The archbishop of Manila, I am told, is writing to your Majesty, petitioning you to command that his stipend be increased. Having considered the reasons that he gives—and that, even if there were no other than his residing here in the gaze of so many pagan nations and those of different sects, as the representative of the greatest ecclesiastical dignity—his desire for the means to discharge so many obligations as he has seems as just, for this reason and for the others regarding the archbishopric, as would be unjust my neglect to petition your Majesty for the same on my part, because of my ever-present obligations to represent to you whatever I think to be advisable for your royal service.

With this letter I send your Majesty the declaration of a notary who was prisoner among the Dutch, and a document written to me by a father of the Society, which came together day before yesterday from Terrenate; and also two copies of letters from Lucas de Vergara Gaviria, governor of those forts, and from the king of Tidore, which were received a few days before. Will your Majesty have them examined, for they contain the latest news from Maluco.

The two vessels that are being despatched to Nueva Espana are now able to set sail, and will do so (God willing), when the weather is favorable. They go well equipped for the voyage, and the lading well adjusted—more so than has yet been usual here. They carry excellent crews, artillery, sufficient arms, and good rigging, and a great quantity of that, in order to spare your Majesty the expense that is incurred in Nueva Espana—where each quintal [of rigging] costs, delivered in Acapulco, about fifty pesos; while here it costs only one-tenth as much. As great preparation has been made in the candles for the lanterns, [31] and other things, for the same purpose of lessening the expense. And, while discussing this matter, I cannot refrain from again petitioning your Majesty, in order to fulfil my obligations and my desire for your royal service, to order that the clerks and the treasury employees that I have requested for this place be sent to me; for they are very necessary in order to aid more efficiently the service of your Majesty, whose Catholic person may our Lord preserve, as is necessary to Christendom. In this port of Cavite, and bay of Manila, August 10, 1618.

Already on this day (the above date) the ships are to leave this bay, because of the favorable weather that has come. All the pilots are of opinion that they will not be lost, and that our Lord will guide and convey them with all safety. It has seemed best to the Audiencia that a certain report be sent to your Majesty in this letter, of which it took charge, made against Don Hieronimo de Silva; consequently I am sending it in accordance with their opinion, since they are lawyers. Nevertheless, my opinion was that it should be suspended until the trial of the said Don Hieronimo, and the truth were known with certainty; and not to discredit him beforehand with depositions of certain persons, by whom he has been accused, without allowing him any opportunity to defend himself.

Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca

[Appended to the letter are the following letters on Moluccan affairs, mentioned by Fajardo.]

Letter from Manuel Ribeyra, S.J.

As I arrived from this voyage from Maluco ailing and crippled in one foot, I have not gone to pay my respects to your Lordship and to welcome you, in accordance with my obligations, to these islands, whither in a time of so great need our Lord has brought you for the relief of all of them. I give a thousand thanks to your Lordship for the so signal grace that you do me in ordering me to advise you briefly of the condition of Maluco, and of whatever I deem in need of reform, trusting that I shall only pay attention in this to the question how their two Majesties, the Divine and the human, may be better served; and that I shall proceed throughout truthfully and with integrity, as a religious of the Society, which I am. In order that I may comply with what your Lordship orders, I declare, sir:

That the forts of Terrenate, Tidore, Gilolo, Tafongo, and Payagi (which are all that the king our sovereign possesses in the Maiucas Islands) are in the best condition in which they have ever been; because for a year past, since Master-of-camp Lucas de Bergara Gaviria has been governing them, he has labored at their fortification, so that all are in an excellent state of defense. At present there is no cavalier in Maluco that is not built of stone, although until now many were built of fascines, and whenever it rained heavily they were washed down, and at times with the death of those in them. Besides that, he has had the island of Tidore and the post of Socanora fortified; this is very important, as the enemy try so hard to take them. Thus it is in security, and he has also enclosed and surrounded the two towns in the respective islands of Tidore and Terrenate, which were outside our forts, with two curtains of rampart which are very good and very strong.

Although our forts in Maluco have at present the artillery necessary for their defense, still that does not prevent the very great need that is experienced there for three or four good pieces of long range, so that they may be placed in Tidore, Don Gil, and Tomanira. Those are the three forts that we have on the three channels where the hostile ships generally enter and leave, without our being able as yet to do them any damage.

Not less necessary do I consider it that we should always have galleys in Terrenate; for lack of them our reenforcements this year were so hindered, and the flagship was lost.

Since no pay has been given the soldiers in Maluco for many years, and since all the food and clothing that is sent from Manila is very little, they are in great need. Accordingly it appears, advisable for your Lordship to aid them liberally, since they merit it.

In order that the soldiers in Maluco may not become desperate, and so that one may find men there who will offer to serve your Lordship in that camp willingly and gladly, it will be very advantageous for you to send one or two new captains with their companies every year, and to withdraw a like number.

Since operations in the forts of Terrenate arc carried on among Moros, and they know very well the dignity which each one has on his entrance into the country, we have seen by experience that it is a very great cause of trouble to give there the dignity of captain to those who entered as soldiers; for the natives do not esteem them as is right, and continually lose respect for them. Not only are all those who are now there of that class, but there are some among them of whom the Moros say—of one, that they have little acquaintance with him, and that in the markets, when he was buying fowls and all the other things used at his master's house; of another, that they know that they insulted him. Thence arose the saying of the king of Tidore, that he wondered that such men were made captains of the king of Espana. To all this is added the fact that little dependence can be placed on them for any occasion where honor is concerned. Consequently, I judge that after accommodating such men here, it is advisable to give those posts to new captains.

In Maluco are many old and deserving alferezes, whom it seems that your Lordship should summon and grant favors here.

All the infantry was giving as a whole great satisfaction, and throughout this year not one has gone over to the enemy, although that was formerly very common, and although the captains and other persons complain or the temper and harshness with which the master-of-camp, Lucas de Bergara Gaviria, treats them. I affirm, sir, that even so zealous a servant of the king ought to show some toleration; and, moreover, that can be remedied with a word from your Lordship. I remember also that last year, by his going to Terrenate, he resuscitated that country, and since then until now the soldiers have had food, obtaining all that is sent them from Manila. This, sir, is what I can briefly say of the condition of Maluco, which through His Divine Majesty, I hope is to make progress since the happy arrival of your Lordship, whose person may God, our Lord, preserve to us for long years, as He can do, and as is necessary to us. From this house of the Society of Jesus at Cavite, August 10, 1618.

The humble chaplain of your Lordship,

Father Manuel Ribeyra

Copy of a letter written by Lucas de Vergara Gaviria, Governor of Terrenate

On the eleventh of the present month I despatched the ship "San Buena Ventura," in which I informed your Lordship of occurrences here. That same night the ship "Santa Margarita" reached this port from Manados with the cargo brought by the fragata "San Miguel," which returned to those islands. This ship brought the orders that its commander says were given him by Francisco Rosales, master of the "San Miguel," in which your Lordship orders a quantity of cloves to be prepared to send to Eastern Yndia, in order that it may be exchanged for the supplies necessary for the fleet; and that two thousand three hundred pieces of Chincheo cotton are sent for it. I answer that I have them, and assert that your Lordship ought to have that master punished; for he did not give those orders to the accountant, Pedro de Almansa, when he left the ship at Manados to come here. Had he done so, there would have been, notwithstanding the season, some cloves which could have been bought, although not all the quantity ordered, and although it could not have been done when they arrived. At that time the selling had already been finished, and the Spaniards who lived there had a great quantity of goods in their houses on account of the scant supply of cloves; for the harvest was not so great as was expected. Consequently, as soon as I received the order sent me, I ordered a factory [i.e., trading post] to be established, and your Lordship's orders to be executed. However, these four months no cloves can be traded; for until the end of that time the trees will not bear. Consequently, although great efforts be made, we shall not be able to send to Yndia until next December or January. Besides that, there would be great delay in buying forty-five bares [32] of cloves with cotton alone, which would be the amount at the prices current this year. In order that this may be done more quickly, it has been decided to put with them other kinds of cloth bought in Yndia, since these Moros wish to have a choice, some asking for one kind of cloth, and others for another. Thus all manner of care possible will be given to this matter.

