Admitting the above, my opinion is that, allowing that Nueva-Espana could be maintained, although with difficulty, without trade with the Philipinas, it must be by means that would prove harmful to those islands alone—which would lose this aid without any resultant good to Espana; since they would not ask for those products of Espana which they at present demand, or increase those which they are now exporting because of the increase of money [in Nueva Espana]. And we have already stated that Nueva-Espana is incapable of consuming more wine and oil than it now uses.

But if all this should cease, and Espana should have to supply the above-mentioned necessities because of shutting the door to the trade in the Philipinas, the bulk of silk stuffs would have to be brought from Francia and Flandes, to whom Espana always gives her treasures in exchange for this merchandise. For Constantinopla is so far from Italia, and so little do gold and silver suit that route—or else the French and the rebels [59] are so skilful in getting this product away from us, that one may doubt whether they do not take it all with them. According to this, he who is not suspicious enough to believe that the merchants of Sevilla alone consider as enemies prejudicial to your Majesty's crown those who do not trade much with them, should be astonished that they direct and regulate the reform so that the Chinese cannot avail themselves of the silver of Nueva Espana. For it is a fact that the Chinese do us no other harm than to keep the silver; and that the merchants do not consider that by that other road all tends to come into the hands of him who exerts himself with it in order to attempt and compass to acquire what remains.

Let us examine, then, what interest would accrue to Espana in the other point, the appropriation to itself of the trade with the Philipinas. The consulate says that Espana will be enriched with the exportation, to Manda [60] and Xapon, of its products and other merchandise that will go to those islands, where they also desire so ardently to have an abundance of what is brought from there [Espana?] and from China; and this will easily prevent the loss of the great quantities of silver that pass by this road from Nueva Espana.

To the first, sufficient answer is made with what experience, that great teacher in such matters, has taught us to the contrary—to me, at least, during the time while I governed in Mexico. For, since your Majesty was pleased to order me in a decree, dated December 17, 604, to give my opinion as to whether export duties would better be levied on the merchandise sent to the Philipinas from the port of Acapulco—since all the other merchandise sent thence, to Guatimala and Peru, pays two and one-half per cent—and that in order to do this I should investigate the quality and nature of the said merchandise, I made special efforts to ascertain these facts. After examining the registers of several years I found that, even if the duty should be collected from the Philipinas exports as from the others, it would not amount to two hundred pesos of eight reals each year; for all those goods were articles of luxury, and in very small quantity. I sent your Majesty an official report of this in my letter of February 17, 606. On August 19 of the same year, I received a reply, ordering me to make no change so long as the trade did not increase to such an extent that I thought it inadvisable; and in such case to advise your Majesty of it confidentially. Consequently, since there will be no greater exportation from Nueva Espana of like commodities from that kingdom [i.e., Espana]—where there are no others, and whence only these would be sent—the same thing would result. [61] One errs in saying that those goods are desired in Manila and Xapon, since cloth stuffs (the only thing lacking to them) besides being a merchandise of so great value that he who would export them so far to the Philipinas would lose them—are not used, because of the heat; and in Xapon, where the cold might make them sought, they cost very little, for the natives clothe themselves with the taffetans of that country, and use cotton quilts. Consequently, I have also answered what was alleged concerning the increase of the duties that would accrue to your Majesty from the export duties in Espana and the import duties at Manila.

The other argument namely, that Espana would be filled with products from China and Xapon—may be conceded to them; but it remains for them to show us the utilty that would accrue to them, after the goods had been obtained. For I, on the contrary, regard them as a very great harm, since with those goods would cease the present industry [in Espana] of the raising of silk, its weaving and trade; and all this would be exchanged for what is so much poorer and of so little durability. It is a fact that even now we are experiencing that, and are discovering here the harm caused by even the small quantity of silk of this class [i.e., the Chinese silk]; it comes mixed with that of Espana, in almost all the velvets and taffetans brought from Espana, for in but two days' time they become useless.

That by this means would be prevented the exportation of silver from Nueva-Espana, is an opinion that one might value and thank them for, if they were not trying to withdraw the silver from another and more important region, where the harm would be greater. But, supposing that what now goes from Mexico will be sent later from Castilla and Andalucia, it seems that the only utility will be found in the less occasion [for buying Chinese goods] that each of those provinces would have, so that the export of silver would be in smaller quantity. That is to be regulated by the wealth of each province, and by their facilities for diverting it. All the silver that Nueva-Espana obtains now comes from its own provinces, or is brought from the provinces of Peru. The bulk of it is used in the trade with Espana, some in that with the Philipinas, and very little in the retail trade of its own cities and towns; for although Nueva-Espana has intercourse with Peru, it never uses more than the products of the country for that. What is sent to the islands goes by way of Acapulco, which is the only port in all the South Sea where this despatch is made or can be made. That Espana would have more silver if it retained within its bounds what it receives, seems to be undeniable, since therein is gathered the silver of Mexico, Peru, and all the Indias. But the gates by which that silver issues [from Espana]—now it is known whether there are any—are, to speak correctly, as many as there are seaports and sterile districts, with the usual and accustomed communication between them.

Accepting this as true—on which is based assertions of those who say that less silver will be sent to Manila from a kingdom where conditions are such [i.e., Espana] than Mexico [now] gives—I, at least, no matter how long may be the argument, do not comprehend so obscure a secret; on the contrary, I am persuaded that Espana will be no poorer thereby. For, if this mouth be stopped, Espana must be drained, by those that remain (as is done today), of all of this article that other kingdoms are offering it, as in a flood. But with equal certainty, I understand that incomparably more money will go to the Philipinas by this road than now goes by the other. And to assert that this loss will cease because, with the increase of trade with Xapon, the merchandise which must go to Espana will come from that country, is a statement without foundation. For if this argument were worth anything, it must have the same force, in preventing what is today carried from Mexico; since trade with Xapon from Manila is open and permitted to all who wish it.

The consulate is trying also to strengthen its proposition with the improvements that it pretends to find in the voyage, if it were to be made by the cape of Buena-Esperanza. But, discussing that point by what I have been able to learn of it, I find that the emperor and king our sovereign, of glorious memory, your Majesty's grandfather, having been persuaded that the discovery and conquest of the Spice Islands—the name then given to those islands today included in the name of Philipinas or Malucas—pertained to the crown of Castilla, inasmuch as they were within the line drawn by his Holiness, Alexander VI, for the division of the world, ardently desired, and made extraordinary efforts, so that his vassals might make that voyage without touching at the ports and lands of the kingdom of Portugal. For that purpose he made an agreement with Fernando de Magallanes to discover [such a route]. The latter discovered and gave name to the strait in this region at the south. Although by the result [of Magallanes's expedition] one could recognize the great difficulty and danger of the voyage, his Majesty would not desist from the undertaking. On the contrary, he immediately sent, in the year 25, two other fleets by that way while, at the same time, he sent a ship under command of an intelligent man to find a new entrance by the coast of Labrador and the Bacallaos. [62] Following up the attempt, he ordered Don Fernando Cortes, conqueror of Nueva-Espana, to attempt this expedition from Nueva-Espana. He would not have ceased like means until attaining it, had not he made that contract or agreement concerning those islands with the king of Portugal in the year 29. [63] That put an end to the enterprise until afterward, when Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of Nueva-Espana, took up again the same search in the year 42, and continued to persevere in it, so that it was realized during the latter years of the governorship and life of Don Luis de Velasco, who succeeded the said Don Antonio in that office.

I would, Sire, narrate in minute detail to your Majesty these labors, and those of many others, who lost their lives and possessions at various times to see the accomplishment of so important a matter, if I were not afraid of making a history of this letter—in order to entreat you that, since God our Lord ordained that a good desired by so many should be enjoyed with so great quietness in these most fortunate days of your Majesty, you will not permit the glory of this happiness to be disturbed and obscured; for the motives and efforts of so suspicious a people embarrass it. They, in order to gain their own private interests, try to cover them with this cloak of convenience and conservation of so superior authority. And although it appears that a great part of the former injuries are lacking today, since the kingdom of Portugal (although by light of a separate crown) is under the universal domain of your Majesty, still, the zeal and affection that your Majesty has always felt in greater proportion for the inhabitants of Castilla ought not on that account to cease; since there is also no cessation of the rancor and hostility with which the Portuguese, in all the Indias where they rule, withhold the friendly intercourse that they owed to the Castilians as the vassals of the same sovereign.

