[Mindanao—which, as appears from an allusion by Argensola, was not always considered a portion of the Philippines proper—is visited by one of the early Portuguese conquerors, Captain Pinto, being sent there by Tristan de Atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to provide themselves with the necessities of life." There "he visited the king, by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials were examined, and consultation over his requests was held with the Sangages [271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made. Pinto sold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded for and bought a cargo of provisions at will." (Book ii, pp. 49-50.) The desire for cloves [272] on the part of the Portuguese is so strong in the Malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although "the clove harvest forms the wealth of the Maluco kings," in order to cause them to leave. Although the threat is not carried out, wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors. The contests become so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to arguments for abandoning the Philippines after Felipe II's accession to the throne. The passages relating to this are as follows:]

The apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all those provinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofs of manifest rebellion. In Goa, Diego Lopez de Mezquita was already a prisoner in the fortress of Benastirim, and under a strong guard, and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from Espana to dispose of him and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the Ternatans would make use of the great help that could be sent them by the Chinese; which could be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussed in Castilla were made certain. It was reported that the Council of State—having noted that the Filipinas not only did not augment the royal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion for fruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficult of conservation—had proposed to King Filipo, our sovereign, to abandon them, and withdraw the Audiencia and presidios that sustained them. They added to this argument the example of the Chinese kings and nations, who also had abandoned those islands—although they are so near and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as a part of their mainland. They said that as Espana was governing them, signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes that any betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silver passing thither from Nueva Espana, both for regular expenses and for merchandise, was immense. For the same reason, and by the same road, that treasure was being sent by the hands of the Chinese to the center of those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws, are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from all trade with foreigners. They asserted that the monarchy, scattered and divided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to one whole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability, provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries. These arguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience, a truth manifest to the senses. All other arguments that could be adduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable and full of generous sound, but difficult of execution. It would be more advisable to increase the power of the king in Europe, where the forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties that militate against them in outside seas and dominions. Each one of these arguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasury that this proposition merited consideration and examination. Had God permitted the king to exclude the Filipinas from his monarchy, and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize them first, the Malucans would have so strengthened the condition of their affairs that it would have been impregnable.

This same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, and in the reign of King Filipo Third, now reigning. He, conforming to his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel so injurious. Consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that the Filipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that the Audiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice could be more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigor of justice the king based the duration and energy of the state. For the same reason, the military force there would be strengthened, and the royal incomes of Nueva Espana, or those of any other of his kingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures, and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must be applied to the propagation of the gospel. For what, he asked, would the enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the Filipinas were deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it, because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other rich islands in Assia and America? He said that the entire power of the sovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the Church and assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued in the successes of the first preaching. If he had refused to yield one jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grant them liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward the pagans and Mahometans, who are the harvest that God has assigned him, in order to enrich the Church with those so remote children? By this wise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this glorious aim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human convenience has discussed the abandonment of those states.... This religious motive influenced Felipo; but, besides it, those who had experience of those Asiatic sources of wealth urged others. The most abundant wealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber, musk, civet, and camphor, from Borneo and China; vermilion, coral, quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from Cambaya and Mengala; rugs, carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from Persia; brocades, ivory, rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china, lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from Banda; with gold, silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco, [275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, and ornaments. They say that Venecia lost all this when the commerce passed to Portugal [276] (Book ii, pp. 84-86)....

[While the war between the Portuguese and the natives is at its height, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neither Spanish nor Portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of Venetians, private persons, on its way from Manila to China, with various bartered merchandise of those states and of the east" (Book ii, p. 89).

A native envoy visits Felipe II in Lisbon, but fails to accomplish much. The later wars between Portuguese and Spaniards and natives are characterized by assistance for the latter from English and Dutch sources. King Felipe "especially to recover Temate," turns "his eyes to the convenience afforded by all the Filipinas, to a greater extent than India." Later he orders by "his royal decree" that "all the governors of the Filipinas should be instructed to aid the Malucas, and all the Indian states of the Portuguese crown; for this may be done more conveniently from those islands than from India itself" (Book iv, p. 140). Argensola recurring again to the proposition of abandoning the Philippines and other islands, says:]

The reader should also consider, that although avarice is sometimes mixed up in the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and lawless acts are committed by our captains and soldiers, yet such excesses do not make the cause less just. He should consider also that, supposing that his Majesty should choose, for excellent state reasons (as we said were proposed), to abandon those districts of Asia, as the Chinese did, and to narrow the bounds of his monarchy, the cause of the faith would not permit it. Our kings are ministers of the faith, and sons of the Catholic church, and any war waged for the introduction of the gospel is most important, and of the greatest profit, even though it be to acquire or to gain desert provinces. Besides the Filipinas have shown how docile are their natives, and how thoroughly they benefit by the example and company of the Spaniards—the tokens of the affection with which they have received the faith and aid the religious who are extending the faith and carrying it to China, Japon, Camboxa, Mindanao, the Malucas, and the other places where endures idolatry or friendship with the demons (which the former owners of the country left to them when they excluded those places from their dominion), or the fictions of Mahomet, which those places afterward admitted. This is the chief reason for conserving those provinces. (Book iv, pp. 161, 162.)