Today when I was with the king of Tidore, he told me that he had heard sure news from the Ternatans that the natives of the islands of Vanda, together with the English who have a fortress there, had given poison to the Dutch who live there, from which many had died; [33] that their commander Lorenco el Real, was very much reduced; that the Dutch had taken two English ships which were cruising about there, and had put the Englishmen in the galleys; and that the Dutch fleet is coming to these islands to the number of eighteen ships and two galleys. He also said that the fort of Ambueno was burned, where that fleet has stopped until it can be rebuilt; but that they consider it certain from what they write that they will be here sometime in the month of July next. I am putting these forts into as good a condition of defense as is possible with the few men that I have. For never were there fewer Spaniards in these islands; since, if occasion should arise, I have not twenty men with whom I could reenforce any fortress, without creating a notable scarcity in the others. It cannot be less, since last year only thirty soldiers came, whom I brought; while in the two companies of this year have come forty-six. A like number of sick and crippled men have gone to that city [of Manila]; while there are others here who have died; and many are sick, who with more reason would be occupying the hospital than the sentry-boxes, were not the necessity so pressing. Although, thanks to God, as they are provided with food, they get along reasonably well on the little clothing that has come, yet I am continually having their garments patched. Thus everything possible is being done to encourage and please them, and I think they are in that condition. I have, glory to God, as I wrote to your Lordship, rice in the magazines to last until the end of next April, with the precautions that I am taking, making use of that which came from Macasar. My greatest cause for anxiety at present is my lack of a galley or two in order to oppose to those that they say that the enemy is bringing; for I have nothing but one rotten galliot—and that without crew, as I have written—which is the vessel that I seized from Pedro Alvarez de Abreo. I am repairing it, in order to do what is possible with it, and to attend to the communication with these forts, which are situated at points so dangerous. Will your Lordship send me a galley or two as quickly as possible, in order that I may do this better, and work what harm I may to the enemy (for these boats are the necessary things in this island, as your Lordship knows; and the enemy, knowing this, are not afraid of us). I need also some money and clothes for these poor soldiers; and some cloth from Yndia, if there is any, in order to put it in the factories as agreed upon, at the account of his Majesty; and some men, since they are so necessary. Therefore with what the galley or galleys that may come can bring, since I have rice for the time above stated your Lordship will not need to be in haste to send me help in defective vessels. But then I hope, God helping, that the fleet will have arrived from Castilla, and that it and that of those regions will come, even though somewhat late, both to bring that aid safely and to achieve the results that his Majesty desires, since these Dutchmen are quite stripped of men; and although they have many ships, and those from Olanda, they do not expect reenforcements as abundant as hitherto. It appears that all the natives are already turning against them, and are continually supporting the English in these regions with greater forces. The latter are so very hostile to the Dutch, that they will hasten to profit by a very good opportunity. [34] I regard it as certain, that in case that we wish to avail ourselves of the forces of the English, if our own are insufficient to destroy these Dutchmen, they will aid us in it very willingly, by short agreements that might be made with them. I know that this cannot be a bad thing for his Majesty, but very good. This English captain who is here has told me that if we wish to bring this about, his nation will do it. I advise your Lordship go that should necessity, perchance, compel us to undertake this, you may know what we are doing here about it.

His Majesty's two fortresses in Gilolo, as your Lordship knows, serve only as garrisons for eighty soldiers, sixty of them Spanish. They are continually dying and falling sick, and because of our lack of men in these forts, which are of importance, those men would prove very advantageous here, while there they are of no use. Whenever the enemy may attack them in force, they cannot be succored by either sea or land. Consequently, I think, for these and other reasons, that it would be wise to withdraw them before the enemy oblige us by force to do so. Will your Lordship order this to be considered, and ordain what is most advisable. At present the enemy have two ships, as I wrote in my previous letters.

The surgeon sent by your Lordship for this hospital I am sending back, as he is useless here—both because father Fray Juan de Santamaria, a lay brother of St. Francis, is here, who attends to this with charity, willingness, and great skill; and because the former has certain defects or excesses that are not suitable for a country so short of the sort of thing that he specially cares about, and of which even the sick are in want. Consequently, he would do better in Panay or La Pampanga, and his Majesty would save six hundred pesos of salary.

Just now I learned from the king of Tidore that many Dutchmen were killed at the burning of the fort of Ambueno. Yesterday a ship arrived at the forts of Malayo from the Sunda. I suspect that it does not bring altogether pleasant news, for it entered very silently. All say that the fleet in Ambueno will come. However, it is said that the commander Lorenco el Real and other captains were killed in that fire, besides other prominent people. Consequently there are three of the enemy's ships here now.

The ship "San Antonio el Chico" [i.e., "the little"] is going with this despatch, and the "Santa Margarita" will remain here. Further nothing else offers at present of which to advise your Lordship, whom may our Lord preserve with all possible prosperous estate. Tidore, June 30, 1618.

Lucas de Bergara Gaviria



As I have heard that Governor Lucas de Vergara Gaviria is giving your Lordship a long account of the condition of affairs in these islands, I shall not say more in this than to refer to his letter, and only to greet you in my own name, and tell you of the so great afflictions of these islands. Never have they been seen in such a condition, both because of the disastrous loss of the fleet of vessels that was expected here this year with a great force, and because not even one galley was sent, from three or four that are cruising about there, although it is known that some islands and forts cannot have communication with others except by means of galleys. For they are our succor from dangers, and protection to the besieged, not considering that one galliot here now is such that, rather for reputation and ostentation than for use, the governor preserves it. For that reason, the scarcity of succor, and the news of the loss of the fleet, the courage of all has been greatly moderated, while that of the enemy has been strengthened. And so when they heard of it, they were very glad and went out to collect their ships in order to attack these strongholds of his Majesty and my land. Although they come, as they have published, with fifteen or twenty warships and two galleys, I am very confident that they will accomplish nothing; because we are so well fortified and supplied with provisions which come from Macacar and from those parts that the governor has protected. By the help of God's favor, I am at present making an effort in this my city to resist the enemy by all ways. But it may be understood meanwhile that your Lordship should succor these forts promptly, with great liberality and urgency; for otherwise, if any thing be lost (may God forbid), let it be known that I have done my duty, since for many years I have advised this, and from now I give notice that this is not to be charged to my account. For since, when we were expecting a great force, not only it did not come, but only this little succor was sent, this people did not take it well; for they considered the failure as indicating rather the little power of the Spanish king than the present need of those islands.

I have received the chain and stuffs, although these were wet, and value them as is fitting. There is nothing else to say except this, may our Lord preserve your Lordship for many long years, as I desire. Tidore, May seventeen, one thousand six hundred and eighteen.

I, Pedro Munoz de Herrera, who exercise the office of court clerk of the royal Audiencia and Cnancilleria of the Philipinas Islands, at the order of Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca, comendador of Castilla, of the Order of Alcantara, member of his Majesty's council in the states of Flandes, governor and captain-general of these said islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein, had this copy made from an original letter. It appears to be signed by a character in letters said to be of Terrenate and of the king of Tidore. It is like others from the said king that I have seen. It is a true and faithful copy, and was corrected and collated with the said original letter, which his Lordship the governor said that the said king of Tidore had written to the governor of these islands. In order that that may be apparent, I gave, at the said order, this copy in the city of Manila, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and eighteen. Witnesses at its transcription, correction, and collation were Ambrosio del Corral, Pedro de Belber, and Pedro Munoz de Herrera, junior.

Pedro Munoz de Herrera

We, the undersigned notaries, certify and attest that Pedro Munoz de Herrera, by whom this copy is authorized, enjoys and exercises the office of court clerk of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of these Philipinas Islands; and is held and considered as faithful and accurate; and entire faith and credit has been and is given to the acts and other despatches that have passed and pass before him, both in and out of court. Given in Manila, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and eighteen.

Alonso Gomez, royal notary. Joan de Iya Marin, notary public. Bartolome de Quesada, royal notary.



