As has been ascertained, these heretics plundered on the coast of Manila eighteen Chinese ships, besides the two which on their return to Japon they [the "Leon Rojo" and the "Fregelingas"] had carried with them as they were, loaded, and the three which the ships coming from Bantan [the "Leon Negro" and the "Galeaca"] had despoiled. This robbery caused much commotion in Japon. The brother of the ruler of Firando governed that state at this time, because of the absence of the latter, who had gone to court. He accordingly placed guards upon the Dutch ships as soon as they arrived, and commanded that no one should go to them or buy anything from them until the emperor should know of their arrival, which he reported immediately. The Hollanders, paying no attention to these orders, began to unload their cloth until they filled the warehouses of their factory, leaving the surplus in the ships. Much of this cloth was wet, because, as I said above, their vessels [the "Leon Rojo" and the "Fregelingas"] and that of the Chinese had been shipwrecked. As this was the rainy season, it was impossible to dry it; and thus, to their great sorrow, much was lost. They secretly sold everything that they could before there should come from the court any order that might be to their disadvantage. They made a large sum of money, and then in all haste they loaded a great number of the boxes of silk upon the "Leon Negro," which they put in readiness for whatever might happen. They then despatched their messengers to Macao [sc. Meaco], the court of the emperor, to whom they presented four fine pieces of bronze artillery, which he prized very highly. They sent also thirty thousand taes of silver, each one equal in weight to ten Spanish reals, and many pieces of various kinds of silk, with which they gained the good will of the emperor and of the courtiers upon whom their prosperity and security in Japon depended. As a result of this, they were soon very successful in their negotiations, at which they were greatly pleased; for they were given permission to sell their spoils in the kingdom of Japon to whom and wherever they pleased, since they said that the Spaniards were their enemies and that the Chinese were going to trade with them [the Spaniards]. With the matter thus arranged, they returned to Firando, and, as they found themselves in such favor, the first thing that they did was to take back from the poor Chinese the hulk of the ship and some cloth of little value, which they had given them because they had feared that they might not be successful at court. And they did this in spite of the fact that the Chinese, with their good industry and hard labor, had drawn from the water the ship, which, as has been said, was stranded and submerged. The Hollanders carried this spoliation to such an extent that they took their very clothes from their bodies.

Having completed this very successful exploit, on the fifteenth of October they despatched for Holanda the "Leon Negro" with sixteen hundred boxes of changeable silk. Each box contained two picos of silk (each pico equals five arrobas); besides this, they shipped three hundred fardos of black and white mantas—all of which will yield a great sum of money, if it reaches its destination. In the ship "Fregelingas" the Dutch general returned to the strongholds of Maluco; he carried with him a great quantity of timber to repair other ships, and many provisions and munitions to supply their fortresses. The other two ships, the "Sol Viejo" and the "Galeaca," warned us that they intended to come to the coast of Manila about April, in order to plunder at once the ships which come to this city at that season. This has really happened, because for almost two months two Dutch ships have been in the place [13] [where they seized the ships from China. This has caused much apprehension in this city—V.d.A.] which last year furnished so powerful a fleet; for then it had galleons with which to defend itself. Now it has none, because six galleons were sent to other islands in order that the injuries that they had received in the late battle might be repaired. On the eleventh of October a furious hurricane overtook the ships and, [since they had been pierced by balls in the battle—marginal note in MS.; also in V.d.A.] they parted in the middle and sank in the sea. The twenty-four pieces of artillery which the galleons carried—four in each galleon—were lost with the ships. They were, however, neither very large nor of much value. Most of the people escaped by swimming, or upon some rafts; but as many as four hundred persons, including Spaniards, Indians, and Chinese, were drowned. And some of those who had escaped from the storm by means of the rafts perished from hunger out at sea, after the storm subsided. In this event the justice of God was evident, because it is said that that many had embarked upon these galleons with their concubines, purposely to live with them in the holds of the ships, without fear of either God or man; therefore our Lord permitted men and galleons to run aground. [Not only was the city deprived of these six ships, but] it must be added the information received from his Majesty that the fleet of galleons formed in Cadiz to come here, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanca, had been sent toward Saboya [i.e., Savoy] to impede the expedition of Count Mauricio to that dukedom. This city, seeing itself thus deprived of the forces that it had and of those that it expected, resolved at once to build six galleons and some galleys; this they are doing with all speed. But as these ships have not yet been finished (and cannot be very soon) they were worthless to oppose these two Dutch vessels that have been along the coast of Ilocos, a province of the island of Manila, and have plundered at will everything within their reach. According to some, they have despoiled of silks and other merchandise twelve or thirteen ships. Thus only the smallest number escaped falling into their hands, and then only by the merest chance. However, on the night of the eighteenth of May, the Dutch ships were in danger of shipwreck. There arose a strong wind, a vendaval, which obliged them to take care of their own ships and to release the Chinese vessels that they had with them. Four of these, delighted at this good opportunity, resolved to flee, and as the winds were favorable, they set out on the return voyage to China.

The Dutch carried on this pillaging with little risk, and without fear, because they had learned, through some prisoners who had escaped, of the loss of our galleons. With these spoils they returned, I think, to Japon, where they will again be received as they were last year. And the worst of it is that they will delight in coming [every year to inflict as much more damage; and therefore the Chinese will not dare to come—V.d.A.] to this city with their ships, and commerce will cease. Everything will then be lost, because the prosperity of these islands depends solely upon trade with China. May God prevent this with his powerful hand.

In the island of Oton a strange thing happened this year. The ships that usually go with supplies to aid the forces of Maluco were despatched from the city of Manila. In one of the best of these embarked Manuel Riveyro, a father of our Society from the house of Ternate. He had come here to solicit and collect the alms which his Majesty orders to be given to the fathers who labor in the Malucas Islands. For many days, for years even, nothing had been given; and, as a result, Ours were suffering great privation. The father was very successful and collected from the royal treasury a large sum of money. Part of this he spent for very rich ornaments and for images for our churches; part for ship stores, and for gifts with which to aid the poor soldiers in those strongholds of Maluco, who suffer great want. These soldiers are materially assisted by our fathers who reside there, to the great edification and gratitude of the soldiers. With these supplies the father embarked in one of the ships, and arrived at Punta de Najo [Naso—V.d.A.], about eight leagues from the town of Arebalo, where the king's ships go to take on rice and meat for the Malucas. At this town it was necessary for the father of our Society, and other fathers of St. Francis, to go ashore to obtain some things which they needed, in order to have them ready when the ship should arrive. Therefore they disembarked to go by land, and the ship anchored off the point. One day the master, who was called Juan de Ochoa Sarape [? Lara—V.d.A.], brought it about by deceit that the captain of the ship, Francisco Benitez, the pilot, and two soldiers who were not of his following, should disembark. There were on board also two mariners, a Galician and a Castilian, neither of whom had sided with him in the treason that he had planned with the others. He sent these down the hatchway for some ropes, and then took a lock and fastened the hatchway. Thereupon the traitors unsheathed their swords, drew their arquebuses and muskets, and lighted their fuses. Standing under arms, they cut the cables, and set sail, taking possession of the ship and of all the goods that it carried for the king, for the governor of Maluco, and for the fathers of San Francisco and of our Society, all of which, they say, might be worth more than thirty thousand pesos. The captain and the pilot, who witnessed this treason from land, embarked at once in a little vessel, and, coming near the ship, discharged three muskets, none of which did any damage. The traitors asked the pilot whether he wished to go with them. Seeing that neither he nor the captain was so inclined, they took them to land, and in their ship changed their course to Borney and Macasar. This treason was committed by twelve Spaniards, eight of whom were Biscayans and four Castilians. They made captain the master [of the ship] who was the author of the treason. Besides these [twelve Spaniards], there were on board this ship the other two Spaniards, whom, as I said, they were carrying as prisoners, as well as some Indians of this country who also were compelled to go. When Father Ribeiro considered how much labor it had cost him to get together the help he was carrying there for the fathers of Maluco, this disaster caused him some distress—all the greater when he thought of the hunger and need that they must suffer. But our Lord prevented this. The father started out to beg alms from the inhabitants of the town; and in a short time he got together an abundant supply of rice, wine, and meat for one year, for all responded liberally to relieve a necessity that had so moved them to pity. The father set, sail with all this in another ship, and we trust that, by God's help, he is already in Maluco. This is the same vessel that had been despatched this year for Nueva Espana as almiranta. It left port so heavily laden that it was necessary to put back into harbor to unload part of the merchandise, so as to be able to make the voyage. This done, they set out a second time from the port; but they encountered such violent storms that, after sailing entirely around the island of Manila, losing the masts, and imperiling their lives, they returned to Manila on the seventh of October, 617. Afterward the vessel was utilized [for Ternate] in the manner indicated above.

From the Mindanaos there came persistent rumors that they were undertaking to set out with a large fleet to besiege the fort of Caraga which was in the same island, Mindanao, and held in check a province of that island. Its inhabitants do not now engage in robberies and hostile incursions by sea, as has been their custom. [Upon receipt of this news] two galleys were despatched from the city of Manila, in order that with the caracoas that were to be found in Zebu they might go to aid the fort. They left Zebu for Caraga, but before arriving there our fleet turned back, partly because notice was received that the rumor had not been true, and partly because the winds had arisen. These winds would have greatly endangered our ships upon their entrance to and departure from that coast, which is very bold.

