by religious and laymen, of the governor there, Lucas de Bergara Gaviria—not only of his asperity and harsh government, but of his lack of balance in other things. Since these complaints were so numerous, I was obliged to get the opinion and resolution of the members of this royal Audiencia; but at the same time came letters from Lucas de Bergara Gaviria, asking permission to resign his post. Consequently I was forced to seek some one to go there. After nominating for that post the master-of-camp, Don Geronimo de Silba, as one to whom your Majesty had entrusted that government, he excused himself from going there, with arguments that he advanced for it. Accordingly the master-of-camp, Don Luis de Bracamonte, was appointed in his stead. Although I consider the latter a man of so good qualities, that I know of no one here who is better than he, still—both because he goes with little desire to stay there (as he shows), and because the choice of the one who must go to those islands will be very much better if made by your Majesty's Council—I beg you to be pleased to have the choice made, and to order that the person appointed for it go immediately to discharge his duties.

I do not altogether believe what is said and written about Lucas de Bergara Gaviria, as this is a country where accusation is practiced considerably, and even the giving of false testimonies; and in this way some men make themselves feared. Such men have even obtained in that way what they have not merited by other and lawful means. And notwithstanding that in the long time that elapses before the truth is established, the rival suffers, there is no one who will not [finally] bear the stigma [of his wrongdoing], and especially if any religious are dissatisfied. In such cases, there is nothing to do but keep patient, and to pray God for a remedy, for it is the most cruel persecution that is suffered. Seldom is a man so fortunate that with but little to give he can satisfy many claimants. As each one tries to favor his own client or clients, they all resent any other being preferred to them; and their eagerness or partiality does not allow the advantage of merits to be recognized, even if it be known. A good example of this was seen during the term of the good governor, Don Juan de Silba, who was discussed quite differently in writing and in the pulpits than he deserved. Consequently, by having heard these reports, I have resolved not to believe those which have been written of Bergara; but when the investigation that I ordered to be made comes, I shall advise your Majesty of what shall be considered as true, so that you may enact what is most fitting for your service.

I have not heard other Maluco news with the certainty that I may affirm it. However, those items that are considered most certain are, that the Dutch have a great number of ships, and although not more than enough men, they still have sufficient for them; and the number of men cannot be small if they can man the ships after leaving the necessary men in their forts and factories. Of this and other details of their and our forts, a long relation is given by Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante (who is one of the most trustworthy soldiers and one of the most experienced in those regions), so that it may be sent to your Majesty with this letter.

The English who go within range of the Flemish factories are having fierce engagements and wars with them, according to the news received. It has been learned from some that they [i.e., the English] wish to ally themselves with us, so that we may together attack the Flemish. Although I am not in relations with those people, they pledge that those who do not confederate with them they will not fail to regard as enemies. Meanwhile, there is no permission from your Majesty to trade here; nor do they render the submission due, and which should be assigned to them. Still, so that we may proceed in the service of your Majesty with greater certainty, I entreat that you will have sent to me the order that I am to observe in this, as well as toward some Dutch prisoners who are here; it does not seem proper for me to put them to death, as that would be in so cold blood, and it is even less so to trust in those who desire liberty for themselves and evil for us.

The king of Terrenate is also a prisoner here, and is causing expense to your Majesty, and anxiety to those who guard him. In my opinion, I do not know whether he can do us more harm, if he was in his own country, than that which his son is causing us, who possesses the country and has allied himself with the Dutch. On the other hand, the king might cause revolt among themselves and their vassals, if he tried to dispossess his son of the government, since the king is so offended and so angered as he is with the ill-treatment that he has experienced from his son. Will your Majesty ascertain what is most to your service in this, and order me accordingly.

I have been unable to make any investigation in the loss of the six galleons that had occurred when I reached this country, of which I immediately informed your Majesty. For, as Don Geronimo de Silba would have to be blamed for it, as the one who was captain-general on sea and land, and in the event of his acquittal, the blame must fall upon another, or he would remain guilty; and inasmuch as he is protected by the judge conservator with bulls from his order (that of St. John), to which likewise is joined the assertion that an order from your Majesty is necessary to make that investigation: for that reason, I have been unable to investigate it fully and specifically, but 1 shall fulfil whatever your Majesty shall command, on the arrival of those orders. If now I should try to make any investigation I could not do so, as I have heard so much different talk about it. In my opinion such and greater disasters may happen, without any blame resting on those who give the orders, or on those who execute them. Many such disasters have been seen to occur, thus in the sea, when it is excited by any violent storm—and more, since it is among islands, where there is no place for the ships to run free.