LETTERS FROM FELIPE III TO FAJARDO

The King: To Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there. You already know that the preservation and maintenance of those islands in all peace and prosperity consists principally in the good government of him who has them in charge, by the equitable administration of justice, the furtherance of the public welfare, and the increase of my royal exchequer. Owing to my great desire that this should be secured, in such manner that what has been deficient there in the past may be supplied and the affairs of the islands more successfully managed in the future, it has seemed best to advise you that, since the citizens and inhabitants of those islands have suffered so many hardships and calamities, having been harassed by enemies, and on this account their property having been greatly reduced, you will exercise the greatest care in endeavoring to have them rewarded with the offices and other positions that are distributed in those islands, in accordance with their merits and services, so that in this way they may be consoled and encouraged. You will likewise see to it that the natives are well treated, so that they may not be annoyed or molested with new services and requirements.

The most important thing that presents itself is the great and excessive expenditure which is incurred by my royal exchequer in the islands of Maluco, for, according to information received, it amounts to two hundred and twenty thousand pesos; while I have not any profit in all those islands, for the Dutch enemies buy all the cloves and other drugs at a much lower cost, whence they derive great profits—as is evident from the forces which they use to get possession and make themselves masters of those islands. And it is the general opinion of zealous, unbiased, and trustworthy persons that my servants, captains, and other officials who have governed those islands, with a commission for their own profits and investments, have taken advantage of the opportunities and trade which they should have maintained and secured for my royal exchequer's increase, and have charged to it all the expenses, they alone having received the profits, without considering that a large part of what the enemy gains is lost to my treasury through lack of faithful service. As this matter is so worthy of correction, and so necessary for the preservation of those islands and the aid of their expenses, I command you to apply to this evil the remedy which I may expect from your loyal zeal, showing yourself entirely disinterested in whatever concerns yourself and your senator, so that you may be an example for the rest. You are free to investigate the offense which any servant of mine may have committed in this matter, and this I order you to do. You will proceed against such persons in conformity with justice, and will punish them with great severity, applying to my royal exchequer all that may result from the fines that you may impose. You will exercise especial care and judgment in all ways and means that are practical and possible, to introduce the greatest possible profit and benefit that can be obtained from the trade in cloves, by such measures as may appear to you best, buying the spice for money or cloth, or in whatever way may be most convenient. If for this purpose it be necessary to provide money or cloth, you will do so as shall be expedient, conferring in regard to everything with the Audiencia, the royal officials, and other persons of experience, choosing the best and soundest course advised. For all this is necessary, and is undertaken in order to direct our energies to the defense of the islands, and to try to extirpate the enemy from them. If the latter end cannot for the present be accomplished by force of arms, yet this communication, trade, and bartering of cloves with the natives, and the employment of gentle but necessary means to secure their obedience, will diminish the strength of the enemy, which consists solely in the advantages that they possess. All this is hoped from your prudence, although in my royal Council of the Yndias the expediency of a factory or administration is being considered, and of one person who should have the management and responsibility of all in Terrenate, as may be best for the benefit of my royal exchequer.

As the number of six hundred infantry for the garrison of the fort of Terrenate besides the two hundred Pampangos who are also in service there, seems more than is necessary for its defense, considering that they do not go out into battle, you will take under advice whether this body can not be reduced to a smaller number at a less expense, without being greatly crippled. For the principal thing to be aimed at is the preservation and defense of that fort, and after that the sparing of my royal exchequer. You will order that the supplies and money for the soldiers be at your own disposal, with the sworn statement of a notary, for there is no royal official there; thus, as these troops will be effective, they will not be defrauded as they have been in the past. You will likewise try to abolish all the superfluous strongholds, both in those islands and in Terrenate; for those named in the memorial which accompanies this, signed by Juan Ruiz de Contreras, are not considered necessary. You will advise me when you have done this.

Considering the great expenses incurred for the reenforcements that are every year sent from Nueva Espana, and the great importance of avoiding the cost and adding to the funds of the exchequer, you will refrain, so far as possible, from demanding articles that can be found in those islands—namely, the products of either nature or industry there—or what can be brought from other regions with greater economy. For it is understood that in the past there has not been the reflection and good judgment in this matter that is right; but, on the contrary, the officials and ministers have made a profit from it. And since, by one of my decrees, it concerns you, by virtue of your office, to decide the affairs of war and government so as to have knowledge of them, and it has been learned by experience that if these powers be not rightly used much loss and trouble has resulted therefrom, I charge you implicitly that the decisions which you shall make, in the matters which may arise, be as reasonable and moderate as is necessary for good government and administration of justice, so that the improvement thus brought about may be recognized and become evident, to the satisfaction of those concerned; for the remedy that may be expedient will be applied in another way.

It has also been understood that the officials of my royal exchequer in those islands, in complying with an order of mine to the effect that in any emergency when it would be imperatively necessary to incur some new expenditure they should join with the governor and Audiencia there and discuss the matter, and the result of the voting by majority should be carried out, advising me thereof—with this opportunity many expenses have been incurred, and salaries and stipends increased unnecessarily, for private ends of individuals. Accordingly, I command you to see that the expenses be not incurred except in sudden cases of invasion by enemies, since otherwise results so much loss to my royal exchequer.

It has also been understood that the religious orders resident in those islands live and comport themselves with more freedom and liberty than is proper, conformably to their profession and regulations, and particularly so the Augustinians. It is also stated that occasional fees and dues that they levy for masses, burials, and suffrages [for departed souls] are excessive; and likewise that they erect buildings and church edifices and their own houses, although they have no authority to do so except with my express permission, or by asking it from the governor of those islands, and then only in case of urgent necessity. Under this pretense and others, they make allotments [of service] and new imposts, on merely their own authority, upon the Indians, who are distressed and overburdened. For the remedy of this, it has seemed best to charge you to maintain all the authority that you can, to prevent this from being done. For this purpose you will join with the archbishop, and both will summon the provincials; and, telling them the information that I have of this matter, you will charge them to make the reformation which is in every way obligatory upon them, since it is so greatly to the service of God our Lord and the public good, as may be seen. Madrid, December 19, 1618.

I The King

By the command of the king our lord: Juan Ruiz De Contreras Signed by the members of the Council.



The King: To Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there. You were advised by a letter of mine, of the same date as this, of the arrival of your letters written at the port of Acapulco; and we answer this separately because the matter is a more serious one than can be treated of in connection with your government. It has seemed best to advise you of the state of affairs, and of what, as now appears, will be the only possible remedy for the preservation of all those regions.

You are well aware, through the information that you carried from Espana, of the embarrassed condition of my royal inheritance, wasted in the defense of our holy faith, and unavoidable expenditures to oppose its enemy and others who have attempted to cause its decline—whom it has been necessary to oppose, in order to preserve the faith, thus causing enormous expenses. As aid for the conservation of my kingdoms, it has been necessary and unavoidable to use the wealth brought by the people of Nueva Espana; but the supplies and expenditures drawn from my royal exchequer for those islands are so consuming and reducing that account and fund, to such an extent, and with so injurious effect, that it hardly comes in but it must be paid out. Considering that what is carried in exchange for the quicksilver [35] is revenue derived from the same merchandise that was sent, while the receipts from the bulls for the crusade are (as you know) but moderately successful, you are accordingly informed of this in such detail, so that you may understand how assured is the loss that is set forth to you. This loss would become greater if the account were measured by the demands that are sent from Filipinas; for then the proceeds of neither the quicksilver, nor the crusades, nor anything else would be enough even for the maintenance of those islands and those of Terrenate, according to our experience thus far. The result is that we are compelled by necessity to choose [as we do] in order not to allow affairs here to go to ruin for lack of money, which is not to be thought of. For you are aware of what importance this is, being the essence and substance of the rest; and it neither ought nor can be supposed that we should not heed the expenditures for Filipinas that have been made from my royal inheritance, which amount to more than seven millions, as has been proved. If there were no other consideration than the mere protection of religion and of the persons who live in those islands, it would oblige us to consider the expense; but we must do so all the more in this state of affairs, as it means the continual remittance and expenditure of money, and all things cannot be attended to. The matter has given us anxiety, as you will understand, regarding this condition; and, after consideration of it, the following measures are proposed to you.