Conquest of the Malucas Islands Book Fifth

After the Luzones or Manilas Islands—both these being ancient names—had been discovered by Magallanes, Sebastian Cano returned to Espana, after the former's death and the successive deaths of his companions, in that venerable ship which—as if significant of its voyage, which contains more of truth than of probability—they called "Vitoria." Sebastian Cano was a mountaineer, from the hamlet of Guetaria in the Pyrenees Mountains, according to Mapheo, [277] in his Latin history. In his history he devotes much space to the great courage of Cano, and his skill in the arts of navigation. He recounts the universal respect and admiration bestowed upon Cano, since he was the first in the age of mortals to circumnavigate this globe. And in truth, what estimation can remain to the fabulous Argonauts, Tiphys and Jason, and the other navigators whom the elegance or the daring of Grecia extols, when compared to our Cano? He was the first witness of the commerce of the seas, and nature opened to his eyes what had been reserved until then for them; and he was allowed to explore it all, and to furnish a beginning in so arduous endeavors for the law that saves and renders eternal. After the death of Magallanes, the Lusones Islands—which ought to have inherited his name, as being his sepulcher, as the strait did because of his passage through it—changed that name for that of Filipinas, [278] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-five; although those islands of that eastern archipeago are also called by that name. Adelantado Miguel de Legaspe, who was sent from Nueva Espana by Viceroy Don Luys de Velasco with a Spanish fleet, made port in those islands. He conquered first the island of Zebu and those in its vicinity, where he remained six years. That region is called by another name, Pintados, still preserved by different portions of that coast, because the Indians at that time went about naked, and with their bodies adorned and painted [i.e., tattooed] in various colors. Legaspe left a guard there and went to occupy Luzon, one hundred and fifty leguas from Zebu. He fought the barbarians, whom, after the surprise of our ships, weapons, and faces had worn off, the same novelty encouraged. Legaspe anchored in a bay four leguas wide, which shows an island midway in its entrance, now called Marivelez. The bay has a circuit of thirty leguas to the city of Manila, and is eight leguas wide from north to east. The inhabitants of that city resisted him with greater courage than the Pintados, for they had artillery and a fort. But after the Spaniards had taken that, the defenders of it surrendered. This was done quickly, and allowed no time for the inhabitants to unite. Thus did Legaspe enter Manila, a place fortified by nature. At one point of it (which is surrounded by the water of the bay) is a river of considerable volume, whose source is the great Lake of Vay [Bay], five leguas distant. This point, narrow and slender at first, becomes wider immediately, for the seashore turns toward the southwest, and the bank of the river toward the east, so that a very considerable space is left for the city. The city is entirely surrounded with water, except that part between the west and south. Legaspe founded the city then with wooden buildings, for wood is produced abundantly in those regions. The roofs of the houses were covered with nipa leaves, which resemble our mace-reed, [279] and which form a sufficient defense against the rains. It is, however, an inflammable material, and is the occasion of the great fires that have happened there so often. Luzon is more densely populated than any of the many islands—which are called Filipinas in honor of King Filipo II, and which, as is affirmed, number eleven thousand. Luzon has a circumference of three hundred and fifty leguas. Beyond the bay it runs one hundred leguas to the north, as far as Nueva Segovia; from the beginning of that province (namely, Cape Bojador), it runs for thirty leguas east to the promontory of El Engano. Thence the coast runs south for eighty leguas, and then with another changed direction for forty leguas to what they call Embocadero ["the channel"], that is, the strait opposite the island Tandaya, which is distant eighty more leguas from the bay. Consequently the island has the shape of a square; it has many harbors, but few capacious ports. Manila is in slightly more than fourteen degrees of northern latitude, and in longitude (reckoning from the Canarias) one hundred and sixty. The most northern part of Luzon lies in nineteen degrees [of latitude]. With the sea between them, the great kingdom of China lies on that side of it, seventy leguas away; while the islands of Japon lie to the northeast, at a distance of two hundred and fifty leguas. On the east is the open ocean, and on the south the greatest of the archipelagos of the ocean, which is divided into live archipelagos. These are broken up into so many islands, kingdoms, and provinces, that one would believe that nature did not desire men to ascertain their number. Both Javas, our Malucas, Borneo, and Nueva Guinea are known; on the west, and at a distance of three hundred leguas, Malaca, Sian, Patan, Camboxa, Cochinchina, and other different provinces on the mainland of Asia. The Chinese abandoned living in our Filipinas, but not its trade; nor did the cultivation or the fertility of the islands for that Reason cease. Wheat and other necessary grains are produced there in abundance: deer, Cattle, buffaloes, goats, and wild boars; and fruits and spices. If there be anything lacking, the Chinese from Chincheo bring it, such as chinaware and silks. The wine always used and drunk there is made from palms, by cutting off the clusters of fruit that they produce, when green—that fruit is called cocos—from which, after cutting the leaf stalks, they gather the liquor that flows forth, and boil it in jars, until it becomes so strong that it causes intoxication and has the same effects as the strongest Spanish wine. Of native fruits, there are oranges, lemons, and very sweet citrons; while they have fig and pear-trees introduced from Espana. They rear sparrow-hawks, herons [martinetes], and royal eagles in great abundance. They have a great many different kinds of parrots, and other birds, large and small. In the rivers and lakes are many horrible caymans or crocodiles; these kill the Indians very easily—and especially the children, who go carelessly to their haunts—as well as the cattle when they go to drink. Not a few times has it happened that they have seized the cattle by the muzzles and pulled them beneath the water, and drowned them without power to resist, however large the animal may be. Then the carcass is dragged ashore and devoured ... Indians are found so courageous that, notwithstanding the fierceness of those animals, they kill them with their hands. They cover the left hand and arm with a glove made from buffalo hide, and hold therein a stake or peg, somewhat longer than a tercia, [280] and about as thick as the wrist, and sharpened at both ends. Then they enter the river until the water reaches the waist. The crocodile rushes upon the Indian with open mouth to devour him. The latter presents to it his protected arm and the hand with the stake, so that the beast may seize it, and runs it into the animal's mouth in such a position that it cannot shut its mouth or make use of its strong teeth to attack its slayer. Feeling the pain of the sharp stake the crocodile becomes so docile that it neither resists nor attacks, nor dares move, for the slightest movement causes it pain. Thereupon the barbarian, pulling strongly on the stake, wounds the beast repeatedly with a dagger (carried in the right hand) in the throat, until it bleeds to death. Then it is drawn ashore with lines and ropes, with the aid of other Indians who unite to drag it in; and many are needed, because of the huge bodies of those crocodiles. They resemble lizards, but are furnished with scales so strong that scarce can an arquebus-shot dent them. The only vulnerable spots are the throat and under parts of the legs [i.e., where they join the body], where nature has given them a certain sweet odor, which the Indians use. Besides cattle, all the animals of Africa and more are found in those islands—tigers, lions, bears, foxes, monkeys, apes, squirrels—and in some of them are many civet-cats. These last are wont to be hunted extensively, in order to take them to different nations with the other merchandise of China—linens, silks, earthenware, iron, copper, steel, quicksilver, and innumerable other things, which are transported annually from those provinces. Religion and government are the same as those of Espana; but in those islands that are still unsubdued, foolish idolatry prevails. They attribute immortality to their souls, but they believe that souls wander from one body to another, according to that ridiculous [doctrine of] transmigration invented or declared by Pythagoras. Trading is much in vogue, and is advanced by the Chinese commerce. The Filipinos are more courageous than their other neighbors. The Spaniards and creoles do not belie their high origin.