I am quite persuaded that there is little difference between these two routes as regards the weather and dangers of the sea. For, although the Nueva-Espana vessels consume not longer than sixty days, and sometimes less, the return voyage is of longer duration, and the whirlwinds and gales more continuous. And although I believe that voyages made by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza take more than the three months that the prior and consuls assert (especially since the vessels have to stop at one or two way-stations), yet, in regard to this, I estimate the two routes as equal. But in point of certain security, the advantage lies greatly with the voyages made by way of the South Sea, as it is at all times so free from enemies. No further proof is necessary regarding this statement than the fact that not a single vessel going to and fro between Acapulco and Cavite and the port of Manila has been captured; [64] while very many vessels take that other route, which are so heavily armed that, in comparison with the first, one may consider them as more than fortresses. The warning that the Dutch make use of this route [i.e., through the Strait of Magellan] cannot force me to believe the contrary; and by it without so many advantages as those enjoyed by your Majesty's ships they have made themselves almost complete masters of all the Spice Islands, for they had no other routes from which to select this one. I assert from the prudence with which the Dutch consider what is of advantage to them, that if they could enjoy so great convenience as Nueva-Espana possesses, they would not take the risk of running by the coast and ports of your Majesty as they do today by the open sea, where they might meet one who would resist their progress. An excellent proof of this truth is their so-oft repeated effort to find a passage through the strait of Anian. [65] For they consider it more conducive to the peace of their voyage to experience rough and unknown seas, than to be liable to the sudden surprises to which those that are milder and more traversed are liable. The mastery that I know them to exercise in those districts, is to enter for pillage and barter, as they usually do, even in the very kingdoms of your Majesty which are nearest to the defense and power of your fleets And if, in addition, the Dutch have any trading-posts, established and manned with soldiers, it is not necessary that Espana should trouble itself to dislodge them, but the governor of the Philipinas, and the soldiers and ships of Malaca and of the viceroy of India, should attempt it; and it will be easy to drive them out at once. In truth, however, (that I may always discuss a similar case), our design must be more difficult to attain than theirs; for they content themselves with going where they are received, and of receiving what they are given, without caring much whether others enter that district, while your Majesty desires, as is right, to be absolute and sole ruler, and to shut the gate to all who do not enter under the name and title of vassals.

As to the difficulty and delay of sending aid to the islands, although it is understood that the enemy is attempting some entrance in the islands, I can easily comprehend that it would be easier to build a fleet in Espana, and that it would be despatched much more quickly than from these provinces. But I have always considered that, in this regard, Sire, he who has so extensive a monarchy as your Majesty, must see that each part of it have all the force necessary for its sole defense, without being dependent for so costly and remote reenforcement, as would necessarily be the case did your Majesty send it from the the ports of that kingdom. Consequently, I presume that, if the islands should find themselves in a like necessity, either they would have to resist an attack with their presidios and walls, or (to extend the hope farther) that they would not have need for more aid than what they could secure from Malaca with the galleons of that crown. The aid that is not so pressingly needed, and which, it seems, must necessarily come from Espana—such as infantry for the presidios—is sent there with some difficulty, because of the long distance overland from Veracruz to the port of Acapulco, in a land so open that the companies necessarily lose some men. But it would prove more costly should your Majesty, in order to avoid this, have to form a fleet on occasions when it would be necessary. However, I have thought that an effort might be made, some time, to send the soldiers who must go to the islands in the trading fleet or galleons sailing to Puertobelo; [66] and to advise the president [of the Audiencia there], somewhat earlier, to have small boats provided to take the soldiers by river from Chagre to Cruces. Since from that point to Panama it is only five leguas overland, the men might be taken there easily and at little expense. The viceroy of Peru, having been notified beforehand, should, without any expense to your Majesty, have a vessel at Panama, where the soldiers could embark and go to Acapulco. There they could change ships for those in the Philipinas line. By this method some of the greatest inconveniences could be avoided.

And lastly, as the concluding argument of this discourse, I remind your Majesty that since the Philipinas Islands are surrounded by enemies so powerful as are Xapon and China—one because of its strength and valor, and the other because of its incredible multitude of inhabitants—with only the seven hundred Spaniards that the islands had, during my government of Nueva Espana, who could bear arms (a number now increased somewhat by the presidios of Terrenate and Thidore), they are preserved solely for this reason, that by their means the trade of those countries is opened to your Majesty's kingdoms. Thus said the emperor of Xapon, when he was advised to conquer Manila. The Chinese king wrote the same words to Don Pedro de Acuna, when the latter suspected that the insurrection made in those islands by the Chinese king's vassals had been made by his orders. And it must be considered seriously that if the trade be carried on by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza, it would be quite possible that the Chinese—who, in order to go to Manila, have to sail, both in the open and among islands, with some risk and danger because of the smallness of their craft—after seeing that the Spanish ships had to make a way-station at Malaca or Xava, would go from the river of Canton, which is the gateway from which the Chinese ships set out, coasting from land to land along their own country, and would change the bulk of their trade to Portuguese ports, and thus deserting Manila. If they did this, the principal support and defense of Manila would fail, and its enemies would change their opinion, since they would no longer enjoy the benefits that now attract them.

For all the above, Sire, my opinion is that, if the matter were in its beginnings, from no other part could this trade be directed than from Nueva Espana; for it is nearer the islands, and is the region from which less silver can go. And should this cease, without doubt that kingdom would be greatly weakened, and the Philipinas destroyed—and none of this to Espana's advantage. On the contrary it would be to Espana's greater loss, since that country would be filled with merchandise of little value, at double the money that would be derived from its sale. The dependence of all the other kingdoms, which is now sure and not uncertain, would possibly be endangered by venturing upon the execution of this plan; and your Majesty would also be obliged, in order to make the sea safe in this route, to have two war vessels to accompany every trading vessel, notwithstanding the extraordinary cost which this would involve.

The other things mentioned in the memorial, namely, [original MS. broken; the appointment(?)] of officials, soldiers, and sailors now engaged in this despatch do not seem of such nature that they oblige me to answer them in detail. It is certain that the viceroys appoint very suitable persons, and will always do so, since they rely on their honor; and the commander does not care to overload the vessels, since he is not interested in the freight charges. Consequently, when the auditor of Manila obliges them to load much cargo in Cabite, they usually unload and leave goods on the shoals that they meet, whence arise innumerable complaints and suits. The pilots and sailors are examined in what is necessary for them, and the soldiers are sufficient for a navigation route of so great safety. If it is true that the latter are lazy and vagabonds, few times have I seen men enlisted in any region who are not such, or who do not desire to be such. Although there may be things to correct in all matters, there are other reforms less costly and easier.

Your Majesty might wish to have these arguments in briefer form; but, although I have omitted some things, the matter is of so great moment that I have not been able to pass over anything that I judge essential for your proper decision in this matter.

May God preserve your Majesty as Christendom has need. Los Reyes, April 12, 1612.



LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF NUEVA SEGOVIA

Jesus

I hold it certain that our Lord has placed your very reverend Paternity in this place—as he did Joseph, for the good of his fatherland and his brothers—in the government of the kingdoms of this province of Philipinas, which is one of the most religious that exist at present, I understand, in our holy order. Although it is one of the most remote of those therein, it is at present in the greatest need that your very reverend Paternity extend to it your protection in a matter which is most just, and which his Majesty is in conscience bound to aid. It is a fact that the foundation of a college has been begun in connection with the convent of Santo Domingo in Manila, in which is to be studied the teaching of our father, St. Thomas, which is pure and righteous. This enterprise has been so thoroughly approved in this city that several of the citizens, even before the walls of the college were finished, began to endow scholarships of a hundred pesos of income each per annum, wherewith the students may be supported and clothed, and the more virtuous and worthy can be selected. As a copy of the rest of the reasons will accompany this, I do not choose to set them down here, lest I tire your very reverend Paternity, whose time is so fully occupied.

The fathers of the Society of Jesus some years ago established another college, which is of no use for the public good; since those who enter it to study have to clothe themselves at their own expense, and give a hundred pesos a year for their board, which only the very rich can do. Accordingly, though many have entered, thus far none have been ordained priests and ministers; for all turn to the fleshpots of Egypt. These blessed fathers, it is understood, have made opposition to our college, and have caused his Majesty to issue a decree to his governor, Don Juan de Silva, to give information as to whether it is desirable to continue further the said college. This knight is very much opposed to the order, because its religious have done their duty by preaching the truth, and persuading to observance of the royal decrees of his Majesty, which he has with so much wisdom issued for the good government of these islands. And even I have suffered a part of the persecution, because I preached the same thing at the feast of the Rosary, in the year 612; they took from me my stipend for a year, and the archbishop sent the sermon to his Majesty. Just now two other copies are being sent for examination, for he persecutes the preachers and bishops; accordingly, we may dread information from the governor—although, on the other hand, the truth has so great power that I think he will utter it, and particularly as at present we have peace, thanks be to the Lord. Your very reverend Paternity should be informed that although this governor is a good soldier, in matters of government he lacks the best qualification, which is executive ability and exemplary conduct. Accordingly this country is in a wretched condition, and he is rich indeed who has the means to stop the mouths of all that complain.

This province is in great need of religious, as they are the best ministers, and on account of their vow of poverty are best liked by the Indians, and those who are most desired; but it seems that the Council is deliberating whether to give permission for them to come. As all we who are bishops are informing his Majesty, those from whom that permission could with justice be taken away are the calced Augustinian friars; for this province of that order is very lax, and all who come from there become inactive, and most of them become traders, and skin the natives. There is a Master Solier there [i.e., in Espana]—who, it is said, is confessor to the president of the Indias, Marques de Salinas—who is said to have carried [from here] more than thirty thousand pesos, and to be claiming a great bishopric. May God free His church from such prelates. This year there goes from these islands, sent by the governor on his affairs, another friar of the Augustinians, named Fray Diego de Gevara, who has been confessor to the said governor, to the great scandal of this community. He also made visitation of this his province, and it is public report that he visited the purses. I believe it is beyond doubt that he is taking letters very favorable to himself, and he is so kind a man that he promises bishoprics. I write this to your very reverend Paternity for the relief of my conscience, for I know that this matter of the bishoprics must rest in your hands; and bishops may cause great injury here if they are not very exemplary, fathers of the poor, and free from all avarice.