Since the income from the revenues which belong to me in those islands is considerable, you will try so to apportion it, and with such prudence, care, and system, that they may be maintained and made comfortable by it, since nothing more can be done than, by resigning any profit from them, to appropriate all the proceeds from that country to the islands themselves, without any profits whatsoever to another country. As for the measures to be pursued in executing this henceforth, no other rule can be given you more explicit than what you, the Audiencia, and the royal officials shall find it practicable and proper to apply.

It is likewise understood from thoroughly reliable persons who have come from those islands—religious, and others who have brought letters recommending them—that there are in those lands many well-known mines of gold and other metals, which, if they were sought out, would be of great utility and value; and that, if they were worked, their proceeds would be sufficient not only for the expenses there, but even for the aid of those here. These persons say that the reason why the mines have not been operated has been a lack of energy and diligence for the benefit and increase of the royal exchequer; and the fact that they had the treasury of Nueva Espana as a protection, and so accessible for all the expenses that have arisen. Accordingly I charge you very particularly that, with the fidelity and promptness that is requisite for so urgent a necessity, you will take measures to investigate this matter, and obtain from it as much profit as you can; for the peaceful products of the soil will always be certain, and it would be a great pity to lose what might aid in so urgent a need. For this purpose you will make an examination of all the mines that are or may be known, offering rewards and other advantages, honors, and gratuities as may appear expedient to you, in order that the mines may be discovered and worked, as they should be, making the diligent endeavors that are necessary in such an affair. In order that you may better manage it, it has seemed well to me to send you the two papers inclosed, signed by Juan Ruiz de Contreras, so that you can examine and consider them with attention and careful consideration, in order that your mode of procedure may be assured, since the facts in the case are already so. As the most important point that you will have to guard is that the Indians be not troubled or annoyed, and that no sort of injury, or service, or annoyance be inflicted upon them, you will avoid so far as possible these difficulties; and by prudent and cautious measures will try to gain their good-will, until you have acquired suitable knowledge of the situation and richness of the mines. It is also a matter of great importance that the religious who give instruction shall aid, as is explained in these papers—to which effect letters are being written to the provincials of the orders of St. Dominic and St. Augustine, which were sent to you with a copy of each, which they are to receive from your hand. You will talk with them at the same time, availing yourself of all means which may appear to you of use to persuade them that they will thus do a great service to our Lord; and that by so pious a work they will better the present condition of affairs, and aid the public cause. You must see that this is the most important part of your government, as if you were sent there for this and for nothing else. For greater satisfaction and surer success, I command you that as soon as you have received these letters you shall—with the aid of the notary-public of the royal officials, or of your secretary, as may appear best to you—compile a book, in which, after you have inserted these letters and other documents, you will enter the orders that you may give, and the decisions that you may make. Accordingly, there will be evident from them both the time that is gained or lost in the execution of your orders, so that with this guide you may govern to better advantage; likewise, exactly what has occurred in every matter will be clear to me. It would also be well if all the documents, letters, and other papers that you may have in relation to this subject were placed in separate files. In this book recapitulate the papers briefly, referring to the originals; and as you are aware of the importance of good counsel, you will try to avail yourself of the persons whom you may think most capable of giving it to you. If you think it well to convene any assembly, you will do so whenever expedient. In this way you may be advised not only of the importance of this matter, but likewise of the best means available for this country, so that, with your prudence, you may choose the most useful, and avail yourself of whatever benefits or funds may be secured from them. Madrid, December 19, 1618.

I The King

By command of the king our lord: Juan Ruiz De Contreras

Signed by the members of the Council.

[Each letter is endorsed: "To the governor of the Filipinas, on various matters."]



FILIPINAS MENACED BY DUTCH

As I think that this will be a service to the Divine Majesty and to the human, and a benefit to this new world—in the west, to the Philipinas; and in the east, to Yndia (whither I went some years ago on an embassy for Don Joan de Silva and this commonwealth of Manila, and took note of its temporal and spiritual condition)—I am resolved to write this letter to your Lordship, in whose hands our Lord has placed the preservation of this kingdom, and consequently the conversion of numberless souls; perhaps our Lord will choose that in this way may be attained that which numerous letters from these islands to the royal Council of the Yndias have failed to accomplish. Your most illustrious Lordship may rest assured that if his Majesty does not actually send a great reenforcement of military aid to these islands, they must be lost; and, besides, the royal crown of Espana will meet the necessity of defending itself, with greater expenses, from the nations who will make war against it from this direction. Although I am no prophet, I dare to assert that in these seas we shall see the bloodiest battles that have been fought for many years, and that they must result in great injury to the kingdoms of Nueva Espana [and Espana].

This discourse of mine is based on a syllogism. All nations of the world are moved by interest, which is the loadstone of hearts. We see men going down, as they have gone, into the depths of hell for silver and gold; no one can doubt this axiom, and it has no need of proof. The minor premise is this, founded on experimental knowledge—namely, that the greatest source of profit that has been known in our times, the best proved and the most certain, is this of Maluco and Philipinas, whither come the nations of the north, and all other nations who course over this wide sea of India as far as Maluco, where they find that brown gold that they call cloves, and the white silk of China. They barter for or rob persons of the cloves, as well as mace, cinnamon, pepper, and other drugs, which, when carried to their own country, are so much gold-dust. The silks and wealth from China they seize here at the passage to Manila, from various unarmed vessels; and from a people who let their hair grow long, like women, and know not how to defend themselves, so that those robbers have here a sure booty and prize.

I shall presently tell you of the great value of these things, when carried to their own countries; I am now proceeding with my account from the proposition that the greatest source of gain in the world lies in these islands. All the nations know well that they need not go to Nueva Espana to conquer it, or to plunder the silver in the mountain of Potosi, or to the islands of Salomon—which, although they were at one time famed for riches of gold, have proved to be enchanted. [36] Florida, that it cost the French so dear to enter, is already deserted as useless; from Brasil no profits are obtained; from the wars of Flandes men gain nothing but bullets and glory. You may turn the needle to every point on the globe, and you will find that there is no place capable of so much profit as are these islands.

In order to reach them the foreigners have throughout all Yndia the ports of the heathen kings, which are more numerous than our own. The Dutch have factories in Currate [i.e., Surat], in Paliacate on the coast of Malavar, in the Jabas, and in Sunda, Achen, Macasar, and Maluco, where they are establishing themselves and obtaining a foothold. Above all, they have one in Japon, where they find all the supplies necessary for their voyages.

I shall tell you now of the culmination and result of their commerce. A single ship that arrives from these islands with cloves, mace, drugs, silks, etc., yields an immense amount of money; for they carry the goods that are shipped from these islands and from Eastern India through all the northern countries, and the kings give them free passage for their goods and remit duties. They have factories or correspondents in Olanda, Zelanda, Escocia, Ynglaterra, Yrlanda, Dinamarca, Norvega, Francia, Alemania, Alta and Baja Germania, Colonia, Baviera, Austria, Ungria, Boemia, as far as Transilvania, and in our kingdoms inland from Sevilla. This was stated by the Dutch General Blancorte [i.e., van Caerden], whom we held prisoner here.

From all this, the conclusion of the argument is that, as all the nations are moved by interest, and as the gains from these islands are so great, we shall have all the nations here; and indeed we have—not only the Dutch, but the English, who are a people of more ability than the Dutch have; and all these seas are open to the French, and to all other nations.

Who doubts that it costs the king dearly, in course of time, to reenforce us? For twenty years we have been hoping for the coming of a fleet and galleons, and none have come save a few small caravels brought by Ruy Gonzalez de Sequeyra to open up a way for trade to Sevilla; and eight galleons that were made ready for our aid, which put into Gibraltar, so that no aid has come for us. In the mean time the Dutch have new galleons every year, and the islands are already in the worst of straits. Your Lordship may believe that the governors—now, it may be, to show themselves better servants of his Majesty; again, to keep themselves longer in the government—have promised more than the land could raise. The truth is that the islands are utterly drained by the wars and the loss of the six galleons which Don Juan de Silva had built, and with other misfortunes that have been written to the king our lord at greater length. It is a marvel that Don Alonso de Faxardo has not died or become grievously ill with pain at finding these states so weakened, and his honor and that of the crown of Espana so jeopardized. If any one thinks that Eastern India can aid us, I have seen, and Don Geronimo de Azevedo, viceroy of India, assured me, when he gave me four galleons with five hundred infantry and ninety-two pieces of artillery, that he was giving all he had to give. And this was true, for he dismantled the forts to arm the galleons, and the latter were burned by the Dutch in the year one thousand six hundred and sixteen; so that we depend upon Espana alone for our aid. Although the great advantages that have been enumerated should be enough to cause this aid to be given, yet for the pious and so Christian heart of your Lordship I think it better to set forth the multitude of souls converted—who in the time of Don Francisco Tello, governor of these islands, numbered six hundred thousand baptized; and this city of Manila, small as it is, is the key to such great kingdoms as Japon, Coria, Great China, Sian, Patan, Camboja, the Xavas, Sunda, and Maluco, with which Manila is encompassed as is the center of a circle by its circumference. If your Lordship have any interest in its preservation, I hope, through the divine Majesty, that it will be kept, for the honor of the Lord himself. May He protect your Lordship for many years, according to the desire of your humble servant and chaplain. Manila, December 20, 1618.