By order of King Filipo an army was formed from all this people, in order to attempt to take the forts of Maluco. Don Goncalo Ronquillo de Penalosa was governor. Although he had received beforehand certain information by way of trade and the spies that had gone there, he was not satisfied with them, and sent another soldier to Maluco. The latter changed his clothes, and then with that and his aspect, which was not unlike that of the natives, and their language, which he spoke fluently, went to Tydore. He found our men very desirous of the enterprise, and the king of that island ready to push it with his forces. He went to Ternate with the merchants, and saw the fortresses and the reefs about the ports; and sounded their friendship with the English. He found that the latter landed and traded securely—or rather, as if by right. Nor was the multitude of secret Christians unknown to him, who would take up arms in due season; nor any of the other things, that, as an experienced spy, it was necessary for him to report. Thereupon Ronquillo prepared about three hundred Spaniards and more than one thousand five hundred Filipinos, with ammunition, food, and sailors. With three large vessels and a considerable number of smaller ones, he set sail toward Maluco at the proper season. Pedro Sarmiento was general, an energetic and experienced man, who still lives in Manila. He set out courageously and energetically, in order to destroy any of the enemies then sailing those seas. Several days previous his Majesty had appointed Pablo de Lima to the charge of Ternate, if it were gained; and had allowed his brother, Francisco de Lima, the concession of two voyages to Maluco, in consideration of their services and those of Henrique, their father. Pablo had married a Christian woman, and a devout one, although she was a relative of the king of Tydore, who is not a Christian. For this reason, and because he possessed in Ternate the ancient inheritance to the towns of Guita, Mofaquia, Mofaguita, Pauate, Pelueri, Sansuma, Tahane, Mayloa, and Soma; and in the island of Maquien, Sabele, Talapao, Talatoa, Mofabouaua, Tabalola, Tagono, Bobaba, and Molapa—of the majority of which the Ternatan king had dispossessed him, as well as Bitua and other towns in Tydore, on the pretext of his having abandoned them—he went to Manila, where he discussed with the governor the method of facilitating the conquest, on the very eve of its execution. His counsel was favored, and he gave it as it was his own cause. For, in addition to the inheritance that the king of Ternate had usurped from him, he expected to get the island of Moutil, which had belonged to his ancestors. The expedition was also authorized by the presence of Don Juan Ronquillo, the governor's nephew, who held equal authority by land and sea with Sarmiento. If there were anything wanting, it was thought that it would be supplied easily by the valor of the soldiers, together with the shortness of the voyage and the carelessness of the enemy. But the divided command proved an obstacle to that hope. Their voyage was not stormy, but neither was it so favorable that they were enabled to anchor exactly at Ternate, as was necessary in order to deprive the enemy from using their own vigilance. They went to Moutil to anchor, and within sight of the inhabitants of the land, fought with some hostile janquas. [281] These were captured, and the Christians found within them were set at liberty. As Pablo de Lima knew the harbors, and as the people of the island did not possess the forces necessary to defend themselves against a fleet, and as it was easily attacked on the sides, it surrendered. The natives came with branches of palms, citron-trees, and gariofylos [i.e., caryophyllus], or clove-trees, as tokens of peace, and to beg pardon. They obtained both, and for master, Pablo de Lima. However the vesting him with that domain proved cf little utility; for a few days after, all the people slipped away, either considering themselves more secure in Ternate, or to meet the enemy—who must necessarily carry the war to that island, as happened. Sarmiento repaired his vessels on that island [i.e., Moutil], and without the loss of a single soldier, and flushed by his first victory, went to Talangame, passing through the hostile caracoas, which had been fitted up hastily and without order. The fort and the king, in possession of our artillery—especially the rampart, which was enlarged and afterward called Cachil Tulo, after the king's uncle, who built it—were in readiness long before, and were threatening some great disaster. Our men landed on that side, but their landing was opposed by the Ternatans. However night put an end to battle, and each side retiring to safety, our men finished landing and mounting their artillery, in the position and manner counseled by Pablo de Lima, who ever since then has been general of artillery in the fort of Tydore. The king of that island wished to join our troops, as was shown by certain actions, and by his promises to Alferez Duenas; but he doubted the fortune of the Castilians, as if he had not had many experiences of it. Now the occasion persuaded him and fidelity bound him, but he still hesitated. The doubt of that king is believed to have hurt the outcome of the affair. Sarmiento, after having mounted the artillery and securely fortified himself, and after having taken some captives (from whom he learned the food supply and arms of the besieged), commenced to hem in the enemy, and to bombard them furiously. However he did not scare them, for they answered boldly. It became necessary to seize the high places, from which, as from commanding eminences—which were leveled later—our men harassed the enemy. Had they persevered in this, it would have sufficed to end the war. But to such an extent did sickness reign in our camp, that no better medicine was found than that of absence, and deferring this undertaking to another time. The assistance from Tydore was of no consequence. They proved lukewarm friends, and all the rest was spiritless. Heaven knows the other reasons. There must have been some stronger ones; for, in reality, the camp was raised, and after embarking returned to Manila, without having had any greater effect than to increase the confidence of the enemy.