But, although we have been free from these enemies this year, we have had to deal with others, the Camucones, [14] a people who owe allegiance to the king of Burney, They are thieves who scour the sea, plundering everything within their reach. They are so cruel that they never imprison, but kill all upon whom they can lay their hands. These people came to the Filipinas this year with seven caracoas and seventeen ajuangas, vessels resembling large galleys, but not so strong; ordinarily they carry four hundred men at the oars. They did very little damage, however, for they must have heard that our fleet was on the sea, and therefore they soon withdrew to their own territory. Their withdrawal was also due in no small degree to the fact that when they once landed upon an island the native Indians, sallying forth, killed some of their men and put their heads upon poles along the coast in order to terrify the rest. It was the special providence of our Lord that our father provincial did not fall into the hands of these corsairs when he went to visit the Pintados Islands, for when they [the father and his crew] were not far from the islands, a strong wind came up ahead of them, which compelled them to remain sheltered in a small bay for more than fifteen days. Here the news of these enemies came to them, and therefore the father retired to Manila. It is certain that if that contrary wind had not arisen he would have gone forward, and would have fallen into their hands.

The devotion to the Immaculate Conception of the most sainted Virgin has greatly increased among all the people. As soon as the ship from Nueva Espana arrived, bringing the news of the elaborate demonstrations that had been made in all Espana in honor of this Lady, they began to place on all the corners and upon the doors of churches notices that read, "Praised be the most holy sacrament and the Immaculate Conception of the most holy Virgin, conceived without blot of original sin." There was no lack of persons who tried to efface one of these notices that was on the door of the church of Santo Domingo, a fact which caused the people to burn with greater devotion to this Lady. It was arranged that for two nights there should be a procession of masked figures. In it a banner with an image of the Immaculate Conception was displayed; lamps were placed throughout the city; the cathedral bells began to chime; and the orders formed in line of march. One devout person placed on the corners eighteen images of the Conception of our Lady, with a legend reading, "Without blot of original sin." Other pious people adorned these images with gilded ornaments and lights that burn all night. The children continually recited before these images, in loud voices, various couplets in praise of the Immaculate Conception, thus fulfilling that saying of David, ex ore infantium e lactentium ["out of the mouths of babes and sucklings"], etc.

Concerning the persecution in Japon, I can only say that with the death of Daytusama, who was the chief cause of the expulsion of our fathers, [15] it was hoped that the persecution would cease or at least would abate. On the contrary it has increased under the new administration of his son, who is so hostile to the law of Christ our Lord that simply because of our holy faith he has martyred one religious from each of the four orders there. These four religious, among many others, had gone about secretly, as in England, with great labor cultivating that vineyard. This event occasioned much rejoicing in the hearts of all the people of this city, the laity as well as the religious. They talked of making fiestas and public rejoicings in thanksgiving that our Lord had adorned the four orders that are in these islands with four martyrs so distinguished. But in order not to further provoke to wrath the ruler of Japon, who had ordered their death, and for other reasons, it was thought best to suspend for the present all kinds of fiestas. Among those who suffered this fortune or fate was a father of our Society named Juan Bautista Tavora, a native of the island of Tercera. He died in company with a father of San Francisco. Afterward they martyred two others, one of Santo Domingo, and the other of San Agustin, and in order that respect might not be paid by the Christians to their bodies, the heathen threw them into the sea. The bodies of the father of our Society and the father of Santo Domingo were placed together in one box; those of the two fathers of San Francisco and San Agustin in another. These last were afterward found, but the first were not. The account of all that happened concerning this matter I will place in the relation of that province [Japon] where these most happy deaths will be related at length.

I will conclude this account with one of the most singular events that have ever happened in the world. Although it is discreditable to the Order of St. Augustine, it should be related here with all truth, because it is so public and will be so noised about through all the world. When Fray Vicente de Sepulveda, [16] first cousin of Father Juan Laurencio, rector of the College of Mexico, finished his term of three years as provincial, the fathers of St. Augustine met in chapter in a convent near the city of Manila, to elect a new provincial. They chose Fray Geronimo de Salas, [17] not without dissensions and discords between the two parties into which they are divided. This provincial died twenty days after his election. He died, as some say (and this opinion seems not without foundation, as we shall see further on), from poison that they gave him, and consequently his death was very sudden. By the death of this Fray Geronimo de Salas, Fray Vicente de Sepulveda returned to the office of provincial, as their regulations provide. It seemed to some religious who were not of his party that it was too much for him to govern three more years, so they planned to cut the thread of life for him—by means of poison, since this would not betray them. They gave it to him more than eight times in his food and drink—in his chocolate, and even in the wine with which he was consecrated. The poison was ground glass, and it resulted in eruptions over his entire body and in illness for several days, but it did not produce death. When the conspirators saw that their attempts so far had been unsuccessful, four of them planned to kill him with their own hands. The affair was so public that not only was the conspiracy noised about among the friars but also among the laity of Manila. Thus it came to the ears of the provincial himself, who had not lived as prudently as he should have done for the safety of his person. After this, he was very careful about his food and drink; he locked himself in at night, and entrusted the key of the apartment to only a few. He ordered one, who was the author of the treason (and he was the one that was suspected), that in virtue of his [the provincial's] holy precept, he should not come into the convent of Manila, but that he should prepare to embark for Nueva Espana where they should take from him the cowl. Thereupon this individual, Fray Juan de Ocadiz—who was a native of Madrid, a priest, and one of long service in his order—formed an agreement with three others, all young men about twenty years of age, who had been ordained to preach. These were Fray Juan de Quintana and Fray Andres Encinas (both natives of Manila), and Fray Ignacio de Alcaraz, born in Nueva Espana in a place near Acapulco, called I think, Quatulco. Fray Ignacio was companion and secretary to this provincial, and so he had the opportunity of making a key to the apartment, by first making an impression of the key in wax. On the thirty-first of July, 617, the day of our Father Ignacio, at eleven o'clock at night, the four opened the door of the provincial's apartment with the key that had been prepared for the purpose. The provincial heard the noise immediately, and suspecting what it might be, rose from the bed, and went shouting to meet them. At this juncture the three evangelists repented of what had been begun, and talked of withdrawing from it. But Fray Juan de Ocadiz, bolder than the rest, since he had already begun the work, told them that if they deserted he would have to stab them. Thereupon all four together attacked the provincial, threw him upon the bed, and held his mouth. The three evangelists held his arms and legs firmly, and Fray Juan de Ocadiz, putting his knees upon his stomach, choked with his hands. While the friar was choking him, the provincial begged for confession. Fray Juan said, "Father, repent of your sins, and in token of this clasp my hand." The provincial took his hand, and the murderer absolved him, adding, "Trust, Father, in our Lord, who will pardon your sins." Upon this he seized his throat, and finished choking him. Then with diabolical cruelty, in order to be more certain [that he was dead] they twisted his neck against the bed in such a way that they disjointed the bones, no that the head fell from one side to the other as if he had been a dead fowl. All this tragedy was committed in the dark, so they went for a light, cleansed the provincial's body of the blood that had gushed from his mouth, changed his bed-linen and garments, and set everything in good order, that it might appear that he had died of some sudden accident. They did not take into consideration the many discolorations upon his body, or the twisted neck, that must soon give testimony of the hideous crime. Fray Andres Encinas took all the bloody clothing and threw it into the closets. The others closed the door from within, with a cross bar, and jumped through a little window. Although the provincial had given many loud cries, and other friars lived near the apartment, nothing was heard in the convent—a thing that seems impossible. After the crime was completed the bells rang for matins, for which it was now time. The murderers, or rather parricides, with great craftiness went to prayers. Morning came, and the hour arrived at which the provincial was accustomed to open his apartment; but he did not open it. They waited a little, but he did not come out. They knocked at the door, but he did not respond; they knocked louder, but in vain. The prior and the other friars, who were ignorant of the affair, determined to break down the doors. They did so, entered, and then beheld the crime, and saw that the provincial had been killed with violence. The prior, a certain Fray del Rincon, [18] hastened to the president of the royal Audiencia and to Don Geronimo de Sylva, captain-general, in order that they might give him help of which he was destitute because there was so great a tumult in the convent. They soon came with men. First the president ordered that all the friars should go one by one to kiss the hand of the dead man, in order that he might note the countenance of each. Finally they buried the provincial, and every one can well infer what would be said of the whole order; for people will forget that in the apostolic college there was a Judas and in Heaven a Lucifer, and yet the other apostles and the angels did not fall on this account. Reports of the affair were transmitted to the bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, of the Order of St. Augustine, and at that time governor of the archbishopric of Manila. He imprisoned some and tortured others; and in a short time, and with little trouble, the criminals were discovered. He made all the investigations, prepared the case, and handed it over to the definitorio, which, as they said, had by right jurisdiction in the matter. The definitorio, which was composed of nine of the most prominent friars of their order, advised with the other orders as to whether, without consulting the pope, it could condemn the criminals to actual degradation and deliver them over to the secular arm. The Society [of Jesus] avoided, as far as it could, giving its opinion upon an affair that was of such moment, and that must create such a sensation. In the decision of the affair, whether wise or unwise, it was best for us not to interfere. The authors were examined, and upon the advice of wise and learned men the definitorio resolved to give the sentence. It was read to the criminals from the pulpit of the church of St. Augustine, on the nineteenth of September, 617, before all the people, who had congregated to witness a spectacle so extraordinary. Immediately they took from him the cowl, and left them with only some short cassocks such as are worn by clergymen. They delivered them to the bishop, who was already prepared for the degradation. He immediately began to degrade them, and then delivered them over to the secular arm. They were taken to jail by the strong guard of soldiers that had been in the church ever since the criminals had been removed from the prisons to hear the sentence. But it was possible to execute this sentence against three only, because Fray Andres Encinas had escaped the night before, in company with a lay brother who was guarding him. With chains and all, the lay brother removed him from the prison at twelve o'clock at night, and, placing him upon his back, carried him along an unfinished wall of the convent, with great danger to both of falling and killing themselves. He took from him the chains and, together with another lay brother of their order, they jumped from the wall and fled in great haste. On the twenty-second of September of the same year, 617, the secular tribunal pronounced the sentence of death upon the three. They were taken from the jail amid a great retinue of religious of all orders, who were assisting, and of soldiers who were guarding the prisoners. At ten o'clock in the morning they were hanged in the square before the largest assembly of people, I think, I have ever seen in my life. They died with suitable preparation. I am unwilling to omit the account of a very peculiar circumstance. Twenty years ago they were hanging in Madrid that Augustinian friar because he wished to make a pastry-cook king of Portugal, and to marry him to Dona Ana de Austria, the mother of Fray Juan de Ocadiz. She was watching the proceeding, and all at once she began to scream and weep. When asked the cause of this she replied that she fancied she saw on the gallows her son, who was an Augustinian friar. Followed by a large crowd they took the bodies of these three men who had been hanged, to the convent of San Agustin for interment, where they will remain with their provincial until God calls them to judgment. The friars then very diligently searched for the one who had fled, in order to execute upon him the same sentence. At first they did not find him. And afterward, although they might have captured him, they did not, because they did not feel obliged to revive the painful remembrances and cause to all, and especially to his mother and the relatives whom he has here, the grief and distress that the first three deaths occasioned.