Father Fray Diego Duarte went to that court as procurator for this province to bring religious here, which he did in the manner of a messenger of God. Now, after he had come with the second reenforcement of them to help carry the burdens of this province, at the command of his obedience he is returning again to bring more religious; for his virtue is already recognized in that court, and he too is acquainted with those who have influence there. I beseech your very reverend Paternity to receive him as one recommended, and favor him on any occasions that may arise. May our Lord protect your very reverend Paternity for many long years, for the good of His church, with many gifts from His divine favor. Manila, August 15, 1613.

The Bishop of Nueba Segobia [67]



LETTER FROM FELIPE III TO SILVA

The King: To Don Juan de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there. Your letters of July 20, 612, have been received and examined in my Council of the Yndias, and I was pleased to learn that you had sent to Nueva Espana, by the ships going that year, the two hundred quintals of quicksilver [68] of which you informed me; also of the friendly reception and kind feeling that you encountered among the Chinese in the matter of selling this metal and bringing it to Macan, where you say there is established a factory [i.e., trading-post] for this purpose. I feel gratified at the diligence and care that you have exercised in the matter, and earnestly charge you to advance this matter, and strive that the quantity of quicksilver that you shall purchase and send to Nueva Espana may be as large as possible, in accordance with the request of the viceroy. You will keep in close correspondence with him, and not draw on any money that he may have sent you or shall send you in the future for this purpose, for any of your own needs, however great. You will try to foster this trade in such manner that it may be at as little cost as possible. It has been thought best to advise you to consider whether it would be possible to procure the quicksilver by having the Chinese bring it with a clearance direct to the Philipinas, and thus do away with the factory in Macan. For with the latter there cannot fail to be difficulties, as the Portuguese merchants do not trade in the quicksilver; besides, it would seem that the metal would be furnished by this method at a lower price. I do not mention other objections that have been considered. However, the documents that you mention will be sent through the Council of Portugal.

What you mention in regard to the eight pesos paid by the Sangleys who last year remained in the country, for each license, is well; and I charge you to exercise the care which is of so much importance, that no difficulties shall result from their presence and intercourse in those islands.

All the papers that you send regarding the violations of law that are imputed to the royal officials have been examined in my said Council; and provision has been made therefor, as you are already aware by the despatches which were sent to you. In view of the fact that the investigation and process concerning their guilt, which you wrote me you would send, is at present being awaited, and you have not done so, I order you to comply with the orders that you received by the said despatches (duplicates of which accompany this) so that, if you have not received the originals, you may by these understand what is to be done regarding the appointment of persons which you say you have made, to serve in their offices in the interim.

What you say concerning the measures you have taken to regulate the dues which the encomenderos of those islands enjoy, from the encomiendas which they possess, has been considered, and the result will be awaited at the first opportunity.

You did well to advise me of what the king of Japon wrote you to the effect that he can not obstruct the friendship into which he has entered with the Dutch, and the desire that he also has to maintain friendly relations with my vassals. The matter is being looked into, and at the proper time the result will be written to you.

It was likewise proper to give me an account of all you mention in regard to the permission that Sebastian Vizcayno gave in Japon for a ship to go thence laden with merchandise for Nueva Espana; and the difficulties that in your opinion may result from the opening of this trade, of which I am informed.

In the matter of the assessments and contributions which you say the Indians pay, and the annoyances which they suffer on this account from the religious who are instructing them, you speak in general terms of all the orders in those islands; whereas it would have been best to write to me particularly as to which orders have thus transgressed, and to send the investigations that have been made. And, since the protection and guardianship of the Indians is in your charge, you should attend to them, in so far as lies in your department, so that they may not receive any injury or grievance. You should always carry out the provisions and ordinances in their favor, proceeding with the religious by discreet and legal measures, and advising with the Audiencia. You will strive to deal prudently with the archbishop of that city, maintaining amicable relations with him, so that from the government of both may follow the good results that are desirable; for any lack of harmony between those who govern must always result in evil, besides the general scandal and the bad example that is furnished. The same is being written to the archbishop, and he is ordered to avoid the exercise of censures in the cases that you describe in your letter, since it is not proceeding against the religious to give me information concerning occurrences. You are informed of this, that you may understand the matter. As for what you say regarding the entrance of the said archbishop in his pall, in spite of the decree sent him which directs the contrary, I have written to him that he should not have done this, but should have complied with the decree, and observed the custom in these kingdoms; of this, too, you are informed so that, being aware of it, you may take care that the said decree is complied with as I command you to do. As to the other matters contained in your letters, decisions will soon be reached, and the result will be written to you soon. Pardo, December 2, 1613.

I The King

Countersigned by: Juan Ruiz de Contreras Signed by the members of the Council.



DOCUMENTS OF 1616

Recommendations regarding the archbishopric of Manila. [Council of the Indias?]; 1613-16. Letter to Felipe III. Valerio de Ledesma, S.J.; August 20. Portuguese and Spanish expedition against the Dutch, 1615. Juan de Rivera and Valerio de Ledesma, S.J.; [1616?].

Sources: The first document is obtained from the original MS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second, and the first part of the third, are found in the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), i, pp. 403-429; the remainder of the third, in Colin's Labor evangelica (Madrid, 1663,) pp. 802-810.

Translations: The first document is translated by Robert W. Haight; the remainder, by James A. Robertson.



RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING THE ARCHBISHOPRIC OF MANILA

Sire:

Licentiate Diego Vazquez de Mercado, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of Manila in the Philipinas Islands, by a letter written your Majesty on the first of July, 610, submits that, as that church has been without a prelate for a long time, he finds the affairs of the church in a condition far from what they should be, and much in need of correction; but, owing to his great age and the hardships he has undergone, he is very deficient in health and strength to fulfil the obligations of a good prelate, and that therefore he finds it necessary to appeal to your Majesty, that you may be pleased to relieve him from that burden, and receive his resignation of the archbishopric, which he tenders. And he asks that, in case this favor is not extended to him, there be named and appointed a person of suitable qualifications as his coadjutor, with the future succession, and this should be done as soon as possible. This has been examined in the Council; and they regard as actual and valid the hindrances which he represents. Considering the urgent request which he makes in the letter to your Majesty and in others which he has written to private persons to the same effect; his advanced age and his failing health, and the great distance from Espana to that church, where a person would have to be sent to take his place in case he should fail; and the great inconvenience that would result if it was so long without a prelate as has been seen by experience—it has appeared very expedient to appoint for him, with the future succession a coadjutor, of the requisite qualifications, age, and vigor, so that he can fulfil the obligations of a prelate, and attend to the pastoral ministration. It is recommended that he he given, for his fitting support, a third part of the income of the archbishopric, besides the occasional fees [ovenciones] and its visitation—it being understood that the archbishops of that church are granted a decree to the effect that if the returns do not amount to three thousand ducados a year, what is lacking will be furnished them from the royal exchequer. If your Majesty be pleased to approve this, the persons who appear best fitted for that church will be proposed to you, so that at the same time when you write to his Holiness on the matter, the presentation of the person whom your Majesty would nominate, may be sent to him. Madrid, June 28, 1613.

[Endorsed: "In order not to institute coadjutorships in such cases, let the Council ascertain whether there is any person for those regions who, being appointed in his own right, might aid in performing the archbishop's duties; and if such a one be found, advise me of it, and of what is to be done regarding the resignation of the archbishop."]

Sire:

In the year 613, your Majesty was given an account of the reasons set forth by Licentiate Don Diego Vazquez de Mercado, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of Manila in the Philipinas Islands, why he should be given a coadjutor. The Council was of opinion that your Majesty might command it to be examined, with the enclosed advice; and your Majesty was pleased to answer: [Here is repeated the endorsement on the letter preceding this]. In order to give better satisfaction to your Majesty, and to report on the state of affairs in those islands, we have waited for the coming of the letters. As for himself, the archbishop persisted in his claim, which was explained to your Majesty in writing on the fourth of May, 614, and the second of August, 615. He considers himself of no use in the government of his church, as he is more than seventy years of age, with many infirmities; and he is anxious over the failure that gives cause for regarding him as remiss, and the fact that he can not fulfil his obligations, nor make easy the conscience of your Majesty, and is burdening his own. As a result of this his jurisdiction is becoming every day less; and owing to his inability to punish them, and take needful measures, there is cause to fear that there may be increase of certain sins. It is but right that this should be remedied in due time, by sending a successor. Again he beseeches your Majesty to appoint one, so that he may continue to fulfil the obligations of that office; and that, for his own support, he be left two thousand of the three thousand ducados which your Majesty has commanded to be given him. In the letters from the religious orders of these islands it is evident how fitting and just it is to concede to the archbishop what he asks. Having considered and examined into this, the Council is of the same opinion as in the said advice of 613; and thinks that your Majesty, conformably thereto, may consider it desirable to ask his Holiness to grant the archbishop a coadjutor with the future succession, who will be given a third of the stipend of that archbishopric—namely, one thousand ducados—besides the occasional fees and the visitation of the archbishopric, leaving to the archbishop the other two-thirds. It should be through a coadjutorship, because in this form it appears more suitable, and in accordance with the petition he makes, and with the customary action in similar cases. If your Majesty be pleased to approve, persons in that region and in the archbishopric will be considered in regard to the qualifications that are required for that church. Madrid, the first of July, 616.