Joan de Ribera, rector of the college of the Society of Jesus at Manila.

[Endorsed: "Madrid, November 20, 621. To the Council for examination."]



DOCUMENTS OF 1619-1620



Philippine ships and shipbuilding. Sebastian de Pineda; [1619]. Royal decree regarding religious expelled from their orders. Felipe III; February 19, 1619. Proposal to destroy Macao. Diego Aduarte, O.P.; [1619]. Relation of events in the Filipinas Islands, 1618-19. [Unsigned]; July 12, 1619. Letter to Felipe III. Pedro de Arce; July 30, 1619. Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; August 10, 1619. Grant to seminary of Santa Potenciana. Juan Onez, and others; 1617-19. Reforms needed in Filipinas (to be concluded). Hernando de los Rios Coronel; 1619-1620.



Sources: All these documents save one are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the fourth is taken from a MS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.

Translations: All these documents save one are translated by James A. Robertson; the fourth, by Herbert E. Bolton, Ethel Z. Rather, and Mattie A. Austin, of the University of Texas.



PHILIPPINE SHIPS AND SHIPBUILDING

Relation by Captain Sebastian de Pineda, on matters relating to the Filipinas Islands—both the building of galleons, pataches, and galleys, and other means of defense; and various things regarding the preservation and safety of the said islands. [37]

Sire:

In those islands is found a wood called maria, [38] which is used to make all the futtock-timbers of all the galleons, galleys, and pataches; and all the knees and compass-timbers, of all sizes required. There is much of this timber from which to select, although, because of the ships built by Don Juan de Silva, the supply of it is now obtained from a distance. That wood is used only for this purpose, for the tree is short and not straight. Capstans of one piece, gears, and some stringer-plates [trancaniles] for the curved parts of the prows of vessels and the snatch-cleats for the wales, are also made from that wood. That said wood is very durable, and is of such quality that once a nail is hammered into it, it is impossible to withdraw it without breaking it; and when a nail is hammered into that wood it does not hole or chip. If a ball be fired into it of the size of eight libras or less, it does not pierce the wood; and if the ball is large, the wood is not splintered. On the contrary, the hole is stopped up at its entrance and egress with the chips forced out by the ball in its passage. That wood is very light, and has a very poor grain for working.

There is another wood called arguijo, [39] which is very strong and heavy. It is a certain very tall and very straight tree, like the pine. From it are made the keels, beams, false keels, wales, mast heads [calcetes], and pumps, of whatever size required; for that tree, as above stated, grows very tall and straight. Gun-stocks, gun-carriages, and wheels for the artillery are also made from that wood.

There is another wood called laguan. [40] From it is made all the planking and sheathing with which the galleons and galleys are planked. From those trees are made the masts, topmasts, and yards of the galleons and galleys. The said tree grows very straight and thick, so that the flagship galleon has its mainmast from one, that is seventy-two codos [41] long and fifteen palmos in circumference, all in one piece.

The sheathing and planking hewn from the above-named trees for the sheathing of the ships is one palmo thick and three or four wide, and the shortest is twelve brazas long. These planks last a long time under water, as the ship-worms do not hole them; but above water they warp and rot, so that they do not last more than two years—and especially on the decks, if they are not calked during the winter. The greatest danger is that, on account of the haste used in their construction, time is not allowed to cut the wood at the conjunction [of the moon], and to leave it during a year to season, as is required; for if that is done, it lasts much longer. For of all the vessels built during the term of Don Juan de Silva, the galley which was longest in building did not take six months; and all the timber for them was hewn and put in place when green, for the vessels were being built while the wood was cutting.

There is another wood from which is made planking for the galleys, which is called banaba. [42] It is a certain short tree, about four brazas in height. The galleys are sheathed with it, for the ship-worm bores into it but little. The planks are one and one-half palmos broad. There are but few of these trees, and consequently they are used only for the above purpose.

There is another wood called maria de Monteguas, [43] which differs from the first wood of that name. From it are made timbers [latas] for the decks of the galleys, as well as oars for the said galleys. The latter are also made from another wood called guijo, [44] but these are much heavier than those made from the wood maria, and last a long time.

There is another wood called dongon, [45] which is very strong, and of a yellowish color. From it are made stringer-plates, chocks of the bowsprit, coamings of the hatchways, strakes and stanchions for the decks. If all these woods are cut at the conjunction and decrease of the moon, and seasoned, as above stated, for one year, the ship will last much longer; for if they are cut and not seasoned, one must tear up the decks every two years and put down new ones, for they are rotten. Likewise the planks along the sides must be changed, with the exception of the futtock-timbers and top-timbers made of the wood maria; for that wood, although cut and not seasoned, never rots, because it is always durable, in one way, without rotting.

There are many other kinds of woods which are also used for the above purposes. [46]

The shipyards of the galleons built during Don Juan de Silva's term were thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, and eighty leguas from the city of Manila, in different places: namely, on the island of Marinduque, where the galleon "San Juan Bautista" was built, which is forty leguas from Manila; in the province of Camarines at Dalupaes were built "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," and the "Angel de la Guardia" [i.e., "Guardian Angel"], fifty leguas from Manila; in the province of Ybalon at Bagatan were built "San Felipe" and "Santiago," eighty leguas from Manila; in Mindoro was built the galleon "San Juan Bautista," fifty leguas from Manila; in Marinduque was built the almiranta "San Marcos," forty leguas from Manila; in Masbate was built the royal flagship "Salbador," seventy leguas from Manila; in Cavite were built the "Espiritu Santo" and the "San Miguel," two leguas from Manila, in the port where the fleets anchor; in the port of Cabite, six galleys; in the city of Manila, two.

Those who cut these woods and build these ships and galleys are Indian natives of the said islands. They are carpenters, who are called cagallanes or pandais in their language. Those Indians who are no more than woodcutters, and serve only as hewers and planers of wood, are paid each seven or eight reals a month, and are given daily rations of one-half celemin of rice. Those of better trades than the latter generally earn ten or twelve reals a month. Those who are masters—the ones who lay out, prepare, round; and make the masts, yards, and topmasts are each paid three or four pesos of eight reals a month, and double rations.

When a fleet was being prepared in Cavite there were generally one thousand four hundred of these carpenters there. Just now there are very few, for when the Mindanao enemies burned one galleon and two pataches in the past year, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, which were being built in the shipyard of Pantao, sixty leguas from the city of Manila, they captured more than four hundred of the workmen, and killed more than two hundred others; while many have died through the severe work in the building. And because, they have been paid for five years nothing except a little aid, many have fled from the land; and so few remain that when the last ships sailed from the city and port of Manila last year, six hundred and eighteen, there were not two hundred of those Indians in Cabite. [47]

The iron used in the construction of these ships and galleys is brought from China and Japon to the city of Manila. Don Juan de Silva sent patterns of all the nails, and excellently made ones were brought, and cost your Majesty but eight reals per arroba. Iron is brought in the rough and is wrought in Cabite, and costs your Majesty but twenty-four reals per quintal of five arrobas. There all the nails and bolts are wrought, as well as estoperoles, [48] tacks [tachuelas], and everything else needed. The native Indians who act as smiths are paid twelve reals per month, and the Angley [i.e., Sangley] Chinese smiths twenty-eight reals per month, and their ration of rice, which is equivalent to one-half a Spanish celemin. Each of these Chinese works one arroba of rough iron into nails daily, and is paid only the said twenty-eight reals per month. That does not amount to one real per day, and they work from midnight until sunset, which is their workday.