Besides these there were found guilty in the affair Fray Joseph de Vides, a native of Mexico, who had been instructor of the novices; and Fray Pedro de Herrera, a native of Medina del Campo, who had been professor of theology, and who now was prior of a convent. As these two were not so guilty as the others the friars took from them the cowl, and sentenced them to six years at the galleys in Maluco; and to suspension [from mass] for one additional year, on account of the reverence that is due to so high and divine a mystery. They were handed over to the secular tribunal, and were put upon galleys. But in a few days they escaped, and embarked upon a small ship in company with Fray Andres Encinas and the lay brother who had freed him from prison. All four set out together upon the return to Malaca, in order to go from that place to Goa, Espana, and finally to Rome. Such is the unfortunate event which was reported last year to the pope, the king, and all the world alike. This year report will be made of the justice meted out to the malefactors. [19] And as more than four lies will be written, I have thought it best that your Reverences should know the affair just as it occurred, nothing being added or omitted. [20]

Events at Ternate

Since this was written, advices came from Ternate that brought us some news which I will add here. The aid that was sent from this city to the Malucas Islands arrived, and those who carried it found in the passage two Dutch ships awaiting them, to prevent their entrance to our fortifications, and even to take the supplies, if possible. They made an attack and our people thought best to withdraw; but after some days they returned by another route, to land the supplies if they could. They again found the Hollander in the road and, being attacked a second time, they fought, made a great effort to pass, and succeeded—although the enemy so pursued one ship, the admiral's, that it ran aground in the island of Tidore. Most of the people were saved, but some the enemy killed with musket-shots, and some, who threw themselves into the water, perished. Captain Alonso Martin Quirante, who was in our stronghold of Tidore, hurried out and prevented the enemy from taking anything from the ship.

Many of the provisions that were in the ship were lost, among them almost all of those that the father, as I mentioned above, was taking for our fathers. In the thick of the battle this father was the first to be wounded. He was struck on the arm by a splinter, but his wound was of little consequence. The soldiers, however, will not because of this loss be in want this year; for the English went [to the Malucas] with a shipload of rice to trade for cloves, and the viceroy sent six galeotas of provisions from India.

The above-mentioned captain, Alonso Martin Quirante, made an ambuscade, in which he killed twenty-one Hollanders and captured four. Of the enemy, twenty-five Hollanders and many of the Indians of their following deserted to our fortifications. Although the king of Tidore has always been very favorable to us, the prince his son has been very friendly and of much importance to the Hollanders. But our Lord has been pleased to destroy these friendly relations in this way. The Hollanders, for what reason I do not understand, hanged one and drowned four of the people of Tidore. On account of this the prince has been so opposed to them that he has sworn to avenge himself, and to do them all the injury that he can. And he will do this, without doubt, because he is very valiant.

So much for the Malucas. To this may be added the fact that the admiral Heredia had made, at his own expense, a beautiful, though not very large, ship with which to serve his Majesty whenever occasion might offer. Just as soon as it was launched upon the sea, it was overtaken by a storm so severe that it foundered and was lost.

I forgot to say that one [Marginal note—Sequeyra's ship] of the two ships that were despatched last year for Nueva Espana, but did not arrive there, was separated from the other. It must be known that a certain de Sequeira, a Portuguese of the Order of Christ [del Habito de Christo], went in it as captain. He had come as general of the fleet which five years ago the king sent by way of the cape of Buena Esperanca, [21] and he carried a cedula from his Majesty to the effect that they should send him back at once by the same route. Instead, they detained him four years in this city, much against his will. At last they sent him as captain of this ship in order that he might go to Espana by way of Nueva Espana. They loaded upon this ship goods of high value, although not a great quantity of them, because the vessel was small. He began his voyage with favorable winds astern, and when he had reached the latitude of more than 30 degrees, he saw that he might turn toward India; but, the brisas beginning to vex the ships, he ordered the return, and, arriving at these islands, disembarked some Castilians whom he carried but who did not wish to go with him. He steered for Malaca and India, in order to go, they say, to Espana upon the voyage which his Majesty had ordered. He arrived at Malaca and died, I think, in Cochin. Nothing more is known [of him], nor [is it known] what will be done with the goods that he carried.

The ships from Nueva Espana arrived very late, at the beginning of July. It was fortunate that the vendavals were very much delayed this season; for, if they had begun when they usually do, it would have been impossible for the ships to reach these islands this year. But God chose to bring to us the governor [22] who was so much desired. A grand reception, with many costly triumphal arches, was prepared for him in Manila. But he embarked from the port of Cabite in a galley, and entered quietly into the palace through a postern gate near by, and therefore the whole reception fiesta was a failure. And when they desired him to go out of the city again, in order that he might enter with solemnity, he said that he did not wish them to carry him in procession as if he were a penitent, and so he remained there.



DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINAS ISLANDS

The governmental district of the islands commonly called Philippinas comprises seven principal provinces, not to mention many other islands and smaller provinces within its jurisdiction. Five of these principal provinces are in the island of Luzon, which is four hundred and sixty leguas in periphery and extends about from the thirteenth to the twenty-first parallel. One can travel two hundred leguas in a straight line on this island, for it is even longer than this. From east to west, between the Cape of Spiritu Santo (the first sighted when coming from Nueba Espana) and the bay of Manila, it is eighty leguas; and from south to north, between the same bay and Cape Boseador, in the province of Cagayan, which is opposite Japon and China, it is one hundred and twenty leguas. The capital of Cagayan is the city of Nueba Segobia, which was settled by Governor Don Goncalo Ronquillo de Penalosa in fifteen hundred and eighty-one. The shape of this island of Luzon, taken as a whole, is more like a semi-quadrant than anything else, although there are many irregularities in places. Some parts are narrow, because of the numerous arms of the sea which bound and penetrate the island; but in some parts, principally those on the north side, the island grows broader and more spacious, as I will show in the proper place. In other parts it is rough, rugged, and not a little mountainous. When the island is considered as shaped like a semi-quadrant, the great bay of Manila lies in the angle, where the sides meet the city—which is in the center of the island, near the entrance to the same bay; and has as a port Cavite, a little more than two leguas to the south.

Camarines

The first, of the five provinces in the island of Luzon, beginning on the eastern coast, is Camarines, which includes all the territory near the mouth of the channel of Capul. The capital of Camarines is the city of Cazeres, sixty leguas from Manila. It was settled by Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor of these islands, in fifteen hundred and seventy-four. He settled on the Vicor, a large and peaceful river, whose waters are very fresh and healthful, because it runs through many veins of gold, as do most or all of the rivers of these islands. There are in Camarines as many as twenty encomiendas, counting the four into which the island of Catanduanes (which is included in this district) is divided. The largest of these encomiendas does not contain more than fifteen hundred tributes; there are a few of one thousand; most of them must have from seven to eight hundred; while some have four hundred or even less. Among these peoples a great deal of gold was formerly obtained from the mines or placers of Paracali and from the island of Catanduanes. Camarines yields no rice, and it has not so good a food supply as other parts of Luzon, owing to the fact that Luzon is very narrow here, and in many places is rough and mountainous. It is believed that as much gold is mined now as usually, yet it seems a small quantity; for, although the Indians in general have more money than formerly, obtained through their [various] sources of income, they keep back the gold to work up into chains and jewelry, with which they adorn and parade themselves freely. They pay tribute in tin reals. The Camarines have become a very settled and tractable people through the religious instruction and careful teaching of the discalced Franciscan fathers, their ministers. They had been, of all the people of these islands, the most warlike and the most feared, as was shown by their resistance; indeed, one can hardly assert that they were conquered. The number of the inhabitants of this province can be but roughly estimated, as it is difficult to count them accurately. It is probable, however, that there are more than one hundred and fifty [thousand], counting the intractable black people who live in the interior of the country. Of this number some estimate that one-fourth are Christians.