LETTER FROM LEDESMA TO FELIPE III

Abstract of a letter from the provincial of the Society of Jesus, Valerio de Ledesma, to the king, informing him of the condition of the Filipinas Islands. [69]

In this letter Father Valerio made complaint to the king that the condition of the country was most unhappy and unfortunate, and resembled a sick man in the throes of death. He declared that the trade of the ships from China and Nueva Espana, which was sustaining and enriching the islands, had fallen off in great measure, and much more in its profits; for in the year 1616 no more than seven ships had gone there, although formerly as many as fifty or sixty were wont to go; and as for Acapulco, no ships had been sent in either direction. Even if they should be despatched, they were in danger not only from corsairs but from stormy weather.

Great armaments had been organized in a short time, to drive out the Dutch; but for that very reason, the inhabitants had been compelled to make vast sacrifices at the cost of their fortunes. Hence they were in so ruined a condition that the three or four wealthiest citizens had been unable to equip a ship to be sent to Acapulco. The Indians were so exhausted and harassed with tributes, new impositions, and personal services, [70] that it became necessary for many, after they had nothing more to give (since they had given all their possessions), to give their persons to others, as slaves, so that the latter might give for them what they themselves did not possess.

The enemies with whom the Spaniards had to contend were numerous and gave them no respite—namely, the Mindanaos, Caragas, Sanguils, Joloans, Dutch, and English and of these last, all those eastern districts were full of their boats, so that no voyage could be made without meeting them; and there was no security from them.

To these calamities was due the death of Governor Juan de Silva, who, all had hoped, was to free these islands and those of Maluco from the invasions and piracies of the Dutch.

He closed by petitioning the king to send forces to sustain the declining colony, as it was so important, and so precious a portion of the Spanish monarchy.

[Dated Manila, August 20, 1616, and signed Valerio de Ledesma, [71] provincial of the Society of Jesus.]



PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH EXPEDITION AGAINST THE DUTCH, 1615

After the Dutch pirates began to sail the seas of Eastern India and the archipelago of Filipinas, and to carry cloves from Maluco, silks from China, and drugs from the adjacent islands, they began also to cripple the cities that were sustained by the trade, which are the principal cities; because the seas were infested, and there was little security on them from those pirates. They, from the first year of their entrance into the Orient, coasted the shores, sounded the ports, and established trading-posts in the chief places, which they filled with people whom they brought from Holanda. Consequently, by the year 1614, the Dutch had eighteen armed galleons in the South Sea, and they burned the city of Arevalo, where the food for Maluco was stored, and committed many other depredations, which obliged Don Juan de Silva, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, to prepare a large fleet to attack them and drive them from our seas. But, thinking that the forces of the Filipinas were insufficient to attend to so many things at once—the support of the camp in Maluco; the defense of the city of Manila, which is in sight of twenty thousand Chinese (who had already, in 1603, risen against it and incited a war); and sallies to fight the enemy—it was determined to ask help from the viceroy of India and to join the two forces, Castilian and Lusitanian, who are especially being attacked by the Dutch. Indeed, the letters-patent given to them by Count Mauricio read that they are to make war on the Castilians and Portuguese. Besides this argument, it is evident that Yndia is not less interested in driving out those enemies than are the Filipinas.

Father Juan de Rivera, [72] then rector of the residence of the Society of Jesus at Manila, was appointed to negotiate this league and reenforcement. He prepared himself in a few days and left for Yndia on November 21 of the year 1615. He reached Malaca on Tuesday, December 9, by Manila reckoning, but Wednesday by that of Malaca; for the date for those sailing west is later, and earlier for those sailing east. [73]

From Malaca he journeyed to Cochin, and from Cochin to Goa, at the time when Yndia was engaged in the wars of the north; because peace with the great Mogor [74] had been broken. The viceroy had gone with a powerful fleet to capture, if possible, four English ships anchored at Surate, where he received the letters belonging to our voyage and embassy. Considering the importance of the matter, he hastened his return and went to Goa. There he furnished four galleons for the said help, and three hundred or more soldiers, appointing as commander of the latter Don Francisco de Miranda Enrriquez. [75]

The latter left Goa May 12. The voyage, which is generally thirty days, lasted three and one-half months. We ran short of water in the middle of the open stretch, and thought that we were lost, on account of having been despatched with broken tanks and hogsheads. Together with this was the disorder among the soldiers of Yndia, who surreptitiously took with them many servants of their own and of other people, so that it was necessary to support these people aboard the vessel. These afterward consumed the food, and then caught and spread a pestilence. Although there were only one hundred and ten soldiers in our galleon, there were about seven hundred persons, mostly negroes and Cafres; of these many were free, although nominally slaves, as Don Gonzalo de Silva, bishop of Malaca, who was aboard the same galleon, testified. He declared that many lads were free, even some whom they were taking as captives. This is a general sin, wherefore some Portuguese authors say, with Father Hernando Rabelo, that God is punishing Yndia and the Portuguese nation, which alone has more slaves than any other nation of the world.

July 30 we met two Dutch ships, which were apparently going from Palliacate [i.e., Palicat] to carry aid to Maluco. Our galleon fought singlehanded with those two ships, because the other galleons were far to leeward. The enemy had waited two days between us, without our knowing it, in order to show themselves at a favorable opportunity. So great is the confidence of the Portuguese that they did not fear them. They said that they were ships from Cochin, and that, had they known in time that they were enemies, they could have captured them easily. In short they remained a cannon-shot from the flagship, and so fought until night, when they made off badly battered—as we learned later from the people of Achen, on whose coast one of the ships was immediately wrecked, having sprung a leak through the effect of our balls and their own firing. They only killed two of our men. After the battle, our galleon ran aground on a shoal, on the eve of our Lady of the Assumption, near Pulo Parcelar. At the first shock, the helm was shifted seaward, and all that night we tossed up and down dreadfully until, next morning, we miraculously got off the shoal. We reached the strait of Sincapura on August 10, where, as the pilots said the Manila monsoon was over, we determined to run to Malaca.

In Malaca the ships were very inhospitably received, for soldiers are wont to commit depredations. But within a few days they were made to see that the landing there of the galleons was for their relief and the salvation of their city; for a month after their arrival the king of Achen came with sixty thousand men to besiege it. Information of this number and of the other things that will be related, was given by the Portuguese who were captives in Achen and returned to Malaca. They had three hundred and fifty sail—among them sixty galleys, each with three pieces in the bows; the piece in the midship gangway fired balls of sixty libras, as we saw in those found in the galleons after the war. Along the sides they carried five falcons, firing balls of six libras. In the royal galley, called "Espanto del mundo" [i.e., Fear of the world] by the people of Achen, were sixteen hundred soldiers and one hundred and fifty falcons and half-sized falcons. That king of Achen, the most powerful on the sea of all this Orient, had concerted with the Dutch that both should take Malaca. Consequently they took a few days in arriving. The king of Achen arrived first at the bay of Malaca with a squadron of eighteen galleys, in order to reconnoiter the place. Finding our four galleys anchored in the port, and learning that they were war-vessels, they put to sea to await the Dutch. When our men saw them depart and go toward the strait, where they might capture the boats from China and unite with the Dutch, they resolved to set sail and give battle. They did so with the four galleons and six galliots—ten small vessels. They encountered the Achen boats on November 15, and fought for two and one-half days. The enemy carried a considerable force. They burned one galliot, so that the soldiers abandoned it and went to the galleons. The flagship grappled eleven galleys. Fire was set to it many times, but our men extinguished it. The enemy grappled the galleon of Don Juan de Silveira, which carried twenty-two pieces of artillery, and set fire to it. They were unable to extinguish the fire, and so it was entirely burned.

Don Juan de Silvera and Antonio Rodriguez de Gamboa, son of the commander-in-chief of that fortress of Malaca, and forty other Portuguese, took to the water; but all were captured by the king of Achen and placed aboard his galley. A fresh wind began to blow, wherewith the vessels separated and the men of Achen went to their country with something less than thirty craft, counting large and small boats, and with two thousand men killed. Although we did them damage, it was not so great as that which we received. Accordingly they regarded it as a victory and entered their kingdom in triumph—where they feasted the captains, whom they treated courteously, and then loosed them and gave them liberty.

On December 7 of the same year of 1615, the Dutch reached the bay of Malaca with seven ships and one patache, coming to join the king of Achen. They found our three galleons, which, for greater security, had been anchored between a sandbank made by the sea and a small island near Malaca. There they said that they were invincible, for entrance could be had only by a channel near the rampart, which, by means of its pieces of artillery, would refuse entrance. On the sea side they were defended by the sandbank and shoals. But the enemy sounded the port that night with its lanchas and found a new channel, where they entered without being hindered by the rampart. This was attributed to the fault and negligence of those who could and ought to have prevented the lanchas from making soundings, because of the many galliots in the port.

The enemy having entered and coming within cannon range, opened a fierce bombardment, which lasted two and one-half days. At this time our vessels defended themselves with three pieces that could be fired, and no more, because they were anchored, and the current threw them in a line toward the Dutch; although had the people on shore been diligent, they could have brought the vessels about with cables. The enemy tacked at will and played the majority of their pieces. We discovered that our galleons were stronger than their ships, for their balls did not pass through the sides of the galleons, especially of the almiranta and flagship. The damage inflicted by them was through the open ports; while we saw that our balls passed through the Dutch ships from side to side, and then went bounding through the water. Nevertheless, distrusting the Dutch and their battery, the men of the galleons began to edge away and to leave them at the approach of night, especially when they saw Captain Juan Pinto and Admiral Alfonso Vaez fall; they were killed with four others, by a ball that entered through a port.