Then only the English nation disturbed Spanish dominion in that orient. Consequently King Filipo desired not only to forbid it with arms near at hand, but also to furnish an example, by their punishment, to all the northern nations, so that they should not undertake the invasions that we see. A beginning was made in this work in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, as is related in the following discourse.

[The beheading of Mary Stuart, the English confederation with Holland, and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada" follow. The narrative continues:]

The Hollanders or Zealanders, confederated with Queen Isabel [i.e., Elizabeth of England], being witnesses of that event [i.e., the defeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts, in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurp the eastern riches—mines, spices, drugs, and silks—as is seen by their reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recent examples set by the English, and by the more ancient ones left us by Colon, Alburquerque, Magallanes, Gama, and Cortes, as we shall see later....

After Santiago de Vera became governor of the Filipinas, he was especially ordered to equip a fleet to attack Ternate, where the English, from that time forward, were trading with all security. All nations had established factories there, except the Javanese and the Lascars. More than two thousand five hundred Moros from Meca were preaching their abominable doctrine. They did not fear Portugal; all their fear was caused by the Castilians, whom but lately they found pledged to vengeance. The king of Ternate knew that Sarmiento and Ronquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them. When the new preparation was learned in Tydore, the rumor was taken to Ternate by spies. That king immediately summoned his vassals, especially the islanders of Maquien and Homero, who, inasmuch as those islands are so densely populated, responded with forty caracoas. The number would have been greater, but the king would not permit that more should be equipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lest they rebel, as the lands were full of Christians, and the tributes that he had imposed on them were so excessive. Santiago de Vera made Captain Juan Morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just as valor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery to the fleet. Pablo de Lima assisted in both forces. But whether caused by natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they were so disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before they left Manila. They set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatest hardships of the sea. But when they considered themselves safe, all the elements were loosed upon the fleet. Light and reckoning failed them. The boats were shattered and the most important one sunk, with the loss of all its crew. That was the galleon called "Santa Helena," which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress, and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus. However they persisted, and the king of Bacham assisted them with the men that he had raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies; and, as a baptized Christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he had made, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of our faith, and promised the restitution of his soul.

[The futile operations of the Spaniards at Ternate follow. Refusing advice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attacking in different places with small detachments. Finally the siege is raised, when the enemy is almost starved out. Communication with traders from Europe is again free to Ternate, "especially with their new friends, the English." But internal disputes and ambitions in Ternate lead to the following letter to Santiago de Vera from Cachil Tulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of Ternate:]

My brother, Cachil Babu, former king of Ternate, wrote to Portugal to the king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine, in return for which he promised to deliver to his Majesty the fort of Ternate, of which he had been dispossessed. And as his Majesty succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal, he answered my brother's letter by Cachil Naique, his ambassador. But when it arrived, my brother was already dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, as a bastard son had succeeded him, whom the Ternatans, with the help of the king of Tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to the throne. He refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge. Neither would he take my counsel or that of my brother, Cachil Mandraxa, rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress, as his father had promised the Portuguese—not because he could not defend himself from them or from his Majesty, but expressly because he had been thus ordered by his father and my brother. It must not be understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but that we of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve his Majesty. Upon seeing us with this intention he determined to kill my brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by having him stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security and mine. Therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless, and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and I and my brothers promised to his Majesty, I have determined, now and henceforth, to become the true vassal and servant of his Majesty. By this present I bind myself, and I swear by my religion, as I did so swear, and I shall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra, to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all my kindred and friends, until his Majesty's captain takes possession of it or he who shall hereafter come with the Portuguese and Castilians, who shall be in his company. [This I shall do] provided that the captain or captains in his Majesty's name shall fulfil toward me the signed promise of Duarte Pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as I gave him another such message. That is to proclaim me king of Ternate, as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his Majesty; for it belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that I am rendering, and that I hope to render later, to his Majesty. Therefore, I beseech your Lordship for favor, and request you in his Majesty's name to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers; and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve his Majesty in this may be achieved, and, as I hope, without loss of life—although, as your Lordship will have learned, this fortress is well garrisoned. The order and arrangement that these soldiers would better observe will be written to your Lordship by the chief captain. Given in Tydore, where I have come for this purpose, as the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra and the auditor Antonio de Matos will testify, whom, as such persons, I begged to sign for me. May 23.