Judicial offices of the province of Camarines [23]

With respect to royal jurisdiction, this province has these three offices:

The alcaldia-mayor of Caseres, which is ordinarily called the alcaldia-mayor of Camarines, because Caseres is the capital of the province, and has jurisdiction over the larger and better part of it; the corregimiento of Ybalon, which is at the mouth of the channel; and the corregimiento of the island of Catanduanes, which is also near the same channel mouth.

The province of Manilla

The second province [in the island of Luzon] and the principal one in importance and wealth, because of its extensive commerce and of the fact that it is in the center of the kingdom, is Manila. Within its jurisdiction are included other smaller provinces. These are the two lake provinces, Bonbon and Bay; and (the most important of all) Panpanga, which, at the outside, is not more than twelve leguas from Manila. This is an inundated valley, and yields a great amount of rice, owing to the richness and location of its lands, as well as to the wealth and superior character of its natives—among whom there are at present many who have aided and served as faithful subjects and friends, whenever opportunity has offered. In Panpanga your Majesty has as many as six thousand tributes in the four governmental districts and principal villages, among which are Betis, Lubao, Guagua, Mexico, and other smaller places. All the neighboring country, and particularly the royal magazines, secure their rice from this province [of Pampanga]. There must be in the province of Manila forty thousand tributes belonging to private individuals, and almost twenty thousand belonging to your Majesty. There must be in all more than five hundred thousand people, of whom one-fourth are Christians. In this, however, estimates vary. The adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, settled the important city of Manila in the year fifteen hundred and sixty-one, [24] after having lived for six years in the islands of Zubu and Panay, of which I shall speak more in detail in another place.

The judicial offices in the province of Manila.

The offices to which appointments are made in the province of Manila, not to mention the judicial officers of greater or less importance who are maintained by the city within its walls, are as follows:

The alcaldia-mayor of the Parian or alcayzeria of the Chinese; the alcaldia-mayor of the coast near this city, its capital being the town of Tondo; the alcaldia-mayor of the Lake of Manila, ordinarily called Laguna de Bay; the alcaldia-mayor of Bulacan and Calumpite, one of the two alcaldias of Panpanga; the alcaldia-mayor of Panpanga, which includes the rest of the province; the alcaldia-mayor of Balayan and Bonbon, twenty leguas from Manila; the corregimiento of Mindoro and Baco, twenty-five leguas from Manila—which, although it is itself an island, is a division of this province for judicial and religious administration; the alcaldia-mayor of Calilaya, forty leguas from Manila; the corregimiento of Masbate, an island fifty leguas, or a little more, from Manila, between this island [of Luzon] and the Pintados.

Pangassina

Next after Panpanga comes the district comprising all of Sambales and Pangasinan. This, although here considered as a separate province, is under the jurisdiction of Manila in judicial and religious matters. Its natives are chiefly those called Negrillos. They are mountain Indians and are either very tawny in color, or black. They are so restless, so warlike, and so averse to trade and communication with other people, that up to this time it has not been possible to subdue them effectively. Although on different occasions they have been severely chastised, there is still no security from them. They are in the habit of making sudden assaults upon their neighbors, continually, and cutting off many heads. In this consists the whole happiness of these barbarians. These Negrillos belong to the same race of people as those who live farthest in the interior and in the most rugged parts of these islands. It is a very well established and common belief that they are the real aborigines; and that the rest of the Indians are immigrants who conquered them, and compelled them to leave the shores and plains, and to retire to the most isolated and rugged parts of the islands, where they now are. They are still so brutal and so averse to civilization that they scarcely deserve more than the name of men; for they often cut off the heads of their own fathers and brothers as a pastime, for no other reason than their natural cruelty and brutality. Very few of them have fixed settlements, nor do they plant crops; but they live upon camotes (a kind of potato), other herbs and roots, and the game which they hunt. They hardly ever come to the plains or coasts except to make assaults and to cut off heads. The one who has cut off the greatest number of these is most feared and respected among them. The skulls they keep in their huts as trophies, or to serve as jugs and cups in their drinking-bouts. There is such abundance of wild game in the province of Pangasinan that within a space of only twenty leguas over sixty thousand, and sometimes as many as eighty thousand, deer are killed every year. The Indians pay these deerskins as tributes; while trade in them is a source of great profit for Japon, because the Japonese make of them good leather for various purposes.

Ten thousand tributes. There must be in Pangasinan between ten thousand and twelve thousand half-pacified tributes, two thousand belonging to his Majesty, and the rest to private individuals. The capital of this province is a place called Binabatonga. It formerly contained about three thousand houses, or, according to other estimates, a greater number; but it now has only about two thousand. The province has some good ports. One is that of Agoo, commonly called "the port of Japon," because it was the first port which the Japonese occupied in these islands [when our people first saw them here]. Another port is Bolinao, which is better than any other.

Judicial offices in Pangasinan. There is only one judicial office in this province, namely, the alcaldia-mayor of Pangasinan.

The province of Ilocos

Next after Pangasinan, toward the north, on the same coast, comes the province of the llocos, a people on the whole more settled and tractable; and although there have been some disturbances among them, they are now very peaceable. They are well supplied with provisions, especially with rice—a great quantity of which comes to Manila every year during February and a part of March, for at this time the winds are favorable for going from Ilocos to Manila and back again. The capital of this province is the town called Fernandina [now Vigan], which was settled by the master-of-camp Guido de Lavazares, who governed these islands in fifteen hundred and seventy-three, upon the death of the adelantado, Legaspi. This province must nave between fourteen thousand and fifteen thousand tributes, which are collected without resistance. Five thousand of them belong to his Majesty, and the rest to private individuals. There used to be in it, also, a great quantity of gold but the Ygolotes Indians diminished the amount for the reason given above. [25] This diminution is quite noticeable.

Judicial offices of the province of Ilocos. There is in this province only one judicial office, the alcaldia-mayor of Ilocos.

The province of Cagayan or Nueva Segobia

After Ilocos comes the province of Cagayan, the northernmost portion of the island of Luzon, where there is a great deal of incompletely pacified country. It contains villages inhabited by a very strong and warlike people, who have given us much trouble.

Twelve thousand [tributes]. Between twelve thousand and thirteen thousand tributes are collected in the pacified portions of the province. Fifteen hundred, or a little more, belong to his Majesty, and the rest to private individuals.

The capital of this province is, as has been said, the city and port of Nueba Segobia, opposite and facing China and Japon, one hundred and twenty leguas from Manila. It is so near China that from Cape Bojeador, one of the points or promontories of Cagayan, it is not more than a seventy leguas' journey to the nearest towns on the coast of Chincheo, a maritime province of that great kingdom. The greater part of the Sangleys who come to these islands are natives of that place. For this reason, and because of the natural restlessness of the people of Cagayan, there has been established in Nueba Segobia a regular garrison, sometimes with fifty, and sometimes with a hundred, or even more, soldiers, as necessity demands. Nueba Segobia contains the cathedral church and is the capital of the archbishopric of the province of Cagayan, just as the city of Caseres is of Camarines. There are then, in the island of Luzon, not counting the archbishopric of Manila, which is the capital of the kingdom, the two archbishoprics above mentioned. It must be noted that there are in this island many races and kinds of people, such as the Camarines, Camintanes, Tagalos, Panpangas, Sanbales, Ilocos, Cagayanes, and many others. They differ noticeably not only in language and in physical characteristics, but also in disposition and customs. But the Tagala dialect, that of Manila and the surrounding country, is a common language. It is spoken and understood everywhere, not only by the above-mentioned natives of the island of Luzon, but by the natives of all the islands. From this fact those who know something concerning the past of these people infer that the other nations of the archipelago have long carried on trade and commerce with Manila. Because the island is the center of an infinite number of nations and barbarous people, some heathens and some Mahometans; and because of its nearness to and trade with the rich and powerful kingdoms of Japon and China, as well as for other reasons that might be mentioned, Manila is considered of greater importance in this governmental district than can here be indicated.

Judicial offices of the province of Nueba Segobia. There is only one judicial office in Cagayan, the alcaldia-mayor of the entire province.

Province of Panay in the Pintados

The sixth province, one of those outside of Luzon, is the island of Panay, situated in the Pintados, one hundred leguas south of the city of Manila. It is more fertile, and yields more rice and other provisions, than any other province of the kingdom except Manila. Neither is there any province relatively more densely populated, for, although it is not eighty leguas in periphery, it contains thirty thousand of the most profitable and peaceable tributes in the whole kingdom. The capital of this island is the town of Arebalo, which was settled by the adelantado Legaspi in fifteen hundred and sixty-seven, and enlarged by Don Gonzalo Ronquillo in fifteen hundred and eighty-two. It is near the village of Oton and the port of Yloylo, the most southerly port of the governmental district. For this reason, and because of the fertility of this province, it is better fitted than any other for provisioning and sending aid to the Malucas Islands and to the presidios of Terrenate. This province is on the coast facing toward Mindanao, Maluco, and all the "islands of enemies," as the islands to the south are designated. In religious instruction and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, this province is included in the bishopric of Zubu.