First they abandoned the galleon called "Plata," without taking the precaution to set it afire when they left, so that the enemy could not approach with their artillery. This the enemy did, entering and capturing it, as was well seen; and afterward they set it afire.

When the enemy saw that the soldiers were deserting the almiranta, they lowered their lanchas and entered it. One Dutchman, climbing up to the maintopsail, lowered the banner of Christ and ran up that of Count Mauricio, the sight of which caused us great anguish. Throughout that battle our men did not fire a musket or espingarda, [76] and they had none on the second day, for they tried to escape by swimming. Our men set fire to this galleon, the almiranta; and when the Dutch saw that it was burning, they left it, and the fire did its duty until it converted the vessel into ashes. The flagship held out longer, but the soldiers did not wait for the Dutch to board, for some of them escaped from the galleon by swimming. Thirteen or fourteen of them were drowned, among them Christobal de Fegueredo. Some jumped into a small skiff belonging to the galleon, for they had taken all the boats from the city, so that they had none in which to come thence. The galleon was left with a few men, who were no longer firing and were silent. At this juncture, the general left by a port, as best he could. Reaching shore, he ordered the galleon to be set afire, which was done. It began to burn, to our very great sorrow and to the exultation of the enemy, for it was an unusually fine vessel; it carried thirty-six pieces of artillery and a quantity of ammunition. When the fire reached the powder-magazine, so great was the noise made, that the island of Malaca trembled and the houses shook. A cloud of smoke arose to the heavens which hid the clouds, and in that instant we lost sight of the galleon.

In the four galleons ninety-two pieces of artillery were lost. The wounded and dead reached one hundred. The enemy were insolent and victorious, and, although we had done them some damage, they nevertheless attained their purpose, not only of preventing the relief of Maluco, but of destroying the Portuguese squadron—and that without the necessity of boarding any galleon, for which there was no such need; because, before they could reach the galleys, these were abandoned.

As soon as the enemy were discovered, many said that it would be advisable to mount some pieces on the island, with some gabions, in order to attack the enemy, and defend the galleons, which would have been an admirable relief. But it did not have the desired effect, for only one piece was mounted, and that late; and no one cared to guard it, until Antonio Pinto de Fonseca, inspector of forts and one who insisted urgently that the pieces be mounted, found a homicide, who with other criminals, guarded the piece. He did considerable injury to the enemy, for he fired from a short distance and with safety. Had there been six guns, they would have sunk the enemy; but that was not the first or the last act of carelessness.

On the twelfth of the month, the galleons were converted into ashes, and the Maluco relief expedition was destroyed. After the battle and disaster many quarrels arose among the nobles by land and sea, over the question who was to blame. Each one blamed the other, attributing the loss to many excesses that they mentioned. The truth is that such excesses existed, and they and our sins were the cause of so great a chastisement.

On February 25, Don Juan de Silva, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas, reached the strait with ten galleons, four galleys, and one patache. The Dutch were informed of his coming, for having captured Juan Gallegos, a pilot who came from Macao in a patache, he told them the plans of the governor. Thereupon the enemy took refuge a week beforehand. They had been awaiting two vessels that were coming from China with all the wealth of Yndia; and the Portuguese considered it a foregone conclusion that these would fall into the hands of the enemy. They had resolved to land on the island of Bintan or Pulo Timon and burn the galleons, so that the enemy should not benefit therefrom. For that purpose they sent Captain Fernando Acosta to Malaca. But at the news of the governor's coming, the enemy abandoned their station and left a free passage to the ships, which arrived one day after the governor. It is reported that the two vessels had ten days of contrary southeast winds which prevented them from reaching the strait sooner, where their danger was. But God our Lord did better, and He deprived the enemy of the prize, which would have enriched them enormously, and allowed them to make war on Europe.

For that good result and benefit given to all Yndia by Don Juan de Silva, the Portuguese were extremely thankful, and accordingly received him in Malaca under a pall and with great acclamation. On March 26 all confessed that God had delivered them from the Dutch by his means; and they hoped that he would drive the enemy from these seas later. But death, which comes when God pleases, finished all their hopes; for it brought him to his bed, and from that to a grave on April 19, 1616, of a fever that carried him off in eleven days. During the course of his sickness, the city made a procession from the asse or cathedral to [the church of] La Misericordia, [77] praying our Lord for his health. At his death, they bewailed him with extreme sorrow.

Before dying he saw that his end was near, and accordingly prepared himself by acts of faith and penitence, receiving the sacraments. He ordered his body to be embalmed, and taken on the royal galley to Manila, and thence to Jerez de los Caballeros, [78] where he founded a convent of discalced Carmelite nuns. In the meanwhile the body should be deposited in the residence or houses of the Society of Jesus. Accordingly, in the residence of Malaca they celebrated the church services for him. At the end of nine days, the body was taken to the galleys anchored in the strait of Sincapura. There it was received with a salute on May 2. On the fourth, sail was set toward Manila.

The fleet was composed of ten galleons, four galleys, one patache, and three frigates. It carried three hundred pieces of artillery, eight companies of Spanish soldiers, five hundred Japanese, two hundred volunteers, sixty artillerymen, and two hundred sailors. [Without signature. [79]]

Letter from Father Juan de Ribera, [80] rector of the residence of the Society of Jesus at Manila, in which he gives account of his voyage to and from India, and of the unfortunate fate of the four galleons that he took thence.

We set sail at Cabite November twenty-one, the day of the Virgin. In a fortnight we entered the strait of Sincapura, having followed the new route, which is called that of China. It is a very wide channel, some forty or fifty brazas deep. We anchored at Malaca on Tuesday, December nine, by our account, but on Wednesday by that of Malaca. We left there on Christmas eve, with favorable weather. In the neighborhood of Punta de Gale [or Galle], which is located in Ceylan, we experienced a heavy storm. When that had subsided, the currents carried us to the islands of Mal-Divar [i.e., Maldives], a voyage from which few emerge in safety. We lost our reckoning, and were in great need of wood and water. But by God's help, after having approached one of those islands, our necessity was relieved by some Malabar pirates for money. We were sailing among that great forest of islands when we became becalmed, the peril most feared by pilots. When we were all grieving over that, the chief of the Lascars, a Moro by nation, and religion, arose. Taking a dish in his hand, he begged us all for an alms for our Lady of Guadalupe of the city of Cochin, [81] assuring us that she would give us wind. He pledged himself to give double the alms collected, even if she did not give the wind. Much surprised in so great confidence in a Moro, and all of us being encouraged, he collected in a short time eighteen pesos, and after folding them in a cloth, he tied them to the mizzen-masthead begging the Virgin to fulfil her promise. The fact was that from that day the wind to navigate (little or much) never failed us, until we reached Cochin. That was on January twenty-three, and on entering the bar there, we met a fleet of Malabar pirates who were sufficiently powerful to oppose us. But God so disposed that we came upon them when they were tired out, as we afterward learned, by a battle that they had waged for the space of two days with another pirate, also a Malabar—who, conquered by them at last, scuttled his ship and went down with all on board, in order not to fall into their hands. For that reason they did not attack us so quickly, and we had time to enter Cochin.

The fathers provincial received us on the beach—the present father Francisco, [82] and the past Alberto Laercio [83]—accompanied by the most grave fathers with music and other kindnesses. We stayed two months in Cochin, where we received singular kindness and entertainment from all. They took me to Caranganor, five leguas from there, along very pleasant rivers, in a boat like a house, belonging to the archbishop of Sierra, Father Don Francisco Ros [84] of our Society, a native of the city of Girona in the principality of Cataluna, whose hand I desired to kiss. We found him at Peru. He seemed a saint to me. When I remarked to him, a propos of the retirement and poverty in which I found him, at the first salutation, "Qui Episcopatum desiderat, bonum opus desiderat," he replied, "Our Chaldean answers, Bonam servitulem querit." [85] He is learned in that language, in which his priests pray and celebrate the mass with peculiar ceremonies. We found him living so apostolic a life that he did not have room to entertain the eight of our Society who were there—among whom was the rector of Cochin, Father Gaspar Fernandez [86]—nor did he have any food to give us. Consequently we returned to the boat, which was more comfortable than the house. We went to Caranganor, a Portuguese fortress, and a residence of ours, just opposite Samorin. I saw some doors and windows that had been broken with volleys, and they told me that a father who was praying in the window had been killed. The father rector of the residence there had a carved image of the child Jesus asleep in a little gilded bed, which had been sent him by a pagan Malabar pirate, who stole it from a Portuguese, believing it to be gold. But when he had carried it to his house, he found that it was only gilded wood, and gave it to his children for a toy. The sleeping Child, however, did not allow his owner to sleep, for according to his account, He kept him awake every night, and placing Himself in front of him, said to him, "Take me to the land of the Christians." He communicated the matter to his wife, and by her counsel sent Him to the father rector of Caranganor. We went to Vaypicota, a residence of our Society, which formerly had a greater number of our members. That field of Christendom has become lessened through the little favor [shown to the Christians by] the pagan king to whom it is subject. It is a wonder to me that within a stone's throw of our church is a Moro mosque, a pagan temple, and a Jewish synagogue, without one harming another, although they annoy us greatly by their shouting, when they invoke the devil.