Don Geronimo de Silba has petitioned me to appoint him to the office of captain-general of the artillery, with the officials and assignment that it has in other districts. That has been refused him, inasmuch as there is nothing here for which or with which to add that expense. If I gave him the title, it was rather to fulfil your Majesty's decree ordering it, than by any necessity of there being such an office. He is also talking of a journey to that court, if your Majesty will be pleased to grant him permission.

I petition your Majesty to appoint, for the third person who serves, one of such qualities and characteristics that he can succeed to this government, if a person for that should be lacking, and to the presidency, in case that your Majesty does not now wish the Audiencia to succeed to everything; for if they always avoid having more than one head, your Majesty's service will fare better—and of that we have already had experience here, as in other regions. For the same reasons it would be advisable for such a person to be governor of Terrenate, and even the castellan of this castle; even if he should not have to serve for more than his duties there, and with his counsels, your Majesty would be excellently served. With that intention I have proposed to your Majesty the persons whom I know, in my opinion, to be suitable. Likewise other persons should be sent me for other purposes, chiefly for clerkships [officios de la pluma] and for the administration of the royal treasury. They should have been reared in a good school and have exhibited good qualities; and they should be of no other [than the clerical] class, because of the great importance of efficient care, method, and system in the handling of papers and accounts. That care and system signifies much in such employment, and even more when it is lacking, since a deficiency therein is more grievous. Inasmuch as the accountant, Francisco Lopez Tamayo, left the department of accounts because of his advanced age and his ill-health, I appointed Pedro de Lensarra as accountant in his stead. He came in the caravels with Ruy Gonzalez de Sequeyra. I appointed him here for this purpose for I thought him a man just and intelligent in the matter, according to what I have hitherto been able to learn; and I made more of his good qualities than of the jealousy exhibited toward him by some, who call him a criminal and blasphemer—but I am not surprised that it is rather unusual here to praise any person very highly. What I can say of him is that the way in which he fills his office has not as yet displeased me. On account of his report to me and that of the royal officials, in response to an order of mine issued for the correction of certain abuses, which I shall mention below, I instituted a reform in them as follows.

During the term of my predecessor a meeting was held by the president, auditors, and royal officials then in office (some of whom still hold their offices). In that meeting reasons were given, with precedents and instances, that were deemed sufficient for them to resolve to distribute among themselves and other officials of the Audiencia, and the archbishop of this church, three thousand five hundred fanegas of rice, at the price at which the grain is furnished as tributes to your Majesty. Since I saw that there was no royal order for it from you, and that no approbation of the resolution had come in so long an interval; and considering that that quantity, and much more which is added to it, is bought on the account of the royal treasury for the ordinary expenses and rations furnished by the royal treasury, which makes an assessment among the Indians in order to get it, and that your Majesty pays for what we take, at the rate of four reals, and at times four pesos—but more often without paying the poor Indians, because [the treasury] has not the wherewithal; [and considering that] for that reason of not giving those Indians the money and of the loss suffered by them—who, in order to comply with the assessment, have to buy at much dearer rates—not only resulted the harm in the loss of the money, but sometimes loss of liberty to some, as they have become slaves because of it: therefore, in order to reform so great an evil, I have enacted that this rice should not continue to be given to us, and that what has been received be restored, unless your Majesty shall order otherwise. [84] I have enacted the same in regard to four hundred pesos that were ordered to be given to the government secretary every year, by a similar meeting of the royal treasury, and excusing him from securing your Majesty's confirmation. Since his office is such that he bought it for seventeen thousand pesos at a time when it had no more perquisites than now, and not so many, consequently, that increased salary will cease and the money withdrawn on this account from the royal treasury will be returned to it. I have ordered that the money which is generally removed from the division of the accounts of probated estates [bienes de difuntos] here to that of Mexico, without any benefit from their property for the souls of the deceased or for the heirs, when distributed or invested by order of the judge of those estates [i.e., probate judge] shall be placed in this royal treasury. The necessary vouchers shall be given, so that an amount equal thereto may be delivered to the division of the accounts of probated property in that city from the money that has to be sent from the treasury of Mexico on your Majesty's account to this treasury here. Thus will be avoided the expense of carrying that money to the port and the danger of the sea, while it has even greater conveniences, without any hurt to the heirs. And although it appears so just, as will be learned from it, persons have not been lacking to resent the limiting and lessening of the handling of the money. In regard to the accounts of the alms from the bulls I would do the same, if the agreements and conditions of their collection allowed, as it would have the same convenience as the aforesaid procedure, and would prove a very great blessing to the inhabitants of this community, by obviating the investment of this money and the space that it occupies in the vessels that carry it to Nueva Espana. Will your Majesty be pleased to ascertain whatever is most to your service, and that orders be given to me accordingly. In this matter, as in those above, there are not wanting some to oppose it.