Judicial offices in the island of Panay. There are in Panay three judicial offices. These are, the corregimiento of Panay and Aclan, the rivers and principal settlements of the island; the corregimiento of the island of Negros, which is included in the district of Panay; the alcaldia-mayor of the town of Arebalo (commonly called the alcaldia-mayor of Otong) and including the purveyorship—the best and most important office of that province.

The Province of Subu and its jurisdiction

Forty leguas eastward from Oton, and one hundred and twenty leguas from the bay of Manila, is the island of Zubu. The capital of this province, as well as of all the provinces of the Pintados, is the city of Santissimo Nombre de Jhesus—celebrated throughout the kingdom, not so much on account of its good harbor as because it was the first town to submit to his Majesty; and because it is the first city which the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi settled and pacified in these islands. It is also noted because it is but half a legua from the island of Matan, where the famous Magallanes died fighting; and more than all else on account of the holy relic, [an image] of the child Jesus, which our fathers found there, which is now at the capital city in the convent of San Agustin, and has been signalized by some miracles that have occurred there. Zubu is a small island, and it yields but few provisions, because it is rugged and mountainous. But it has an abundance, of game, and secures sufficient [of other] provisions and supplies from the islands and provinces under its jurisdiction. These are: Leyte, Camar, Ybabao, Bohol, and many other islands of lesser importance, besides that part of the island of Mindanao opposite Zubu which was formerly at peace—that is, all the country along the Butuan River, forty leguas from Zubu, and the coasts of Surigao, Dapitan, and Caragas, a little further from Zubu. Eight or ten years ago, all of these revolted from this province. There are in the provinces of Zubu and its jurisdiction, according to some estimates, over twenty thousand, and according to others, twenty-four thousand, very peaceable tributes. Three thousand of these belong to his Majesty and the rest to private individuals. To the two provinces of Zebu and Panay only is given the name Bisayas, but to all this group of islands taken together is given the name Pintados. The Pintados are now giving more trouble than any others in the whole governmental district; not because the inhabitants are restless (for none are more peaceable or more useful), but because they are on the frontier toward the seas of Mindanao and Maluco. The natives of Mindanao and Maluco—principally the Mindanaos and other allied tribes, the Sangiles, Joloans, and others of that region—have been emboldened by their great successes during the last ten years to infest the coasts of the islands (and especially of the Pintados, which are nearest to them), so frequently that they have kept the forces of the kingdom diverted [to that region]. They have been greatly aided by the artifice and craft of Silongan, their principal chief, and most of all by the remissness of our fleets. For these reasons they have harassed and are now harassing all the Pintados, where they have at different times robbed many places, captured many thousands of friendly Indians, burned and sacked the churches and barbarously profaned sacred things. And yet for these excesses they have neither made amends nor been punished, and since these Moros have power and courage to continue the war, many evil consequences result; for in spite of the pretended treaties of peace, which they are always promising but never keep, they persist in their offenses. [For instance], at the end of November, 1616, these Mahometan Indians, by the coming of the Dutch ships which reached this bay on the last of October led to think that our forces would be engaged, improved the occasion like good strategists, and burned three of his Majesty's ships in the dockyards of Masbate. About twenty leguas from Manila, they burned some villages and captured many Spaniards; and what two galleys did let some other person tell his Majesty. We know their designs by experience, and the opinion grows that it would be well to punish them for once, with sufficient force to keep them sufficiently under restraint and subjection to make it possible to apportion the island [in encomiendas], and to establish in it fortified posts. This is the true way to prevent their disturbances. Since Mindanao is directly opposite the Pintados, and so near to Matheo and Terrenate; since it has so many encomiendas to distribute (as it is over four hundred leguas in extent); and since it yields gold, wax, cinnamon, and a great quantity of rice and other valuable products—great benefits would accrue to his Majesty by its pacification.

Judicial offices of the province of Zubu; three. Returning to the province of Zubu, from which I have been diverted by a discussion of the affairs of Mindanao, I may say that there are three judicial offices here. They are the alcaldia-mayor of Zubu, which is the principal office in the province; the corregimiento of the islands of Leyte, Camar, and Babao; and the corregimiento of Botuan, which is the portion of the island of Mindanao that used to be peaceful.

Summary of the tributes—160,000. Each tribute consists of a man and wife.

I wrote this in Manila, in 1618, to give to Governor D. Pedro de Bivero.



DUTCH FACTORIES AND POSTS IN THE ORIENT

Account of the factories, and the posts garrisoned with infantry and artillery, that the Dutch enemies maintain in the islands of the East.

Item. From these factories are taken food and other provisions for Maluco, and a ship of a thousand toneladas of pepper every year.

Item. In the island of Caramandel they maintain two factories without a garrison. One of them is in the port and country of Achen, [26] and the other in the same island, which is called Chambi. There is sent from these factories a shipload of a thousand toneladas of pepper, gold, and jewels.

Item. In Negapatan they have a factory, without a garrison; from it are carried cloths, which the Terrenate Indians of Maluco wear.

Item. In the island of Jor [27] there is at present one factory, without a garrison; and 400 bares of pepper are shipped from it every year. A bare [i.e., bahar] is known to contain 600 libras.

Item. In Patane there is a factory, without a garrison; from it are shipped glazed earthenware, silk, and various drugs which come from China, and one shipload of more than 600 toneladas of pepper each year.

Item. In Cian [i.e., Siam] they have a factory, without a garrison; from it are carried jewels and various drugs of much value.

Item. In Borneo they have a factory, without a garrison. Thence are sent gold, jewels, and camphor.

Item. In Japon they have a factory, without a garrison. Thence are shipped military supplies and provisions for Maluco; and thus the Dutch greatly hinder the progress of Christianity in that country.

Item. In Macazar they had two factories; but have removed them thence because the king and the natives do not get along well with them.

Item. In the island of Banda they have a garrison, with artillery and troops. They gather there Masatrella nutmegs to the amount of more than 1,600 bares each year.

Item. In the island of Caramandel they have a fortress with a garrison and two factories, one called Masapotamia, [28] and the other Petapulli; from them is carried cloth to trade and barter in Maluco.

Item. In the island of Bachan they have a garrisoned fortress; more than a hundred bares of cloves are shipped thence each year.

Item. In the island of Maquian they have three garrisoned fortresses; and 1,200 bares of cloves are gathered there each year.

Item. In the island of Mutiel they have a garrisoned fortress. From this island they ship more than 350 bares of cloves each year.

Item. In the island of Tidore they have a garrisoned fortress, and his Majesty has another. The whole island yields each year about 600 bares of cloves, of which half, or a little less, is secured by the Dutch.

Item. In the island of Terrenate they have two garrisoned fortresses, and his Majesty has one. The island yields each year more than 700 bares of cloves; and the profitable part of it is gathered by the Dutch, as they have friendly relations with the natives, while his Majesty obtains never a pound—although it is true that the greater part is lost through war.

From these islands—Bachan, Maquian, Motiel, Tidore, and Terrenate—which are the ones that Don Pedro de Acuna won back and left in peace and quiet, with an amply sufficient garrison to maintain them, the enemy enjoys and obtains each year nearly two million pesos in profit. The reason for this loss to us was that, on account of Don Pedro's death, so many quarrels arose between his adherents and those of the Audiencia that they spent all the time in making war against each other with ink and paper. In the meantime the enemy fortified themselves in Malayo, and took possession of the island of Maquian, and those of Motiel and Bachan, and the other ports which they now hold, without its costing them a drop of blood. But this burnened us with much ignominy; for we—being occupied in wasting paper and ink in lawsuits, which have continued to this day—both by this loss and that other which first arose from the dismantling of a fort in Mindanao which had been built in the port of La Caldera, have given the enemy an opportunity to take possession of so large a part of these islands. And the worst is, that these factions are lasting to this very day, and are causing the many losses and the great expenses which your Majesty now incurs; and these hatreds will not be lacking, for they are so deeply rooted. It is for us to apply a check to them, for from them has sprung the loss of respect to whomsoever should have it, and thence have come to this court reports so sinister.

What is recounted in this relation is from the mouth of General Pablos Blancar, who was our prisoner in Terrenate. Being grateful for the good treatment which he had and received from my hand, he gave me this, assuring me that it was altogether true; and I even agree with what he said, for, being disgusted with his countrymen because they did not help him, and feeling grateful for the friendship which he personally received in my house, he told me—as it were, in payment for that, and by way of vengeance on his own countrymen—all that I have recounted. As for the failures to serve your Majesty on the part of our people, I have restrained myself in many respects, for they are more important than I can express; but I advised Senor Don Diego de Ybarra of them in the year 1617. I am certain of everything which happened there, as I was present there in person, and saw these things with my own eyes, being in those islands as captain and sargento-mayor, and governing them in the absence of Don Jeronimo de Silva. [29]



MEMORIAL REGARDING MANILA HOSPITAL

Manila, 1618. Memorial for his Lordship Senor Don Fernando Canillo, president of the Council of the Indias for his Majesty, informing him of the injuries and losses which, during the seven years that I served as head brother in the royal hospital of his Majesty, were ascertained by me in that time, in order that they may be remedied in the city of Manila; and of the good which the brothers of John of God, are accomplishing in these regions.