From Cochin we went to Goa on April three of this year, one thousand six hundred and fifteen, in a galley of the fleet. We coasted along the shore and visited the fortresses of Malabar. We spent Holy Week in Mangalor. We lodged in the convent of St. Francis, and helped confess the soldiers. We spent forty days in the voyage, until we reached Goa, where Father Francisco Vergara, rector of the college, and all the others received us with great charity. Four of them took me to visit the viceroy, who showed us great courtesy. After I had been talking with him for almost an hour, the chief chancellor entered, who is at the same time auditor for the reports in causes, and is a knight of the habit. Having given him a seat of honor, such as we were occupying, the viceroy said to him: "I am surprised, sir, that all the fathers of the Society are all so much alike; for the father rector of Manila, whom we have here, is just like the fathers here, even in speech." He determined immediately what could be done in accordance with the present state of India, in respect to the aid that I was come to request—namely, to give four well-equipped galleons, with as many as four hundred soldiers and ninety pieces of artillery among them all. As commander of this fleet, he assigned Francisco de Miranda Enriquez, a gentleman who has had good fortune in war; and, as admiral, Alfonso Vaez Coutino.

We left Goa on the twelfth of May. We were one hundred and two days on the voyage for the lack of good weather, and on account of the poor route chosen by the pilot, who took us to the land of Achan; and as its inhabitants are hostile to the Portuguese, the latter did not dare land there. The men were dying with thirst, and had it not been for some showers, and the final resolution to get water on a desert island, we would have suffered even death. We had many samatras, or hurricanes, on the coast of that great land, which broke topmasts, tore sails, and broke moorings, causing us to lose anchors and other necessary articles.

On July thirty, on the eve of our Father St. Ignatius, in the district of Pulu Parcelar, our capitana galleon fought two Dutch vessels, without the other galleons being able to render aid, as they were to leeward. Our galleon made two vain attempts to grapple—one because of too much wind, and the other for lack of wind—for the one was a samatra or hurricane, and the other so great a calm, that neither we nor the Dutch could manage our ships. But inasmuch as we remained within cannon-shot of one another, we fought until night deepened, and they fled battered to pieces; for our balls had gone clear through them, while theirs made scarcely any impression on us. Accordingly we only lost two men in the fight.

On the eve of the Assumption [87] we ran upon a shoal three brazas under water, where the galleon remained all night, tossing up and down frightfully. In the morning a boat came from one of our other ships in response to the numerous pieces that we discharged, and helped us get off the shoal; but we were in so bad condition that from then on the boat made thirty palmos of water every twenty-four hours.

We finally reached Malaca August twenty-two. Although it was thought that the monsoon or favorable wind was already ended, we attempted to make the voyage to Manila. We passed the strait of Sincapura, and on the fifth of September, because of the little progress that we made, called a council, in which we all resolved to winter at Malaca. However, on the next day, the commander attempted to continue the voyage to Manila, until the soldiers and sailors mutinied and forced him to put in at Malaca, on the nineteenth of the same month.

The fleet was very ill received by the inhabitants there, because of the harm that soldiers generally do. But our going there was soon seen to have been a providence of God; for within one month the king of Achen came to attack that city with a fleet of one hundred and fifty sail and forty thousand men, and had not he found our galleys there would surely have captured it. And further, according to rumors (and as was shown in the result), he had agreed with the Dutch to join them, since they came only twenty days apart, as I shall immediately relate. In my opinion the same thing that had happened to the prophet Abacuc [i.e., Habakkuk] happened to me. For he having prepared the food for his reapers, the angel bore him by the hair to Babylon, to relieve the necessity of Daniel, who had been locked in the den of lions. I took that aid from Goa for Manila, and the Lord took us to Malaca, and conveyed us as if by the hair, since we put in with great repugnance; and at last all that reinforcement was consumed in helping Malaca.

A squadron of galleys came ahead to reconnoiter. Finding our galleons anchored, and taking note of the soldiers in them and in the city, it went ahead to the strait to await (as was heard) the Dutch. Our men feared lest they should attack the trading ships which generally come at that time from China. Accordingly it was resolved that four galleons, six galliots, and other oared craft should sail out to drive the enemy from the coast. They engaged on the fifteenth of November, and fought all that day, and the one following. The enemy's force was large. They burned one galliot and forced the men to desert the others and enter the galleons, which now were in need of men. The enemy attacked our flagship and surrounded it with twelve large galleys. It caught fire many times, but our men always extinguished the fire and defended themselves valiantly. They attacked the galleon of Don Juan de Silveyra, which was a fine vessel, and a fort of twenty-two cannons. It caught fire and burned so furiously that the flames could not be extinguished; and it was accordingly burned to ashes. The said Don Juan de Silveyra and Antonio Rodriguez Gamboa—his brother-in-law, and son of Juan Cayado de Gamboa, commandant of that fortress of Malaca—leaped overboard. They and thirty or forty other Portuguese were captured by the people of Achen and taken to their king, who treated them courteously and gave them liberty. Those gentlemen declared to me, in writing, in Malaca that the fleet of the people of Achen consisted of three hundred and fifty craft, among which were sixty large galleys, each with three pieces of artillery at the bow, while that of the midship gangway had the caliber of sixty libras; that the royal galley carried one thousand six hundred men, with one hundred and twenty falcons and half-falcons; and that they lost ten large galleys in the fight, besides twenty other lesser craft. They also stated that after returning to his country the king punished certain of his captains because they had not burned all the galleys; and that having given liberty to the captives he sent them to Malaca, with che message that he desired peace with his brother, the king of Castilla and Portugal.

Our good fortune resulted in his not having effected a meeting with the Dutch, who arrived the next month, on the seventh of December, with seven ships and one patache. Our three galleons had been stationed in a cove between the small island of Malaca and a sandbank—a place that seemed impregnable, as it was defended on the sea side by the sandbank and shoals, and on the land side by the artillery of its ramparts. But the enemy, having thoroughly reconnoitered the sandbank and shoals, discovered a channel where they could enter, and thereupon entered on the morning of the next day, flying their red rear-admiral's banners. The flagship remained outside, although within cannon-shot. Then began a cruel bombardardment that lasted three days. Our galleons could not play all their artillery, for they were anchored, and the currents were dragging them toward the Dutch, who were free, and maneuvered at will. Our artillery was heavier than theirs, consequently the few pieces that we fired did them great damage. The building of a protection for the cannon was discussed, and the planting of some pieces on the island, in order to defend the galleons. That would doubtless have been of great importance for they would have fired from a covered battery and at very close range, as was seen by the effect produced by only one piece that was mounted there. It was fired by a man who had been condemned to death, and who was awaiting justice for having pillaged two Chinese vessels. He was promised pardon if he would take charge of that piece, as he did, to the damage of the enemy. But as he was alone and the enemy were bringing to bear all the artillery of their ships, they finally prevailed. On the first day, Juan Pinto, captain of a galley, being killed, and his uncle, a valiant soldier, having broken his leg, his men were disheartened, and deserted the galleon; but they did not take the precaution to burn it, so that the enemy could not profit, as they did, by its artillery, food, and other things that it was carrying; afterward the enemy set it on fire.

At dawn of the next day, December ten, the heretics began to attack the almiranta. At the first volleys the admiral and five other men were killed. The men were so disheartened by that event that they began to jump overboard, and it was impossible for certain commanders and brave soldiers, who were trying to defend the galleon, to prevent them. But, as the enemy perceived them deserting the vessel, they sent their lanchac and entered it; they first lowered the flag of Christ from the masthead and placed it on their ship below that of Count Mauricio. The vessel was already burning from the fire set by our men, and accordingly the enemy deserted it quickly.

Our flagship kept up the fight longer, but at last men were lacking; for, as the land was near, they tried to reach it in boats or by swimming. The commander Francisco de Miranda Enriquez was left with very few men; and they even, seeing that it was impossible to defend themselves, were forced to land, after having set fire to the galleon. It was a very fine and strong boat. It earned thirty-six cannon, and had so much ammunition that when the fire reached the powder magazine, the vessel blew up with so great a din, that it made the entire city and the island of Malaca shake, and the vessel was seen no more. This was different from the almiranta, which, when its powder had been spent, was two days in burning. The dead and wounded on our side number about one hundred. The enemy lost one of its vessels, but was at last victorious. Then they went to the strait to await the ships expected from China. In the city was little harmony, those of the fleet and those of the city accusing one another of the fault [of the defeat]. I reverenced the judgments of God, and considered that, although there was some excess on both sides, the chief cause of so great a loss was our sins. Quia peccavimus tibi Domini, etc. [88]

The largest fleet ever seen in these islands or perchance in the Indias was prepared that year of 1615 in the port of Cabite. [89] It seems a miraculous circumstance that so large a number of ships could be gathered together in a land so recently conquered and peopled with Spaniards, and the most remote and distant in all the Spanish monarchy. It was the peculiar offspring of the magnanimous courage, valor, and energy (never sufficiently praised) of Governor Don Juan de Silva. It consisted of ten galleons, four galleys, one patache, and other smaller craft: the flagship of the galleons, called "La Salvadora," of two thousand tons burden; the almiranta, by name "San Marcos," of one thousand seven hundred; "San Juan Bautista," and the "Espiritu Santo," of one thousand three hundred; "San Miguel" and "San Felipe," of eight hundred; "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," and "Santiago," one hundred less; "San Andres," five hundred; and "San Lorenco" (the smallest one), four hundred. The galleys were all under the advocacy and name of the Virgin Mary, our Lady. Those craft were armed and equipped with five thousand men, two thousand, or a few less, being Spaniards; three hundred pieces of artillery—the flagship alone carrying forty-six (the smallest of eighteen, while the majority of them were twenty-two libras' caliber, and some were thirty), and all were bronze, and it carried nine hundred men; the almiranta seven hundred men, and thirty-two pieces; and the other vessels in proportion. Of powder, they carried four thousand five hundred arrobas; of biscuits, five thousand; of clean rice, three thousand fanegas; and so on, in all the other war-supplies, ammunition, and food. All this was at the king's account, not to mention the private persons who embarked.