[The letter of the Portuguese commander verifies the above letter, and asks for four hundred Spanish soldiers, under pretext of sending them "to drive the Javanese from those seas, whose friendship the Ternatans value more than ours." They at least will keep the English from Ternatan ports. Fifteen fragatas and one galleon will be enough, and they are to be accompanied by Filipino pioneers. He tries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition. Vera is anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once. Meanwhile Cachil Tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the Chinese and Japanese in the Philippines renders it impossible to send the expedition to Ternate. "Each one of these expeditions made inroads on the treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent that it was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them." It is thought that a joint expedition from Malaca and Manila will accomplish more, and this is made some years later, under Andres Furtado de Mendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows an account. The island of Ceylon, its products and fauna are partially described, and some of its connection with the Portugese. Returning to Philippine matters, the narrative continues:]

At this time Santiago de Vera was already dismissed from his governorship of the Filipinas. After he had communicated with Andres Furtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincided with his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and Furtado became embroiled with those who did not love him, and Santiago de Vera was withdrawn from his office. Gomez Perez de las Marinas, knight of the habit of Santiago, succeeded him. He was a man of great reputation, a native of Betancos in the kingdom of Galicia. He reached Filipinas in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. He brought his son Don Luis with him, a knight of the habit of Alcantara. The new governor found Manila open to attack, without the form of a city, and without any money with which to improve it. More than two hundred thousand pesos were needed for it. However, by his plans and schemes, he completed the work without public or private loss. He established a monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play, punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealers and the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls of Manila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-nine geometric feet [i.e., Spanish feet], each foot being one tercia. To this he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of the inhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example of their chief. The city had but one fort, and that badly constructed. He built another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the name of Santiago, and enclosed the old one. He finished the cathedral, and, from the foundation, the church of Santa Potenciana, patroness of the island, as a shelter for women. Then he started the casting of cannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with large and small artillery. He built galleys for the trade and commerce or merchandise—the subsistence of those lands. And in fulfilment of his promises in Espana, he cast his eyes on Ternate and all of Maluco, on the late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors who had attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishments of its tyrants. He communicated these thoughts orally and by letters with zealous persons, more particularly with Marta, [282] a priest of the Society of Jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experience and instruction had been of great use in those regions. This man gave him information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and for the work. One of the latter was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard, a lay religious of the same society. Among the many conferences that were held upon this matter, I find an exhortation from Father Antonio Marta, in a letter written from Tydore. As it is the original, and good for the better understanding, I will place it here, translated from the Portuguese....

[The letter above mentioned holds out to Dasmarinas the three inducements of service to the king, service to God, and personal ambition, in the proposed Molucca expedition. The war will be an arduous one, for "it will be fought not with the Ternatans alone, but with all the Moros of this archipelago," and the natives are brave and determined. "The people of Tydore already say that they do not want Spaniards in these regions," and Gomez Perez will find it prudent to dissemble with them, "so that they will not join the Ternatans." Father Marta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, and assures the governor of the prayers of the religious. This letter, and conferences with one Geronymo de Azevedo and Brother Gaspar Gomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition. He sent Gaspar Gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts of the archipelago; and the latter visited Ternate, Tydore, Mindanao, both Javas, and other regions as far as Malaca. The rest of book five is taken up with a relation of Pedro de Acuna's services and his appointment to Cartagena in Nueva Espana.]



Conquest of the Malucas Islands Book Sixth

Meanwhile Gomez Perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed his purpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food, and men. Among other supplies, he built four fine galleys. To man them—as is there reported—he employed a means that was considered severe. He ordered that the number of Indians sufficient to equip the galleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of other Indian chiefs, and that the Spanish encomenderos should pay for these men from their own money. The price assigned for each Indian was two taes of gold—each tae being slightly more than one onza—the value formerly general among them for slaves. He promised that the sum spent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterward from the royal exchequer. However, this did not seem any lessening of the severity, for he improperly called those Indians slaves; but [among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children, feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters. Besides, slaves were then valued higher. To the anger of those who were about to be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged to contribute from their property for expenses—which, in their opinion, were not very necessary—and to offend their tributaries by forcibly seizing them; while they themselves would never collect the price they were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certain thing. The governor gave out that those galleys were to assure the country and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knew absolutely that the emperor of Japon was going to attack it with a huge war-fleet. Without galleys it could not be defended, and consequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since other rowers were lacking. These slaves were not to be chained in the galley, or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that they themselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whom they already had as fathers and fathers-in-law. These arguments, and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections. But they did not silence report, for already it was known that he had come from Espana, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, and backers, to the Ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it, unknown authors divulged it. Yet some tried to persuade him not to entrust the defense of Filipinas to the Chinese or Sangleys, for no bond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any love for the islands. They bade him remember the recent example of what those people did on an occasion on which they were employed by his predecessor, and to be on his guard against them. He [i.e., Vera], sending a reenforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort and settlement of Cagayan—which is on the shore of that island of Luzon, eighty leguas from the city of Manila—inasmuch as he then had no ship in which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity, thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purpose a ship of the Chinese, then anchored at that port and about to return to China. He ordered the reenforcement to be embarked on that boat and the Chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at its destination, since that was directly on their way. He promised the Chinese to recompense and reward them for that service. They offered to do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunning was seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaits it. The Chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our Spaniards were asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones, the Chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they could not defend themselves. They were all beheaded and thrown into the sea. The Chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing the booty, sailed for their own country. They only kept with them one wretched Spanish woman who accompanied our men. They left her alive, but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the first Chinese shore that they reached. She went then to the magistrates there, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people, and of the violence that they had inflicted on her. But although the judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her for her injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice. On the contrary they ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents, and delivered to other supreme judges. On that journey, which was very long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships—until some governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her to the city of Macao, where the Portuguese reside, and they set her at liberty. Through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was in the mouth of all in Manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition, they exaggerated it still more.