1. In the time of Governor Don Francisco Tello, there was a steward who drew a salary of three hundred pesos, with a hundred fanegas of rice, and two hundred fowls, and lodging in the hospital. 2. Another succeeded him, who died owing three hundred pesos, which could not be collected. 3. The second was succeeded by the Confraternity of La Misericordia, and when they had left the administration there remained a surplus of three thousand pesos. 4. To this third succeeded a person who finally owed the hospital five or six thousand pesos. I believe that they could not collect this sum, because he died at that time; and God knows what evil the hospital suffered on account of the funds thus withheld, as the hospital building was burnt twice in one year. 5. The fifth successor, who was the owner of a horse, sold it to the hospital as a breed horse for the mares, so that the hospital might have a stock-farm. The price paid was four hundred pesos; but the horse was of no use for this purpose, and there was no need of him for any other use, so the said hospital sold him for one hundred and fifty pesos. This steward remained in office two years; and three years passed without his rendering any accounts, and I believe he never did so. He died, and may have rendered a good account in heaven. 6. The fifth steward requested from the sixth a tonelada from the hospital assignment of freight in the ships. He did not lade it, not having the means to do so; he sold it for six hundred pesos, and paid the hospital two hundred pesos. During my time the governors gave to the royal hospital of Manila eight toneladas for provisions and utilities. The city sold its toneladas at six hundred pesos, and sometimes more; and the hospital sold its space mostly at two hundred pesos, at twenty-five pesos a pieza. The hospital for Indians has two toneladas, and sells them at more than six hundred pesos each.

The hospitals which your Majesty has in the Filipinas Islands: the royal hospital, where the soldiers are treated; another in Gavite, where the sailors are treated; another for the Indian natives, [conducted by] the Franciscan friars; another for Sangleys, by the Dominican friars; another, by La Misericordia, for the mulattoes; another, at the hot springs, [30] by the Franciscan friars; another in Cagayan; another in Cebu; another in Maluco; and another for convalescents, by the friars who are coming back from the Indias. The brothers of the blessed Juan de Dios will attend to the care of these hospitals, for they are greatly lacking in comforts for the sick. They will save all these losses to the treasury of his Majesty, and obviate the offenses which are committed against God.

To the steward as salary 500 pesos Collected from the encomiendas 200 pesos 200 more from the stock farm 200 pesos From the collector of fowls 200 pesos

1100 pesos

[Endorsed: "The royal hospital at Manila. Send a copy of these clauses to the governor and Audiencia, so that they may name an auditor as inspector thereof; and let the senior auditor, if convenient, fill this office. He shall superintend and audit the accounts of this hospital, and bring its property into the most profitable condition. As for the customs and mode of life of the officials who are employed in this hospital work, if they have committed any unlawful acts let them be punished, if laymen, according to their guilt; and if they be ecclesiastics, let them be dismissed and sent to their own judge. Each year, one of the Audiencia shall be appointed, in turn, to take the hospital in his charge; and at Easter-tide, when the general inspection of prisons is made, the governor shall, on the day which he shall consider most suitable, visit personally and examine into the cleanliness and state of the bedding of this hospital and the others, so that all may be encouraged to the greatest diligence and charity. As for the appointment of a steward and other officials, they shall always be of the honorable and well-to-do persons of the city; and the office of steward shall last two years. If any persons shall be found so suited to the position that it will be necessary to compel him [to serve therein], this shall be done in the best possible manner, so that people may understand that, after the service of God our Lord this it is that has most weight with his Majesty, in order to employ them in other offices, according to the character and method of their management. Let there be placed upon the books of the accounts and proceedings of the hospital a copy of this decree. The Council, November 16, 618."]



LETTER TO FELIPE III FROM ALONSO FAJARDO DE TENZA

Sire:

Having left the port of Acapulco on April second with the two ships, men, and other things, as I wrote your Majesty from there, God was pleased to allow us to anchor in this port of Cavite on the fifth of the past month. One could esteem it a good fortune that although the season was so advanced there were as yet no vendavals in the channel [el Embocadero] of these islands; for we had suffered many light winds and even calms, and had waited for a ship that joined us, in order not to desert it, contrary to the advice of some. Thanks to His Divine Majesty who gave us so prosperous a voyage, not ten persons dying in both ships.

The events of which I found news here are indeed to be deplored. Not only was the small almiranta from Nueva Espana wrecked at Japon (news of which was sent in the ship of last year), but its flagship was also destroyed, having been burned on this coast with two other vessels, fragatas, which were with it; and I learned of the loss of the galleon "San Marcos" and the burning of two other ships which were being built in the shipyards, to which the Mindanao enemy set fire, encouraged thereto by the Dutch. I found, also that, of the squadron that was being sent to aid Terrenate, one boat was wrecked, while another mutinied—thereby casting shame on the Spanish nation and their loyalty, and even giving occasion for some to make comments and to say that the needs of this place, their lack of confidence in its relief, and the departure for another region, could furnish some reason for a similar act of desperation. Inasmuch as the number of people who have fled from here by divers routes, especially by that of Portuguese Yndia, has greatly increased; and considering how this evil report may harm, and how advisable it is to destroy it (although we nave a very pressing need of men), I have granted some licenses—the number I considered necessary and sufficient—so that it might be understood that they have left these islands, and so that the fear entertained by so many of coming hither might be dissipated. For the same reason, I have given certain orders for the payment of necessary obligations, giving two of these to the sailors who were here, and as they ire so few, the so small amount of money spent will create no deficiency. After our aforesaid misfortunes the six galleons that were to be fitted up at the shipyards were, while going there, overtaken by a hurricane, and were all wrecked, together with seven hundred persons whom, it is said, they were carrying—namely, natives, Sangleys, and Spanish sailors and shipbuilders, and some infantrymen—besides those who escaped, who were very few. Consequently, these islands were left without any naval forces and with few enough on land, by the above-mentioned disaster and the many private persons who died on the expedition to Sincupura or Malaca. The result was very great sorrow to the citizens, because of these troubles, and because General Ruy Gonzales de Sequeira carried an amount of property for them to Portuguese Yndia, where he died; while the enemy, coming unexpectedly, seized another very large quantity of property, which some say was in excess of two hundred thousand pesos, and others of three hundred thousand pesos. It is certain that the enemy freighted with riches two vessels, with which they came to this coast, lading them even to their small boats; and the same with some Chinese craft, with what they pillaged from the Sangleys of that kingdom. Thus was that so heavy loss caused to this community, which with two such strokes might fear its total ruin; on that account there has been no allotment of the lading space for Nueva Espana this year, since that of last year, and that trade is the harvest that sustains this country. Consequently it has become very necessary to encourage the citizens, seeking innumerable methods of consolation, and facilitating their protection for the future with what means we have. I am trying to notify and assure them that your Majesty's reenforcements and protection will not fail them—adducing (and in good faith on my part) all possible reasons why we should promise ourselves and expect that relief, when your Majesty learns into how great ruin this country has fallen. For one cannot believe that your Majesty will permit the risking of what it is so important to preserve, both for the continuation of the conversion of these souls and that of so many as one may hope will be reduced to the pathway of salvation—a thing by which our Lord will be so well served; and for the reputation and even the profit of the treasury, which will not be slight, and which will follow by maintaining these islands. For if we had a fleet sufficient to be able to pursue the enemy, they could not maintain themselves from that day on which we would thus oblige them to divert their attention from their gains and trading, in order to join together for defense. It is quite certain that, in that case, there would be no one in this archipelago who would do anything to lessen respect for your Majesty's arms. By doing that, a million per cent would be gained over what was spent on it. Otherwise, if the enemy enjoy in any quiet what they claim here, it would appear that they might disturb the peace of Portuguese Yndia, and even of some portions of the Indias of Castilla [i.e., the Spanish colonies in America], and other places. That would give reason for anxiety, because of the so great wealth that the enemy would thus obtain. It is quite easy to prove this statement, since with only their plundering and the profits from their business, and without their having any right or dominion in anything of importance, the enemy repair the expenses and losses of war, and make the gains that they are known to secure. Will your Majesty please have this matter considered, and have an efficient reenforcement of seamen and soldiers sent—all at once, or as soon as may be possible—so that having their arms in one fleet, aid may be thus given where and how it is considered most advisable to your royal service. To that I shall attend with what forces I shall have, whether many or few, as will be shown by their deeds—to which I refer, without promising more than the fulfilment of my obligations, with God's help. In order to do thus, I have represented all the above, concluding with what is of most importance to this government, which is reduced, in my opinion, to three points: namely, the commerce of China and Nueva Espana; the protection and preservation of the natives; and having the sword in the hand, so that one may achieve what is needed and make all things clear. Taking this last point as a basis, Don Juan de Silva, my predecessor, must have built that fleet, for which he contrived some ships that he would not have built had it not been so necessary, as experience proved. For until his death, the enemy did not resolve to display the audaciousness that they have since shown here, nor even to conduct their commerce, except with great caution. If I could construct another fleet like it, I would imitate him; but he impoverished the wealth of these loyal vassals of your Majesty, the Spaniards, and of the wretched natives, to such an extent that many are now in the most dire need. Besides, the royal treasury is deep in debt, so that nothing can be extracted from it or from them, which may be worth considering in the present needs. This and the lack of iron and other materials oblige me to reduce the building force for five ships, that, I found, had been ordered to be built, to three, so that I should not run out of the necessary materials, and all of them be left unfinished. Then, in case that I have enough, those men could also build the other two. Besides, that is also important in order that those ships which are to sail to Nueva Espana in the coming year may be finished and equipped promptly. I would be very glad were that work further advanced, in order to hasten work on one ship that can be of help to me, equipping it, together with the flagship and another ship of your Majesty that is here, so that I may oppose the enemy, whom we are expecting, with three galleys, which can be manned by availing myself of borrowed slaves. However, according to the news received from the king of Tidore and from Yndia, there are eighteen ships which they say are being prepared in one place to come here, and fourteen in another. Although it will be possible for all to come together, and let them be what they may, preparing myself, I am ready with what resources I have for those that may come.