Among the other precautions that the governor took in order to accomplish a successful result was one, namely, to ask the provincials of the orders and their religious to aid—the one with their prayers and continual sacrifices in their convents; and the other by religious who were priests, to act as chaplains of the vessels. Six fell to the share of the Society, two of whom embarked in the flagship, in which were the chief Japanese of a company of that nation which had been raised to serve as volunteers on that expedition, through the vigilance of Father Garcia Garces, [90] a Castilian, one of the exiles, whom the governor esteemed highly. Accordingly, the latter ordered that the father should embark on the flagship, and with him another religious of the Japanese nation, a person respected because of his worth. In the galleon "San Juan Bautista" was Father Pedro Gomez, rector of Maluco. He had gone to India, and returned with the news of the four Portuguese galleons which were coming to unite with our ten. As his associate went Father Manuel Ribeyro of the province of Cochin and its subject. In the ship "San Felipe" was Father Miguel Ignacio, at present rector of the residence of Zebu, who, without urging the obligation of his office or the ill-health that he was enjoying [la poca salud, que gozaua], offered himself so fervently to the superiors for that perilous mission, that they had to yield to him. The commander of that ship has declared in his many letters the talent of the said father as a preacher, and his opinion of his sanctity; and how great was the esteem of the soldiers and sailors for the abundant fruit that he had gathered in Cabite by his apostolic preaching. His associate was Father Melchor de Vera, [91] who had been in the expedition and victory of the year 10. Of the other religious orders there were also some prominent members, divided among the other boats.

That noble fleet could not set sail until the last day of that year of 1615. It had been collected with the intention of going straightway in search of the enemy in their own forts and the chief stronghold of Malayo. But as the galleons from India did not arrive, which they had heard were wintering in Malaca; and knowing that at that time some ships were generally awaiting in its strait the trading-ships from China which pass that way, and that some good fortune could be secured from them: the governor considered it advisable to lay his course toward Malaca—whence he supposed that after the destruction of the enemy that he would cause there, and after having joined the Portuguese galleons, he would go straight to Malayo. It was a well founded idea, but founded on an uncertain end as are all human ideas and considerations. For besides that there were then no galleons in Malaca, because they had been burned in the manner above related, if the governor had not left these coasts, or at least had he sailed directly to those of Maluco, and even without leaving the bay of Manila, he would have had in a short time a victory equal to the past, and would have destroyed the help that came, because of his preparations, from Olanda by way of the coasts of Piru and Nueva-Espana to these islands. For it happened that at the same time that Don Juan de Silva was going out by way of Miriveles with his fleet, one of the four governors of the state of Olanda was entering by way of Capulco [i.e., Capul] with four large ships—his flagship being one called "Sol de Olando" [i.e., "The sun of Holland"]—and two pataches. Those ships were coming straight to anchor at the same entrance of Mariveles, by which the fleet that we had fitted out had sailed one month previously.

That unlooked-for event caused great confusion in this city of Manila and the port of Cabite. Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz and the gentlemen of the royal Audiencia were governing. They put aside their togas and girded on their swords. They divided the most dangerous and important posts. One of them was charged with the fortification of Cabite, and the repair of three galleys and other boats that had been going to rack and ruin there; another with the casting of new pieces from the little metal remaining in the royal magazines, and he, because by its scarcity the sudden need for artillery could not be supplied, tried to use the waste left from former castings, by digging and sifting the earth around the ancient foundry. That was so excellent a scheme that three thousand arrobas of metal were collected in a few days. It is a cause for wonderment, and could not have been accomplished except by Spanish activity, stimulated by necessity and the energy of the Chinese, sharpened by the reward of three reals given them for each arroba. More than one thousand five hundred persons worked at the sifting, and at the casting of new pieces. As a result the necessary cannon for the defense of Cabite and Manila were manufactured in a short time.

To that and other temporal precautions and efforts, were added at the same time the spiritual—acts of prayer and supplications, the most holy host being exposed in the cathedral, the convents, and the parochial churches, with the effect and devotion that exigency and need are wont to stimulate. The image of our Lady of Guidance was carried in solemn and devout procession from her church (which is located in the suburbs of this city) to the cathedral, where it was visited continually by the inhabitants, who could not tear themselves from it. In our residence the most holy host was also exposed to all the town; with the solemnity of service and sermon on the day that belonged to it; while on all other days it was especially exposed by Ours at the hour of prayer and devotion. Each priest was ordered to say a novena of masses, and those who were not priests a novena of rosaries, penitences, and other devotions. Similar and even advantageous action was taken in the other convents, churches, and communities of the city and surrounding villages.

The Lord, whose providence is always most notable in the greatest exigencies, was pleased to hear the united voice of this community, and induced our enemy, after they had lain at anchor for a fortnight in the bay in sight of Manila, to hoist their sails; and without doing more than seize one champan and send two letters by a prisoner—one to the commander of their nation [i.e., van Caerden] who was a prisoner here, and the other to the royal Audiencia, asking for his ransom. But that could have no effect, for the miserable man had died a short time before in his perfidy, exchanging his temporal for the eternal prison. [After sending these letters] the enemy returned to Terrenate, ridding this city of its great anxiety. On that occasion the religious served not only with spiritual weapons, but also with what temporal arms they could use and those that they knew how to manage. Among others was one of our brethren, whom the royal Audiencia charged with the management of the artillery of the port of Cabite, because of his skill in the art and of his bravery, which the occasion required. Another religious, also ours, by his good management prevented the soldiers of Cabite from burning that settlement, for they had already commenced at one of the houses, where were collected the goods of the Portuguese commander, who had come from Espana the year before as commander of certain caravels with reenforcements from the kingdoms of Espana. They considered it less wrong for us to burn them ourselves than to let the enemy make use of them. But that religious with his arguments and good management hindered it, and inspired them all to extinguish the fire. That was a cause of rejoicing afterward, when they saw the enemy go away and leave us, without forcing us to so costly a precaution.

While the above was passing in Manila, our fleet reached Malaca, and entered the strait February twenty-five. The enemy had left it one week previous, fleeing with all sails set, because of the secret advice that they had received that our fleet was going in search of them. The day following the arrival of our galleons, the two Chinese trading-ships entered the same strait, bearing all the wealth of India It was a most fortunate event and was worthily celebrated by the public acclamations of the inhabitants of Malaca, who called Governor Don Juan de Silva their redeemer. They received him in their city under the pall, with demonstrations of joy and honors as if he were a viceroy, for as such did they regard him; and they assured themselves that with his valor and powerful fleet, they were to deliver India from the inopportune war and the continuous pillaging of the Dutch. But (O human misery!) fortune changed within a few days, and all those hopes were frustrated; it brought the governor to his bed with a mortal burning fever, which killed him in eleven days. During the course of those eleven days the city made a public procession from the cathedral church to the Misericordia, praying God for his health. On the day of his death—namely, April nineteen, 1616—there were general mourning and tears from men, women, and even children, as if each one of them had lost a father.

Recognizing the approach of death, he received the holy sacraments, and performed many acts of faith and penitence, protesting that he was dying in the service of his king, and, as he hoped, in that of God, for his intent had been none but the conservation and increase of the Catholic faith and the destruction of heresy in those districts. And he said that if the natives had been harassed any, those molestations had not been intended and were unavoidable, for war brings them. He ordered his body to be embalmed and carried to this city of Manila in the flagship galley. From here he ordered his body to be carried to Xerez de los Cavalleros, where he ordered a convent of discalced Carmelites to be founded; and that his remains should be deposited in the residences of the Society. Thus was it done in Malaca, and afterward here in Manila, where all that fleet arrived in the first part of June, on the eve of Corpus Christi, in the year of 1616. The mission and ministry of Ours and of the other religious who took part in the campaign had lasted for four months, in which they had a very abundant harvest of souls, discomforts and hardships; for they had been two months below the equator itself, where they suffered incomparable heat and drank poor water, which was the cause of the men catching the plague. And hence there was considerable to do, and in which to employ their fervor, particularly during Lent and Holy Week, which they spent at sea. [92]



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

Many documents in this volume are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated as follows:

1. Petition of the Recollects.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de Filipinas; anos 1609 a 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43."

2. Dominicans, in re Audiencia.—The same as No. 1.

3. Letter from Juan de Silva.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1607 a 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

4. Letters from Felipe III to Silva.—"Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1."—except that of November 12, 1611, noted below.

5. Hospital at Nueva Caceres.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de Manila; anos de 1594 a 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34."

6. Letters to Dominican Provincial.—The same as No. 4.

7. Status of missions.—The same as No. 3.

8. Letter from Soria.—The same as No. 5.

9. Recommendations regarding archbishopric of Manila.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes a dicha Audiencia; anos 1586 a 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."