Finally, all of the slaves demanded by Governor Gomez Perez had to be supplied, but with injuries and acts of oppression; and with the same injuries and oppression they were all put on the galleys. There they remained some time before sailing, and some of them died, because they were unused to that life. All those slaves proved insufficient to man all the galleys, and the flagship was without rowers. On that account, and in order to complete the work, more severe methods were used than at first. The governor ordered that two hundred and fifty Chinese be drafted from those who go to Filipinas to trade, in order to man or equip the flagship. Each of them was to be paid two pesos monthly from the royal treasury. The governor assured them that they would not be chained, but free, and could have their weapons and serve as soldiers, and would only have to row the galley during calms, if any should occur, and in order to double certain headlands. This decision being communicated to the Chinese, they ail refused it as an intolerable burden. But when our governor insisted upon this, in order to carry out his design, the Chinese governor assembled his people in order to discuss the matter, and to plan how they might choose two hundred and fifty from among them all; and he threatened that he would take every tenth man by their houses. That threat disturbed them so much, that the next day, all their windows were closed, and the merchants closed their shops; and the community was deprived of the provisions which were supplied to it by them. Our governor, upon seeing this, saying that they had mutinied, had about fifty of them seized, the first whom he could find, and put them in the galleys at the oar. Thereupon the rest, being cowed, assembled, and made up from among their number all the two hundred and fifty. And inasmuch as no one of them wished to be of that number, they distributed among those who accepted that service twenty thousand pesos, which were given as a present to those Chinese who would go on the galley, each one being given eighty pesos, besides the king's pay. With this good aid, Chinese were not wanting to consent to act as rowers, although the twenty thousand pesos were spent among them—or, more correctly, among the officers. From those two hundred and fifty Chinese, five companies were formed, and five Chinese Christians appointed as captains. They made their musters and reviews, with pikes and catans—which are but slightly different from cutlasses—and appeared to be happy and contented. Amid these occupations Brother Gaspar Gomez came unexpectedly to Manila, loaded with information which he referred to the governor in a number of private conferences. He said that the king of Ternate was not badly prepared, although his forces were somewhat weakened by his not being in very great harmony with the majority of the chiefs of his kingdom. Many were threatening to rebel because of his tyrannies and excessive levies of tribute. Now Javanese, Lascars, and Moros from Meca no longer resorted to Ternate, as they did in the time when Captain Morones went there during the term of Santiago de Vera. Gaspar Gomez gave very detailed information about the two forts of Talangame. He found that the king of Ternate usually had about three thousand soldiers, one thousand of them arquebusiers; while a considerable number came from the other kingdoms of his crown. They fought with missile weapons, campilans, and shields, and other armor of coats-of-mail and helmets, which Portuguese had traded for spice. They had considerable ammunition, all made by themselves from materials taken there by the Javanese as payment for cloves. Their chief place was the city of Ternate, where the king and all his court resided. Consequently it was the best guarded, and from that place the others obtained strength, courage, and all reenforcement. Gaspar Gomez advised that our army attack before dawn, for all assaults made at dawn on that people had always succeeded well. If our fleet could arrive unseen, it would without doubt conquer. But that king had placed spies and sentinels on almost all of his islands, and even in Canela, Sarrangan, and Mindanao. From the fort of Amboyno and from the kings of Syan [i.e., Siao] and Tidore, a goodly number of bronze culverins and much other artillery could be brought in their caracoas. The Amboynos would send these at command, and they would be sent from Syan and Tydore as soon as requested; for, besides doing homage to the crown of Espana, those kings are hostile to Ternate. The supplies necessary to finish the war, even in case the king of Tydore should fail them (of whom it might be suspected that he did not wish to see his enemy totally destroyed), were the artillery and craft that were being prepared; and more than one thousand two hundred soldiers, well-armed and equipped with coats-of-mail and helmets, until they should go to the island of Banda in order to garrison that island as it needed. There should be a number of light vessels to catch the enemy when fleeing. Thus would the war be finished entirely and quickly, and without bloodshed. The infidel Ternatans themselves even said and published the same. They confessed that, if a large contingent of soldiers should reach their land, they would universally render homage without fighting. Consequently he inferred that secret Christians were living in the Malucas. The entire conquest of that island of Banda was very useful and advantageous, and of slight risk; and its maintenance was of great importance to the inhabitants of Amboyno, which belongs to us. Gaspar Gomez also affirmed that the Portuguese were facilitating the enterprise considerably, and recounted the interest and profit that would accrue to his Majesty. Father Antonio Marta was also of that opinion, in whom Governor Gomez Perez placed so great faith. Brother Gaspar Gomez to these so full reports and information added such details that he quite set on fire the mind of the governor.