News from Terrenate advises us that they have sufficient food there to be able to await the reenforcements of food and money that I am preparing, to send them when the weather is suitable. To that the friendship of their neighbor, the king of Macacar, is of not a little aid. With him friendship is being made, and I shall endeavor to preserve it, as I think it will prove of no possible harm but of gain now for many things. Galleys are especially desired there, for they now miss the advantage which they gained when they had these, since they now have but one small unarmed galliot. I think that from those that I shall repair here, and from two or three smaller ones that I intend to build, I shall send them a couple of these vessels after the occasion for which I am waiting; and besides that, I think it advisable for the service of your Majesty. I shall do it with great pleasure, because I hope that all the aid sent to those forts will make a brave show, for they are entrusted to Governor Lucas de Vergara Gaviria, of whose excellent zeal and management I have very good reports, and am well satisfied with him, although there are some who complain of his temper.

The vassals of the king of Mindanao who were formerly your Majesty's subjects have for some years back been acting very insolently, and have been committing so many and so great depredations that already they are causing considerable anxiety. Consequently, it is necessary to undertake to restrain them, and to lay hands on them. I shall accordingly try to do so as soon as possible, and for that purpose I shall use the galliots which I have said that I intend to build.

I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva Espana, asking him to send me the aid that he is wont to send other years, in the quantity now necessary, and as is declared in a memorial signed with my signature and those of the royal officials of these islands. I have asked that the money sent be the amount that was asked last year, since that sent then did not amount to the sum generally sent in other years; while the occasion that obliged us to ask for it has not ceased, but rather the necessities caused by the disasters and losses above mentioned have arisen.

Because of the short time since I arrived here, and the many occupations that I have had in overcoming the hindrance of despatches, in arrears, and in attending to the preparation for many necessities that demanded it, and to the furnishing of these ships that are being despatched now to Nueva Espana—in which there were very many things to do, to which no beginning had been made—I have not been able to ascertain with certainty who is to blame for the wreck of the six galleons, and why they did not sail out to drive from the coast the enemy who were pillaging along it. Consequently, I shall leave that report to your Majesty for another occasion. However, I can send with this letter an information regarding this matter, the taking of which I entrusted to Auditor Geronimo de Legaspi, on the advice of the Audiencia. The Audiencia gave it so that it might be made secretly, on the occasion of a petition that was presented against Don Geronimo de Silva. That petition declared also that neither I nor any one else could be judge without a special commission from your Majesty; but that it was necessary to make the said investigation, in order to see by it whether it was advisable or not to prevent the said Don Geronimo from going hence to Espana, as he wishes and is resolutely undertaking to do. For that he assigns as a reason that he considers it a disgrace that one who has governed in this country, in the position and post with which your Majesty honored him, should remain here, removed from his office, and liable to ruin, and in danger of uncivil treatment—which one can fear who has so many rivals as he confesses that he has, because of having exercised his duties with integrity. I am trying to deliver him from that inconvenience. He insists on his intention, justifying it with these and many other arguments. As yet the writ has not been examined, and consequently I can not say whether he will go or stay.

Returning to the matter of the fault for the loss of the said galleons, I hold it certain that documents will be presented in your Majesty's Council, written by the parties to whom that loss may be attributed; and that, if such should be the case, what each one would write against the other would disclose sufficient reason for need of your Majesty's royal clemency. I confess that, as yet, with what I have heard, I would not dare to decide who is entirely to blame for it, or who is entirely free from that blame. For Don Hieronimo de Silva blames the government, by arraigning Licentiate Alcaraz—who, he says, had charge of everything; while the latter blames Don Hieronimo. At times one of them blames the royal officials, and some of the people blame them all, opinions being divided. My own opinion is that, whenever the government is divided, very great dissensions and evil results must happen. Consequently, I would consider it less troublesome, when there is no proprietary governor, for everything to be managed by the Audiencia; for even in affairs of war (which are those of which they can have least knowledge), if they were in charge of these they would endeavor to secure the advice of the military men, who would be best qualified to give it. But it would be far better and more expedient for your Majesty to retain in this camp and in the castle of Manila two military men of such standing and ability that, when the governor and captain-general is absent, they might succeed to those duties, and to those of the presidency, since no government can be worse than one divided. The exemplification of this can be seen in what has occurred here, if no others offer. On that account, and because of its importance to your Majesty's service, I petition you that, if Don Hieronimo de Silva should go, you will please give this army a master-of-camp such as is advisable, appointing him from the persons whom I proposed for it at Cadiz, on the eve of my departure for Nueva Espana.

I have been told that Licentiate Fernando de los Rios Coronel, who left this country with power to negotiate its affairs, was, among other things, to petition your Majesty that a certain portion of lading space be given and assigned to the governor of these islands. Although I might be inclined to embarrass myself in this trade, in order to fulfil my obligations to your Majesty's service, I would petition—as I do—that no opportunity or occasion be given, so that such governor may be humiliated and declared to be a merchant. For with a limited permission of lading space that may be given him, one can fear that the governor might stretch out his hand farther, and make that his chief occupation—since even without that permission the governor has sometimes cherished that covetous vice too much; and, by whatever path that vice comes and is allowed scope, it tarnishes all the other good qualities that a governor may have, and almost always hinders their use. But if, notwithstanding, your Majesty think it not a considerable obstacle, let it be conceded to him who shall succeed me, or to such others as you may please to give it. Thereat I will rejoice greatly, to have advantages added to this office which will oblige more persons of high standing to covet it, although I would not be satisfied with those whom this opportunity would incite.

In the Audiencia and assembly the question has been debated of writing to your Majesty about certain points, which have not all seemed so advisable to me as to those who proposed them. Particularly so is that of increasing the number of auditors to five, under pretext that we are generally in need of judges because of the auditors' occupations or illnesses. But the reason appears but little sufficient to me, for the suits entered here can be despatched in a few days when the court is assembled, if the time is not wasted. I have seen much time lost in the court by striving to wreak their passions, with which these unfortunate inhabitants are greatly intimidated. This your Majesty will have learned by what, I am told, has been written by justices and regidors, and men of all estates, concerning this matter of the Audiencia; and some of them have petitioned me to write another of like tenor. They say that the reasons that move them to such a step are the oppression caused by the multitude of relatives and followers [of the auditors]; their appropriation of the offices and emoluments, to the injury of the meritorious; their hatred and hostility to those who unfortunately fall out with them; their trading and trafficking, although it be by an intermediary, since they, being men of influence, buy the goods at wholesale, and protect their agents. Many others who speak to me have represented their desire of living without so much encumbrance, esteeming it as thoroughly intolerable. Nor does it afford the advantage, mildness and suavity that are found in other tribunals and councils that are under the eyes of your Majesty, where one obtains strict justice, administered by upright and holy men—the people here considering that those who are farthest from meriting that name are those who are farthest from the presence of your Majesty and your royal counselors, because of the extent to which they forget to be human in their endeavor to be paid divine honors. Will your Majesty be pleased to have the arguments examined which are given on this matter by those who write and discuss it, and provide what is most fitting to your service. In what pertains to me, I do not petition you for anything in this matter, since in no respect can it be ill for me to have someone to consult, and who will relieve me in matters of justice.

During its government, the Audiencia appointed men to many posts that became vacant, and several offices for life to those to whom they gave them; besides many encomiendas—partly to those deserving them, and partly to some who do not deserve them so much as do others who, after serving well, were left without any reward. I do not understand how such a thing could be done, for in order to make those appointments needs not only the title of proprietary governor with that of captain-general and president, but also a special decree from your Majesty, such as I have and as other governors had. Although I am carefully gathering information of what was done in this matter (which all do not approve), and although I shall carefully do what is most advisable for the service of your Majesty, in accordance with justice and your royal decrees, yet I petition your Majesty to be pleased to declare your royal will—as was done in what provisions were made by the Audiencia of Nueva Espana, although they were made by many auditors and not by one alone, as here—so that we may all regulate ourselves thereby, without exceeding in any particular what pertains to it and what can be done.

Among other offices provided in the above manner was that of secretary of the registers, which is an office of importance. I entreat that your Majesty will be pleased not to confirm its concession, nor that of others of the same date, until you can be informed of the pros and cons regarding it; for it will either be advisable to sell those offices for the relief of necessities here (although I do not think that such sale would go far toward that), or else let the matter take its course as hitherto, so that there be certain offices with which men who have served may be, with these employments, rewarded and gratified. Well can your Majesty believe that I shall lose no occasion to do what I understand to be advisable for your service, both in this and in whatever else falls to me, and is in my power.