The nails and iron shipped to the said islands from Nueva Espana cost your Majesty, delivered in the city of Manila, more than twenty reals of eight per quintal, while there they are made, as above stated. But notwithstanding the above, I assert that it is necessary to ship annually from Nueva Espana to the said islands two hundred quintals of rough and sheet and rod iron for some necessary articles, such as borers for the artillery cast in Manila, and rudder-pintles and rudder-gudgeons for the ships and galleys; for the iron of Bizcaya is more ductile than that of those regions [i.e., China and Japon] because it is as strong as steel. The other iron things above mentioned that are sent from Nueva Espana to the said islands are unnecessary, for their cost per quintal, when delivered in Manila, will buy four quintals in the said islands. The said two hundred quintals could be shipped on your Majesty's account from Sevilla where it costs three or four ducados per quintal, and be carried by the flagships and almirantas; thus it would not be necessary to buy it in Bera Cruz, at nineteen ducados per quintal.

It would be of the highest importance to cover the ships with lead at Manila, which would obviate careening them every year. Don Juan de Silva neglected to do that, because he was always in haste to resist and attack the enemy.

Lead is also shipped from Nueva Espana to the said islands. More [than that amount] is shipped [however], because it is brought from China and Japon at cheaper rates. It can be worked in Cabite in order to lead the ships, and in that way your Majesty will save many ducados every year.

The rigging in the said Filipinas Islands is of two kinds: one, which was formerly used, is made from the palm called gamu, [49] today used only to make cables, stays, and shrouds; the other is called abaca, and is a kind of hemp, which is sowed and reaped like a plant in Piru and Tierra Firme called bihau. Abaca is much stronger than hemp and is used white and unpitched. This abaca costs twenty-four reals per quintal, and is made into rigging in Cabite by the Indian natives, in the sizes and diameter required. These Indian ropemakers are furnished, in repartimiento [50] in neighboring villages, and your Majesty pays them eight reals per month and a ration of one-half celemin of rice daily. A task is assigned to them, for they work from midnight and until the close of the next day.

The total cost per quintal of this native rigging is about fifty reals. That shipped from Nueva Espana, which is bought in Beta Cruz and delivered in the port of Acapulco, costs your Majesty two hundred reals per quintal. It generally reaches the said Filipinas Islands rotten, and is of no use. If your Majesty will order the ships to sail from Manila furnished [with rigging] for the return voyage, that would, in the first year, put a stop to shipping any [rigging to Manila].

The canvas [lienco] from which the sails are made in the said islands is excellent, and much better than what is shipped from Espana, because it is made from cotton. They are certain cloths [liencos] which are called mantas [i.e., literally blankets or strips of cotton cloth] from the province of Ylocos, for the natives of that province manufacture nothing else, and pay your Majesty their tribute in them. They are one tercia [i.e., one-third of a vara] wide, and as thick as canvas [angeo]. They are doubled, and quilted with thread of the same cotton. They last much longer than those of Espana. One vara of this cloth [lienco] costs less than one-half real. The thread of the same cotton with which they are sewed costs twenty reals per arroba. The cloth brought from Nueva Espana costs your Majesty, when set down in the city of Manila, six reals per vara. Also the thread shipped from Nueva Espana to sew the sails costs, set down there, six reals per libra. The thread made of hemp when used with cotton canvas [lienco] is of no use, and does not well endure transportation. The ships sailing from Manila to Nueva Espana carry sails for the return voyage and nevertheless have to make others in the port of Acapulco.

It is also the custom to ship pikes with their iron heads from Nueva Espana to the said Filipinas Islands. Delivered in the city of Manila, they cost your Majesty more than thirty-two reals apiece; but, with thirty-two reals, they can make forty pikes in the city of Manila. It is a weapon that is worthless in those islands, and it is not used in them. And even if they were used, there are shafts in the forests of those islands, and the native Indian smiths can make the heads.

A number of old pipe-staves and iron hoops are also shipped from Nueva Espana to the said Filipinas Islands. Delivered in the city of Manila they cost your Majesty a considerable sum of ducados. That expense can be avoided; for, when those staves arrive there, they are full of holes and rotten, and quite useless. The hoops alone serve in Manila to make nails and bolts from them, which thus come to cost fifty ducados per quintal. They can be made there for thirty-three reals. It is sufficient to carry those pipes that hold the water and wine in the ships.

For the ships' supply of water, they generally make vats when the ships leave there [i.e., Manila], each of which carries thirty pipes of water. Further, there are many earthen jars, which are brought from China and Japon. Consequently, one can make the above articles there, and more cheaply, for much less money than what is paid there.

Flour is also shipped in pipes from Nueva Espana to the said Filipinas Islands, which they say is for making hosts. That is unnecessary, for the said islands have an abundance of flour, which is shipped from Japon and China so cheaply, that it costs sixteen reals per quintal in the city of Manila. That shipped from Nueva Espana costs your Majesty, delivered in the said city of Manila, more than eighty reals per quintal.

From Nueva Espana to the said Filipinas Islands are also transported in the [ships], habas, garbanzos," [51] and lentils, which are for the provision of hospitals, fleets, and convents. It serves no other purpose than to arrive at Manila rotten; and if any arrives in good condition, it does not seem so. For the provision of the fleets, a grain [semilla] is grown in that land [i.e., Filipinas] which resembles beans, and is very cheap. Consequently it is unnecessary for the ships to carry more than what they need for their voyage when they leave Acapulco.

A quantity of gerguetas [52] are also shipped from Nueva Espana to the said Filipinas Islands. They are said to be for the use of the soldiers, but that is unnecessary, for that land has other kinds of cloth—both those that are produced there, and others that come from China—which are better and cheaper. If your Majesty will order that to be stopped, it will be of much importance to your royal treasury, and will increase it by many ducados; while it will benefit greatly the soldiers who serve your Majesty in those islands, for, when this cloth is delivered there, they are obliged to take it.

In the former year of six hundred and sixteen, seven galleons were stationed at the city of Manila and the port of Cabite, one of which [53] came built from Yndia, and was bought in Pinacan for the service of your Majesty. The other six were built in the time of Don Juan de Silva, and Don Juan Ronquillo [54] took them all when he sailed in pursuit of the enemy at Playa Honda. These said galleys were in the greatest need of being repaired—one because it was very badly used up in the fight, and another because its decks had not been changed for two years; while most of them were holed along the sides by seaworms and leaked badly, and all their masts, yards, and topmasts were rotten. Consequently, Don Geronimo de Silva, captain-general of those islands, was preparing to send them to be repaired (except three) to the island of Marinduque, forty leguas from Manila, in order to avoid the expense of hauling the wood, while awaiting the arrival of the ships from Nueva Espana in which Don Alonso Fajardo came last year (one thousand six hundred and eighteen), in order to repair the said galleys with that money [brought by those ships]. He also intended to hold them in readiness, in order to comply with your Majesty's orders, sent by a despatch-boat, to keep them so prepared that they might join the fleet that was about to sail with reenforcements by way of the cape of Buena Esperanca, to make the journey to the Malucas Islands and drive the enemy from them.

It was necessary to equip two of the said seven galleys so that they could come to Nueba Espana last year, six hundred and eighteen, with the usual merchandise. Consequently only five were left—or rather six, with that in which Don Alonso Fajardo arrived. Since the said Don Alonso Fajardo has reached Manila and finds himselt with only six galleons, it becomes necessary to build some more; for, if the fleet from Espana has not sailed and the enemy learn that Manila has but six galleons, they will go to the mouth of the port and repeat their performance of last year, unless they go to El Embocadero [55] to await the ships from Nueva Espana with the reenforcements, for, in order that the loss of Manila and Maluco may be completed, nothing else is wanting.