The following is obtained from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

10. Letter from Felipe III to Silva, November 12, 1611.—"Cedulario Indico, tom. 38, fol. 143, no. 108."

The following are found in Recopilacion de leyes de Indias (Madrid, 1841):

11. Laws regarding commerce.—In lib. ix, tit. xlv.

12. Decree regulating services.—In lib. vi, tit. 12, ley 40.

The following are taken from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library):

13. Relation of 1609-10.—In vol. i, pp. 273-340.

14. Letters from Ledesma and Rivera.—In vol. i, pp. 403-429.

The remaining documents are obtained from the following sources:

15. Jesuit missions, 1608-09.—From Annuae litterae (Dilingae, 1610), pp. 507-532.

16. Foundation of the college of Santo Tomas.—From Algunos documentos relativos a la Universidad de Manila (Madrid, 1892), pp. 5-20.

17. Trade of the Philippines.—From Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, vi, pp. 298-314.

18. Account of the battle of Playa Honda (in "Expedition against Dutch, 1615").—From Colin's Labor evangelica (Madrid, 1663), pp. 802-810.



CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF THE PHILIPPINES 1565-1899 AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE ISLANDS AT DIFFERENT PERIODS



List of Philippine Governors

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—Native of Zubarraja (Zumarraga), Guipuzcoa, born in early part of sixteenth century; goes to Mexico in 1545, where he becomes clerk of the cabildo; appointed in 1561 to lead expedition to discover western islands; lands at Cebu April 27, 1565; begins fort and takes possession of Cebu and neighboring islands for Spain, May 8, 1565; takes possession of Manila, May 19, 1571; erects city of Manila, June 3, 1571, and appoints regidors, etc., June 24, 1571; death, August 20, 1572; term as governor February 13 (date of first anchorage near Cebu)-August 20, 1572; also adelantado or governor of the Ladrones.

Guido de Labezares—Biscayan; accompanies Villalobos expedition of 1542; appointed royal treasurer of Legazpi's expedition, 1564; appointed by Mexico Audiencia by sealed instructions to succeed Legazpi in case of the latter's death; succeeds to governorship, August 20 (?), 1572; orders Salcedo to subdue Ilocos and found town of Fernandina (now Bigan), and orders subjection of Camarines, 1573; defends Manila against pirate Limahon, 1574; apportions encomiendas; term as governor (ad interim), August 20 (?), 1572-August 25, 1575; given appointment for life as master-of-camp, by Felipe II, and encomiendas of which he has been deprived by Sande, restored to him.

Doctor Francisco de Sande—Native of Caceres; serves as attorney, criminal judge, and auditor in Mexico; succeeds Labezares, August 25, 1575; founds city of Nueva Caceres; arrival of first Franciscans, 1577; expedition to Borneo, 1578; term as governor, August 25, 1575-April, 1580; becomes auditor in Mexico Audiencia.

Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa—Native of Arevalo; alguazil-mayor in Mexico; contracts with king to colonize islands, for which to receive governorship for life; arrives at Manila, April, 1580; arrival of bishop and first Jesuits, 1581; founds Arevalo, 1581 or 1582; founds Nueva Caceres, 1582; expedition to Maluco, 1582; imposes import and export duties, 1582; conflict between the bishop and Augustinians, 1582; sends Gabriel Rivera to Spain; death, March 10, 1583; term as governor, April, 1580-March 10, 1583.

Diego Ronquillo—Nephew of preceding; appointed governor ad interim by royal decree, succeeding to government, March 10, 1583; first great Manila fire, March 19, 1583; term as governor March 10, 1583-May, 1584.

Doctor Santiago de Vera—Native of Alcala de Henares; alcalde of Mexico; arrives at Manila, May 16, 1584; establishes first Audiencia of Manila, 1584; sends Diego Ronquillo prisoner to Spain, 1585; sends expedition to Maluco, 1585; Father Sanchez leaves for Spain, June 28, 1586; arrival of Dominicans for their first mission, 1587; constructs first stone fort, 1587; Candish captures "Santa Ana," November 4, 1587; insurrection in the Bisayas, 1588; term as governor, May 16, 1584-May, 1590; appointed auditor in Mexico Audiencia.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas—Native of Galicia, and knight of Order of Santiago; corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena, 1589; appointed governor of Philippines, 1589; sails for Mexico, December 8, 1589; sails from Acapulco, March 1, 1590; arrives at Manila, May (June 1, according to his own letter, q.v., Vol. VIII, p. 268), 1590; suppresses Audiencia, 1590; establishes regular camp, and fortifies and walls Manila; quarrels with bishop; contracts with Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa to conquer Mindanao, May 12, 1591; correspondence with Japan, 1592; Bishop Salazar goes to Spain, 1592; embassy from Camboja, 1593; sails on Maluco expedition, October 19, 1593; murdered by Chinese rowers, October 25, 1593; term as governor, May (or June 1), 1590-October 25, 1593.

Licentiate Pedro de Rojas—Auditor of Manila Audiencia, 1584; lieutenant-assessor, 1590; governor (ad interim), October-December (forty days) 1593; war affairs of islands in charge of Diego Ronquillo; appointed alcalde of Mexico, 1593.

Luis Perez Dasmarinas—Son of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, and knight of Order of Alcantara; receives governorship ad interim, by virtue of appointment of father, December (Zuniga says 3), 1593; foundation in Manila of Confraternity of La Misericordia, 1594; arrival in Manila of Chinese mandarins, 1594; embassy from Siam, 1595; Figueroa's expedition to Mindanao, 1595; Morga arrives at Manila as lieutenant-governor, June 11, 1595; expedition to Camboja under Gallinato, 1596; term as governor, December 3, 1593-July 14, 1596 (San Antonio says the last of June). Some historians and chronologists say that Dr. Antonio de Morga acted as governor ad interim from his entrance into Manila, June 11, 1595, until Tello's arrival July 14, 1596, but he merely fulfilled the duties of his office of lieutenant-governor. In his letters after his arrival, and in his book, he distinctly states that Luis Perez Dasmarinas was governor. Tello says in a letter of July 17, 1596 (see Vol. IX, pp. 274-277), "In respect to the person of Don Luys Perez Dasmarinas, whom I found acting as governor." Consequently Morga is given no place in this list.

Francisco de Tello de Guzman—Native of Sevilla, and knight of Order of Santiago; treasurer of India House of Trade; appointed governor and president of Audiencia, which he is ordered to reestablish, by royal decree, November 26, 1595; enters Manila, July 14, 1596; martyrdom of Franciscans in Japan, February 5, 1597; arrival of first archbishop, May 1598; Audiencia reestablished, May 8, 1598; arrivals of first suffragan bishops, 1598-1600; Moro invasions, 1599-1600; Morga's fight with Oliver van Noordt, December 14, 1600; Jesuit seminary of San Jose founded, 1601; term as governor, July 14, 1596-May, 1602; death in Manila, April 1603.

Pedro Bravo de Acuna—Knight of the Order of St. John, and comendador of Salamanca; appointed governor of Cartagena in West Indies, 1593; appointed governor of the Philippines as early as January 16, 1600 (see Vol. XI, p. 312); instructions issued for, February 16, 1602; arrives at Manila, May, 1602; second fire in Manila, April 30, 1603; first Chinese insurrection, 1603; expedition to Maluco, January 15-May 31, 1606; Audiencia rules during his absence; first Japanese insurrection, 1606; death, June 24, 1606.

Vacant—The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and Auditor Cristobal Tellez de Almansa of military affairs, June 24, 1606; arrival of first Recollect mission, 1606; secoad insurrection of Japanese, 1607; Audiencia governs, June 24, 1606-June 15, 1608.

Rodrigo de Vivero—Native of Laredo; page to queen in Spain, and official in Nueva Espana; appointed governor (ad interim) by royal decree, July 7, 1607; arrives at Manila, June 15, 1608; issues instructions to alcaldes-mayor; term as governor, June 15, 1608-April (Easter), 1609; appointed count of Valle, and governor and captain-general, and president of Audiencia of Panama.

Juan de Silva—Native of Trujillo, and knight of the Order of Santiago; arrives in Manila April (Easter), 1609; brings reenforcements of five companies; victory over Wittert, April 25 (San Antonio says 24), 1610; arrival of fourth archbishop, Diego Vazquez de Mercado, June 4, 1610; fruitless expedition against Dutch, 1611; expedition in conjunction with Portuguese against Dutch, February 4, 1616-April 19, 1616; death, April 19, 1616; Audiencia governs during absence; term as governor, April, 1609-April 19, 1616.

Vacant—The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and Auditor Licentiate Andres Alcaraz of military affairs, as substitute for Jeronimo (uncle of Juan) de Silva, who is appointed governor (ad interim) in case of Juan de Silva's death, by royal decree of March 20 (Delgado) or 28 (San Antonio), 1616 (Alcaraz having been left in charge by Juan de Silva on his departure to Malaca); return of fleet, June 1, 1616; Spielberg bombards Iloilo, September 29, 1616, and is defeated next day; his defeat at Playa Honda by Juan Ronquillo, April 14, 1617; Jeronimo de Silva arrives from Maluco and takes charge of military affairs, September 30, 1617; Audiencia governs (after Juan de Silva's death), April 19, 1616-June 8 (Delgado), 1618.