I shall now give Captain Luis de Contreras, whom I found filling the office of treasurer of the royal revenues here, one thousand two hundred Indians in encomienda (or a few more or less), and a pension of two hundred pesos as a gratification to another deserving man. With that the former will have received a goodly part of the income that your Majesty orders me, by a royal decree that he presented to me, to give him in unassigned Indians or in those of an encomienda which may become vacant. I could well wish that there were more Indians vacant than there are, in order to fulfil all that your Majesty orders me, and which the said Luis de Contreras merits by his character and good qualities.

Having seen the exactness with which I fulfilled the above, I am told that many are going about looking for decrees and trying to procure them now from your Majesty, in order to obtain like encomiendas and other posts. I entreat your Majesty to postpone granting those favors until you shall first be informed by your governor of these islands and your Audiencia; for not all of them will be so well employed as is the aforesaid, if I may judge from the methods by which I have heard that they are seeking them, as they procure papers by means of witnesses presented on their part, which make much of what in itself is nothing. Although the fiscal intervenes in the matter, it is to be noted that no one attempts to make investigations unless in some case when he regards the fiscal as quite on his side.

I am told that some persons here are trying to obtain the office of treasurer. Besides, that the present holder of it has not left it, I do not as yet know many who could fill the place to be left vacant by him in this charge, because of the many qualifications necessary—namely, trustworthiness, accuracy, system, and other qualities. Although I do not think that there is lack of a person in whom these will be found, still I think it necessary to consider carefully the one who should be chosen for this post, to be sure of it.

One of the things that your Majesty needs most in this county is intelligent clerks for the efficient administration of the royal revenues. And because it is certain that much would be gained by it, I petition your Majesty to send half a dozen of them, who shall have been reared in a good school. Your Majesty should not neglect to order the supervisor-general, Tomas de Ybio Calderon, to despatch one; and I trust that the person whom he would furnish may not be unsuitable. For authority to serve in the more important offices of this profession which should become vacant here, the inspector Diego de Castro Lizon would be quite suitable, and the two brothers, the accountant Francisco Beltran de Manurga and the inspector Matias Beltran de Manurga. Either of them is, in my opinion, a person as capable as is necessary for the said offices, as well as for things of more importance. I entreat your Majesty to pardon my prolixity in matters in which you have not asked my advice; for my zeal and desire for your royal service, and also for some one who may aid me therein, obliges me to do it.

Moved by the same cause, I again petition your Majesty—as I have done—to send me Admiral Jusephe de Mena with the reenforcements that are possible, or that you please, whether few or many; for in his person alone I shall have one who can help me very well. Galleys are of great importance to these islands, and not less for those of Terrenate and Mindanao, according to what I have as yet been able to ascertain. Although they are almost past use, I shall endeavor to place them in the condition and number advisable. But so that they may be of greater service, I need that your Majesty command to have sent to me a dozen good men, who understand galleys thoroughly, who may serve as captains, boatswains, and masters, who may teach those who shall serve in those posts to be proficient. For no one here thoroughly understands that calling except Captain Francisco Remanico, who I am told has labored very diligently in this matter, as well as in other affairs of your Majesty's service. I also need two or three oar-makers who are good workmen.

The shipbuilding carried on in these islands on your Majesty's account is the total ruin and death of these natives, as all tell me. For, in addition to the damage caused by it in withdrawing them from the cultivation of their lands and fields—whereby the abundance of the foods and fruits of the country is destroyed—many of them die from severe labor and harsh treatment. Joined to this is another evil, namely, that every Indian who takes part in the shipbuilding is aided by all the neighborhood where he lives with a certain number of pesos, on account of the small pay that is given them in behalf of your Majesty. Hence many are being harassed and worn out by these methods, and a great expense is being caused to your Majesty's royal treasury. For although the cost of employing the natives seems moderate, their decrease is a very great detriment; while the planking, sheathing, and masts are so poor that they must all be renewed every two years, and sometimes oftener, when the only still useful parts are the futtock-timbers. But all the above can be found and made so much better in Portuguese Yndia that, considering the avoidance of the above wrongs and the bettering and more satisfactory price of the work, I shall try my utmost to avoid building ships here—sending to Cochin to have them built, or to buy them ready built; or sending wherever they may be found better and cheaper in those regions. If, when this should be negotiated, there should be some cloves to send on your Majesty's account, the purchase of vessels, as well as that of slaves for the galleys, would be made very comfortably.

In the construction of ships that private persons are trying to build in these islands, about which the Audiencia is writing to your Majesty, I do not find so great an obstacle; for they take no Indian forcibly from his house and land for this task, and no Indian works at it unless he consents of his own accord to do so. That is done without oppression, and the Indian is wholly paid for his work, without the others having to contribute for it. For the smaller-sized ships some better woods are found, which, because they are small, cannot answer for the necessary uses to which they are put in the larger ships. Since I do not find any noticeable difficulty in this, I would consider it as very advantageous that leave be granted for the building of those ships, and for navigation among the islands and coasts of this archipelago, so long as they do not extend their voyages to Nueva Espana and Piru. From that it will result that the inhabitants will get some profit, and it will not be necessary to hold all the trade with Nueva Espana. It will not be unprofitable for your Majesty's service to keep some ships here, so that, if need should arise, they might be employed and made useful with the seamen by whom they shall have been manned. Since it is necessary that whoever should have a vessel have paid and well-treated sailors, your Majesty would come to have all that at no more expense than that of the time while you would employ them; and these your vassals, the natives of this country, would have more relief from the burden; and surely it is pitiful to see the burdens that they carry, and what they endure.

The city has requested me to petition your Majesty to concede that the encomiendas be for three lives in direct descent, that is, to the grandchildren; and if not, that there be a succession for two lives, in the manner that is requested in their name; and also that they be excused from the necessity of getting confirmations of such encomiendas from the court there [i.e., in Espana], as that is a matter of great effort and expense to them. What I can inform your Majesty in regard to it is that I have heard that they have responded with very great love and loyalty, as excellent vassals, on all opportunities that have offered for your royal service. At present the encomiendas are liable to become vacant more quickly than in the past, even though they are granted for more lives, because of the danger of losing their lives through the more continuous occasions for war—to which nearly all of them go, each one according to his ability. Consequently, for this reason not only do I petition your Majesty to make them this concession, but also to honor some citizens who have been soldiers, and always are soldiers ready to risk their persons and spend their possessions in your Majesty's service. This many have done, most especially Admiral Rodrigo de Guillestegui, who has responded to that and to all the needs that have arisen in the royal service. This relation has been substantiated by public rumor and reputation, without any dissenting voice. Since it seems just that services be rewarded, and advisable that those who render them should be honored, so that others may be encouraged, with such an example, to try to merit a like reward, I petition your Majesty to be pleased to have this matter considered, and to have him conceded a [military] habit that, he has told me, he wishes for his eldest son. By that it will be evident that services rendered here are also esteemed and rewarded by your Majesty with your free and generous hand. Inasmuch as I think that I am serving him in this I petition this for him.

He who goes as commander or head of the flagship this year is Don Antonio de Leoz, while Captain Juan Baptista de Molina—who has already served in that capacity before, and who has been castellan of the fort of this port—fills the post of admiral. They are men who have rendered much service to your Majesty; and for many years past they have been enrolled as citizens in this country, so that all the inhabitants here have applauded their choice.

It has not yet been possible to conclude the suits that I found docketed against Don Juan Ronquillo, commander of the galleons that last fought at Playa Onda, and against Don Juan de la Vega, upon and regarding occurrences in the fleet; consequently, I shall be unable to inform your Majesty of this matter until a later opportunity.

The departure of Don Hieronimo de Silva has been suspended, because certain witnesses, whom he calls his rivals, have accused him in the investigation that I said was being made in regard to him, in such manner that we have been compelled to come to this resolution. He is compelled to clear himself; and although he desires to do so, and to challenge the witnesses by making a counter-charge against them in such manner as he can, I do not know how he will manage it. For, on the one hand, he wishes a judge to try and admit his pleas; and, as for what he does not answer so suitably, he says that he is a religious of the holy order of St. John, and that all those who enter and take part in anything against him are excommunicated. He is seeking for this matter a judge conservator who may punish with censures; and yesterday the provincial of the Dominicans came to me to say that Don Hieronimo had nominated him. We are now halting at this point. Will your Majesty cause decision to be made as to what it is advisable to do; and whether the residencia of the said Don Hieronimo must be taken here, and who shall take it; and if possible to excuse me from it, I petition your Majesty to commit it to another, inasmuch as I have as yet done nothing touching residencia because I had not your Majesty's license or order for it. Those who are plaintiffs against the said Don Hieronimo are complaining that I might do more for their satisfaction. He is also complaining and is angry because he is not to go now to Espana. Truly I have done what I could without failing in my duty to justice, and have endeavored to pacify each party. Had I not done that, they would have brought incriminating documents against one another, each one tarnishing the other's reputation—as is wont to happen whenever there is any passion, even though it be with little cause. I confess that, in order to be surer of the relief for these obstacles, I would rejoice if there were some way so that Don Hieronimo may go; but the best means for it should be sought. In everything I shall proceed as I think is most advisable to your Majesty's service.