As above stated, it will be necessary for Governor Don Alonso Fajardo to devise immediate means for building galleons and to repair the six at Manila. I regard the present building of ships in that country as impossible. For with the former ships and fleets, and with the depredations and deaths caused by the enemy in those districts the natives are quite exhausted; for, as I said above, in the former year of six hundred and seventeen the Mindanao enemy captured four hundred native carpenters and killed more than two hundred others. The year before that, six hundred and sixteen, in the expedition made by Don Juan de Silva to the strait of Cincapura, where he died, it was found from lists that more than seven hundred Indians, of those taken as common seamen (of whom more than two hundred were carpenters), died on that expedition. Before that, in the year six hundred and fourteen, the said Mindanao enemy captured in the islands of Pintados nine hundred odd Indians, of whom but few have been ransomed. In the shipbuilding and in the hauling of wood many have died. Consequently, on account of all combined, there is a lack of natives for the above works. Therefore your Majesty must order the said Don Alonso Fajardo, governor and captain-general of the said islands, that in case galleons are to be built, it should not be in the islands—on the one hand, on account of the short time that those woods last, and on the other because of the lack in that land of natives (occurring through the above-mentioned causes, and because those natives in the islands are serving in the fleets as common seamen and carpenters).

In order that, those islands might have and keep ships that last thirty years and cost the same as in Manila, or less, your Majesty must order the governor to order them built in Yndia in Cochim; for they can be built there very strong, and at less cost if the said governor sends men for it from Manila—both masters and other persons, who know the art of having them built. When built, they can bring a cargo of military supplies, lumber, and slaves from Cochin to Manila for the galleys of Manila, for the said slaves are valued at very little in Cochin. As common seamen the men used in navigating in those regions will serve, namely, the Lascars; and a ship of six hundred toneladas does not carry sixteen Spanish sailors, but negroes and Lascars (who are a Mahometan race), with whom navigation is performed throughout those islands and kingdoms.

Those islands have so few natives, that if your Majesty does not expressly order no vessels to be constructed in them, not any of their people will be left, for as a result the events that have happened in those islands for the last eight years, both murders and captivities, many of those who have been left, who are constantly coming to Nueva Espana, every year as common seamen in the vessels that regularly sail, remain in Nueva Espana. In the galleon "Espiritu Santo" which came last year, six hundred and eighteen, were seventy-five native Indians as common seamen, but not more than five of the entire number returned in the said galley. If your Majesty does not have that corrected, the same thing will occur every year, and should your Majesty not correct it, the following things will occur. The first is the great offense committed against our Lord, for many (indeed most) of those native Indians of the Filipinas Islands who come as common seamen are married in those said islands; and, inasmuch as they are unknown in Nueva Espana, they remarry here. Another wrong follows which is very much to the disservice of your Majesty and your royal treasury, which is caused by the said Indian natives of the Filipinas Islands who come as common seamen and remain in Nueva Espana; and if it is not checked in time, it will cause considerable injury to these kingdoms. This consists in the fact that there are in Nueva Espana so many of those Indians who come from the Filipinas Islands who have engaged in making palm wine along the other seacoast, that of the South Sea, and which they make with stills, as in Filipinas, that it will in time become a part reason for the natives of Nueva Espana, who now use the wine that comes from Castilla, to drink none except what the Filipinos make. For since the natives of Nueva Espana are a race inclined to drink and intoxication, and the wine made by the Filipinos is distilled and as strong as brandy, they crave it rather than the wine from Espana. Consequently, it will happen that the trading fleets [from Spain] will bring less wine every year, and what is brought will be more valuable every year. So great is the traffic in this [palm wine] at present on the coast at Navidad, among the Apusabalcos, and throughout Colima, that they load beasts of burden with this wine in the same way as in Espana. By postponing the speedy remedy that this demands, the same thing might also happen to the vineyards of Piru. It can be averted, provided all the Indian natives of the said Filipinas Islands are shipped and returned to them, that the palm groves and vessels with which that wine is made be burnt, the palm-trees felled, and severe penalties imposed on whomever remains or returns to make that wine.

Incited by their greed in that traffic, all the Indians who have charge of making that wine go to the port of Acapulco when the ships reach there from Manila, and lead away with them all the Indians who come as common seamen. For that reason, and the others above mentioned, scarcely any of them return to the said Filipinas Islands. From that it also results that your Majesty loses the royal revenues derived from those islands, inasmuch as all those Indians are tributarios there, and when absent pay nothing.

Among those Filipinas Islands is one called Mindanao which is more than one hundred leguas long. It is very densely populated by its natives, who are exceeding great pirates and hostile to all the other natives of all those islands subject to your Majesty. and chiefly to the Spaniards. They generally go in a certain kind of boat called caracoa on piratical expeditions, in which they commit signal depredations in all the ports and along all the coasts of those islands, killing and capturing the people of them, and burning and ruining the country. They have done that on many occasions, particularly in the former year six hundred and seventeen, when they allied themselves with the Dutch enemy, who came that said year with ten galleons to attack the city and port of Manila. The said Mindanao enemy came at the same time with ninety caracoas to the aid of the Dutch, and destroyed and burned many places along those coasts, and took many of their people captives. Among other things they arrived at the shipyard of Pantao with their fleet, where at your Majesty's orders a galleon and two pataches were being built. These were more than half built, and the Mindanaos burned them and captured more than four hundred persons, besides killing more than two hundred others. After burning all the military stores, they proceeded on their voyage toward Manila, and went to within ten leguas of the port of Cavite, whence they returned upon learning that the Dutch fleet had gone on ahead.

Consequently, not only for the said reasons, but because of the lack of men among the natives in the said Filipinas Islands, it will be highly important for the conservation of the islands for your Majesty to order that no ships be built in them, since there are so many places, so well provided in everything, as have been proposed, to enable them to be built in Yndia.

On the route between Manila and the Malucas Islands is a port of the above-mentioned island [i.e., Mindanao], called La Caldera. There the boats put in to get water and wood. Formerly, before the alliance between the natives there and the Dutch enemy, the vessels, ships, and galleys put in there and went to get fresh supplies, both going and coming. Now not only are they not permitted to obtain the said supplies, but the vessel, galley, or patache, that puts in there to get water, is surrounded by their caracoas, and its crew killed and captured.

On the contrary, they give the Dutch enemy so friendly a reception that the latter always keep their ships there, lying there in wait until those of his Majesty, that carry the aid to the said Malucas, pass by.

In order to destroy that said island of Mindanao and its pirates, without the necessity of spending for it anything from your Majesty's royal treasury, it needs only your Majesty's orders to make slaves of the said Mindanao natives of that island—since they are infidels; and they have profaned the temples and committed many cruelties in your Majesty's settlements along the coasts of those islands which they have captured—and your Majesty's permission that all who desire may take up arms against them, both the natives of the said islands, and the Spaniards, at their own cost. Only with that will the said island be conquered and subdued, and the so many injuries resulting therefrom to all the said islands and to the. Malucas will be checked.

A report on the measurements of the galleons in the Filipinas Islands in the former year 1617 is as follows.

The royal flagship, called "Salvador" measures 60 codos along the keel, 12 in floor, 82 from stem to stern [i.e., length over all], depth of hold 19, extreme breadth 26, sternpost transom 12; lower deck 15 codos, upper deck 19, with the space between of 4 codos.

The galleon "Espiritu Santo" (the one in which Don Alonso Fajardo came last year 1618) measures 50 codos along the keel, 10 in floor, 70 length over all, 17 depth of hold, 23 extreme breadth, 10 sternpost transom; lower deck 13 and one-half codos, and upper deck 17.

The galleon "San Felipe," 50 codos along the keel, 10 in floor, 70 length over all, 15 depth of hold, 22 and one-half extreme breadth; lower deck 11 and one-half codos, upper deck 15, and sternpost transom 11 codos.

The galleon "Santiago" has the same measurements of keel, floor, over all, depth of hold, extreme breadth, and sternpost transom, and the same space between decks.

The galleon "San Juan Bautista" has the same measurements as "San Felipe" and "Santiago."

The galleon "San Miguel," 49 codos keel, 10 in floor, 68 over all, 18 depth of hold, 23 extreme breadth, 11 sternpost transom; the lower deck 14 codos, upper deck 18.

"Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," 46 codos keel, 9 in floor, 64 over all, 13 depth of hold, 21 extreme breadth; lower deck 9 and one-half codos, upper deck 13, sternpost transom 10 codos.