At this time the king of Camboxa, named Landara, sent the governor an embassy through two Spanish captains, accompanied by many Cambodians, with the requisite authority for prosecuting his cause. That barbarous king took care that his ambassadors should not be natives of his kingdoms, because of the lack of confidence with which his vassals inspired him as to their faithfulness. He chose the ambassadors from different classes, so that a good result might come from the difference of their characters and dispositions. One was a Portuguese, Diego Veloso by name, and the other a Castilian, Blas Ruyz de Fernan Goncalez. [284] They presented Gomez Perez with a fine gift, consisting of a considerable quantity of ivory, benzoin, chinaware, pieces of silks and cottons, and an elephant of a noble disposition, as was learned later by experience. They proposed their embassy, which was, in short, to beg help against the king of Syan [i.e., Siam], who was about to attack the Cambodian king with a vast army. The latter in recognition of that aid offered to become a vassal of the king of Espana, and a Christian. That king was certain that so valorous and courageous a knight as Gomez Perez would, under no circumstance, refuse a deed in which God would receive so obvious a service, and that would be so advantageous to the crown of Espana. The governor accepted the present, and responded to it by another of certain European products, and thanked the king for his confidence in applying to him. However, it was impossible for him to set about that help just then, or divert any portion of those forces that were prepared to punish the king of Ternate and recover that kingdom and the rest of Maluco, which had rebelled with so great an insult and outrage to the Spanish nation. His Highness should trust in God our Lord, and persevere in his attempt to serve him in the holy and true religion. When the Ternate enterprise was over, he would take his force to the relief of Camboxa. With these hopes, which were fulfilled by Don Luys de las Marinas, his son, those ambassadors left. In order to give them truthful satisfaction and a just cause for the delay, it was necessary to publish the true purpose of that fleet, which until then had been kept secret.

Then the governor determined upon his departure, and tried to take with him as many men as possible. They were enlisted, willingly or by force—those who were requested and those who were compelled, alike. The encomenderos and soldiers caused a prodigal expense in ships, supplies and parades—which, because of the great opportunity furnished for all that in Filipinas, exceeded the governor's power and wishes. The governor sent Don Luys, his son, with all the regulars to the island of Cebu, where all the fleet was to be assembled. There he remained six months, awaiting new orders. Gomez Perez was detained in Manila, planning matters of importance. Two days before leaving, while a guest and dining at the house of Pedro de Roxas, his assistant, where he was wont to amuse himself in heavy gaming and merriment, he became so gay—beyond his custom, and contrary to the harshness of his character—that many interpreted it as his last farewell, and an omen of what happened. He recounted in conversation, amid much laughter, that father Fray Vicente, of the Franciscan order, had told him that that enterprise could not succeed; for the army was composed of conscripted men, and especially because the married men were going. The governor left Manila October seventeen, with six royal galleys, one galleon, one fusta, one fragatin, and a number of fragatas, caracoas, and vireys—different varieties of craft of the natives of the country. All the vessels, those belonging to his Majesty and those of his vassals who offered their persons for his service, totaled one hundred. There were one thousand well-armed Spaniards and more than four hundred arquebusiers from the vicinity of Manila; and another thousand of those called Visaias, people who use lances, shields, and bows and arrows. Besides these, there were more than four hundred others, Chinese, of those living throughout that island; and of those who come to trade, another goodly number, with pay—the great majority of whom were conscripts rather than volunteers. There was in the galleys a quantity of food for the fleet. The governor appointed his son, Don Luys Perez, as lieutenant of the fleet, and ordered him, as above stated, to assemble it at the island of Cebu. He himself embarked in the flagship, a vessel of twenty-eight benches, manned by two hundred and fifty Chinese; and eighty Spaniards also embarked in it. They reached Cabite, whence they sailed on the nineteenth, together with several vessels carrying private persons, who followed the governor at their own expense. They coasted the island of Manila, until they reached Balajan; then they separated, for the vessels did not lose sight of shore, while the governor sailed in the open sea. On the twenty-fifth, he came alone to pass the night at the promontory of Azufre [285] ["Sulphur Point"] on the island of Manila, opposite that of Caca, where the current runs strong and the sea is choppy. As it was during the blowing of the brisa, the galley could not advance. It anchored under shelter of the point, but, through the strength of the current, dragged slightly. In order to return to its shelter, the Chinese were kept incessantly at the oar. In fact, they rowed with little energy—either because they were men new to that labor, and forced to the oar by violence; or because they were fatigued, and harassed by those who commanded them. Other contrary winds assailed them, which further impeded the voyage. In order to double certain promontories of the land, it was necessary to ply the oars, and to urge on the rowers with the severity and punishment generally used in galleys. They thought that harsh, and contrary to the governor's assurance, when he promised them that they would be treated with affection. But neither the whip nor threats, nor overcoming the currents by dint of the sweat of their limbs, seemed to them so intolerable and injurious as to hear from the governor's mouth harsh and severe words, ordering them to row manfully; for did they not, he would put them in chains, and cut off their hair. Such an insult among the Chinese is worthy of death, for they place all their honor in their hair. They keep it carefully tended and gaily decked, and esteem it as highly as ladies in Europa; and, in dressing it, display their taste and their social standing. They determined to mutiny, in order not to suffer such an insult and disgrace. Having appointed for that purpose the following night (namely, the twenty-fifth of October), when the Spaniards had lain down tired out upon the benches, and in other places in the hull, the Chinese did the same. However, they so cunningly divided themselves that each Chinese lay down beside a Spaniard, and pretended to sleep. Just before the hour of dawn, which they considered the most suitable time and the safest of all, upon seeing the Spaniards in their soundest slumber, the Chinese, at the sound of a shrill whistle (which was the signal agreed upon among them), all arose at the same moment; and each one with the greatest haste put on a white tunic or shirt, so that, in the midst of the uproar and the darkness, they might recognize one another, and distinguish those to be killed. However, for the greater security of the deed, they also lit a considerable number of wax tapers, which they had concealed in the folds of the white tunics. Then they seized their catans, which are sharper and more curved than our cutlasses, and each Chinese commenced, without disturbing the silence, to strike his neighboring Spaniard; and then, with the increase of their fury, to behead all those who were sleeping. More than sixty had embarked on the flagship, among them the servants of the governor, and others, old soldiers, who in order to oblige and accommodate him were enduring discomfort. They had been gambling all the night; and being tired, and because of the excessive heat, were sleeping naked, some in the midship gangway, others on the benches, while the more favored ones, to whom were given better quarters, slept aft. The governor went into his cabin to sleep. The Chinese proceeded to slaughter those who, suspecting nothing, were sleeping; it was done so quickly that when some of those asleep in the stern awakened, the other Spaniards were already dead. The guard did not perceive it, and such carelessness could admit of no excuse, for they had been sufficiently warned, and examples had preceded. Some waked, but finding themselves wounded and confused, jumped overboard, where most of them were drowned. Some—a very few—jumped overboard before being wounded, but they were also drowned, although they were near shore, for they could not reach land because of the strength of the current. Twelve escaped, and many dead bodies were found on the beach. The Chinese, now grown bolder, seized the pikes that they had hidden under the benches, and with outcries completed their treachery. The governor, who was sleeping below the hatchway, with a lantern or candle, awaked. In order to awaken him, the Chinese themselves began purposely to make a greater noise; while they cried out to him and begged him to come out and settle a quarrel among the "Castillas," as they call the Spaniards. He, either for that reason, or thinking that the galley was dragging as on other occasions, arose in his shirt, opened the hatchway, looked out, and pushed his body half way through it. At that same time, the Chinese fell upon him with their cutlasses, and fatally wounded him. They cleft his head, transfixed him with their pikes, and ran him through with more than barbaric ferocity. Perceiving that his death was near at hand, he retired, and took the prayer-book of his order, which he always kept with him, and an image of our Lady. Between those two refuges, which were later found bathed in his blood, he yielded up his life. However he did not die immediately, for they found him later in his bed, tightly holding the image, where he bled to death. About him were the bodies of Daniel Gomez de Leon, his valet, Pantaleon de Brito, Suero Diaz, Juan de Chaves, Pedro Maseda, Juan de San Juan, Carrion Ponce, and Francisco Castillo—all servants of his—besides the bodies of four very valiant slaves, who merited the same end. The outcome was not learned until dawn, for not one of the Chinese dared enter the governor's room that night, fearing lest a portion of the eighty Spaniards of the galley had taken refuge there, so cowardly did their guilt make them. The only survivors in the galley were Fray Francisco Montilla, a discalced religious of St. Francis, and Juan de Cuellar, the governor's secretary, who were sleeping below decks—where the Chinese, since they are so cowardly, did not dare descend for three days, until after the fury of the first attack had ceased. Then they put them ashore on the Ylocos coast, on the same island of Luzon, so that the natives would let them take water, and because the friar and the secretary had made a certain compact with them, to surrender, if no harm was done them. The Chinese, assured that no other longtime Christians were alive, commenced to cry out and rejoice loudly at having committed that deed, saying now they had no one to fear.