The ship [nao] "San Laurencio," which was built in Yndia 23 years ago, measures keel 46 codos, over all 60, 12 codos depth of hold, 19 extreme breadth; and it has three decks, quarter-deck, and forecastle [castillo].

[Endorsed: "Captain Sebastian de Pineda. To Don Alonso Fajardo, a duplicate, of the same remaining here. The council, May 26, 619."]



ROYAL DECREE REGARDING RELIGIOUS EXPELLED FROM THEIR ORDERS

[Note at beginning of document: "Church of Manila. Your Majesty confirms the statute made by the dean and cabildo of the metropolitan church of Manila, in the Philipinas, in regard to the expelled professed religious, of the orders not being admitted to dignidades, [56] canonries, or curacies of Indians or Spaniards in those islands."]

The King: Report has been made to me in the name of the dean and cabildo of the metropolitan church of the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands, that in respect to my having ordered that ministers of instruction be men of good life and morals, as such is necessary for the good of Christianity, several religious who had been expelled from the orders were admitted as ministers of instruction because of the need in those islands for such ministers; and that as experience has since demonstrated the unsuitability of those men for the said ministry, they have refrained from employing such; and that, in order that the remedy may be efficacious and obviate the negotiations and methods of such persons to procure the benefices, they made a statute whose tenor is as follows: "In the city of Manila, on the eighteenth of August, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, while assembled and congregated in meeting, to wit, Bishop Don Fray Pedro Arce, bishop of the city of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus and its bishopric, and governor of this archbishopric, and the dean and cabildo Don Francisco Gomez Arellano, dean, and Commissary-subdelegate Gabriel de la Santa Crucada, Archdeacon Don Juan de Aguilar, Precentor Santiago de Castro, School-master Don Rodrigo Diaz Giralthe, and Keeper of Relics Don Luis de Herrera Sandoval; Canons Tomas de Gimarano, Don Miguel Garcetas, Juan de la Cruz, and Alonso Garcia de Leon: Racionero Don Francisco de Baldes, and Medios Racioneros [57] Tomas de Vega and Pedro Flores Benegas—the said bishop proposed with conclusive and sufficient arguments the great hindrances that, as the proved experience of all has shown, follow to all this kingdom from admitting to dignidades, canonries, and benefices professed religious who have been expelled from the holy religious orders as a penalty and punishment for their offenses, inasmuch as the abovesaid was prohibited by law and sacred canons established in a most Christianlike manner by the provincial Mexican Council. That council enacted a special decree expressly forbidding such appointments, and mentioning the many just reasons for their action, and the state of affairs in the Yndias demanding it, inasmuch as the prelates and venerable fathers who attended the council were very well acquainted with the Yndias. It is not the least consideration that the said expelled religious cannot reap a harvest in a century. Nor can they derive any advantages which will result in a real adjustment of their difficulties, so that thus with greater ease they, returning to their senses, may aspire to regain their habit and order which they before professed. [Such proceeding by the ecclesiastical authorities] will restrain the diligence and effort that other religious might employ in deserting their orders if they saw the said expelled religious given posts as dignidades. As they saw, and considered as assured, the great service they would be doing to God our Lord and to his Catholic Majesty who is incurring so heavy expenses to his royal patrimony in bringing each of the said religious to the Yndias—and these are the greatest consolations that he sends to these so remote islands, a plant which, because of its tenderness and newness in the faith, is shocked at the change that is seen in the habits [i.e., robes] of the expelled religious. This furnished a reason to his Majesty, Carlos Fifth, our sovereign of glorious memory, for the same prohibition; and he ordered that, as soon as the said religious were expelled from their holy orders, they be put aboard ship and sent to the kingdoms of Castilla, and not be allowed to remain or live in the Yndias. Therefore, having thoroughly examined, conferred over, and considered, they all unanimously and fully in accord resolved to enact a statute in this archbishopric in the following form and manner: 'We ordain that, now and henceforth, no one of the professed religious expelled from the religious orders now, or hereafter to be, established—whether from the religious orders now established in the Church of God, or from those which shall be established later—or the professed members of the fourth vow [58] of the Society of Jesus, shall be admitted or appointed to dignidades, canonries, or curacies, of Spaniards or of Indians, throughout this archbishopric. Those expelled from the said Society of Jesus, and who shall not have taken the fourth vow, may, three years after their expulsion and dismissal from the said order, if they have given therein a good example in their lives and morals, and if they are of such stamp that they may be of advantage for the edification and welfare of souls, be admitted by the prelate, now or hereafter, to the benefices which are curacies of the Indians—but only outside of this city; and not to the said canonries, dignidades, or curacies of Spaniards or Indians within this city. And inasmuch as this holy Church recognizes that it is under obligations for many reasons to his royal and Catholic Majesty, the king our sovereign, as being his foundation, and that it will not be proper to enact or make any statute without his pleasure and order, they determined to go before his royal person and entreat him humbly to confirm the present, and consider it fitting, as a matter of so great importance to the service of God our Lord, and to that of his royal Majesty, and to the increase of this holy Church.

Fray Pedro, bishop of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus. Dean Arellano The archdeacon of Manila. The schoolmaster of Manila. Precentor Sanctiago de Castro The treasurer of Manila. Canon Tomas Gimarano Canon Garcetas Canon Juan de la Cruz Canon Alonso Garcia de Leon Racionero Don Francisco de Caldes Racionero Tomas de Bega Racionero Pedro Flores Benegas

Before me:

Alonso Ramirez, secretary of cabildo."

And my royal Council of the Indias having examined the said statute, I have considered it advisable to have it confirmed and approved, as by the present I do confirm, and approve it. And I request and charge the archbishop of the said metropolitan of the city of Manila—the one now in office, and those who shall be archbishops hereafter—to observe, fulfil, and execute it, and cause it to be observed, fulfilled, and executed, completely, according to its contents. I declare such to be my will. Given in Madrid, February nineteen, one thousand six hundred and nineteen.

I The King

Countersigned by Juan Ruiz de Contreras; and signed by the council



PROPOSAL TO DESTROY MACAO

The royal Council of the Indias has tried many methods to prevent considerable amounts of silver being sent to the Philipinas from Nueva Spana; but those methods have been without result, as experience has demonstrated. One has occurred to me, and I think, God helping, that it will have good results. It is as follows:

The inhabitants of the said islands have no other means of support than commerce, and in the shelter of their trade is sustained all that church which now numbers so many faithful that it already has an archbishop and three suffragan bishops for its government. Inasmuch as that trade has hitherto consisted of Chinese merchandise with Nueva Espana, it has been, and is, necessary to obtain from that country the value of the merchandise in money, and to take the money there in order to make the investment of the following year. Trade is there [i.e., in the islands] like sowing in order to reap; and consequently, if the door were to be partly closed to this trade, the said inconvenience would cease. The door might be shut without any harm to the said islands, if another door were to be opened to them, which would be also as remunerative as the other, and would not be with his Majesty's countries. In this way his money would not be taken away, for they could engage in that trade with Japon. In this same manner as the inhabitants of Manila lade the silks that they buy in that city from the Chinese, and send them to Nueva Espana, they should lade them to send to Japon, where there is a great consumption of these goods and much excellent silver with which to buy them. This would be a very good thing for the people of Manila; for, although the profits for any year might be less than those of Nueva Espana, still they would be more sure, because of the much greater frequency and shortness of the voyage. Furthermore, they would enjoy the entire proceeds from the returns for their goods. Of the returns from Nueva Spana they enjoy only to the sum of five hundred thousand pesos—the amount that his Majesty allows to be sent annually to the Philipinas, and no more, although the value of the goods in Mexico amounts to much more. Besides that, this relationship with Japon would prove very beneficial to the Philipinas for their security; because the Japanese are those who are more feared in the islands than all the other neighboring nations, for they are very courageous and arrogant. Consequently they would prove excellent friends to oppose the Dutch, who are navigating those seas. Also by means of this trade the church of that kingdom, which is now so disturbed, would be made safe. By it would also be reestablished the trade of the Indias with Spana, from which so many profits would follow if that drain of money to the Philipinas were stopped; and it would be without hurt to those islands.