The Spaniards, who were in other boats, near the land, although they saw the lights, and indistinctly heard the noise from the flagship, supposed that it was some unexpected work connected with the galley, or something of that sort. When they learned what was happening, after a long interval, from those who escaped by swimming, they could not remedy it and consequently remained quiet. They were but few, and of inadequate force, and their enterprise was ruined. They waited until the morning, and when it dawned they saw that the galley had already set its bastard, [286] and was sailing toward China with the wind astern, and they could not follow it. It made its voyage, as the wind served it, along all the coast of the island, until they cleared Luzon, the Sangleys continuing to celebrate their victory. [287]....

[The secretary and friar, after suffering great tortures of mind from the Chinese, who threatened often to kill them, are saved at last, through the superstition of the Chinese, and left ashore on the Ilocos coast. The Chinese show their cowardice in a conflict with the natives on that coast, whither they return later "to sacrifice to the demon" one of their Christian Filipino prisoners. Being unable to reach China, they land at Cochinchina, "where the king of Tunquin seizes their cargo, and two large pieces of artillery embarked for the expedition to Maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels, ornaments, and money. He let the galley drift ashore." The news causes great lamentation in Manila. "Some of those who hated the governor rejoiced, but their wrath immediately vanished and they wept generally." Subsequent events follow:]

... The news having been learned in Manila, and no papers of the governor being found, appointing his successor (although it was known that he had a royal decree for this), and believing it had been lost in the galley along with much of his own property, and that of the king and private persons: the city appointed Licentiate Rojas as governor, and he filled the post for forty days. But the secretary, Juan de Cuellar, together with Fray Francisco de Montilla, returning in a wretched plight to Manila, reported that Gomez Perez, before leaving, had left the appointment drawn in favor of his son, Don Luis; and that they would find it in a box in the convent of St. Augustine with other papers, in care of Fray Diego Munoz. Rojas had already sent an order to Cebu for all the men of the expedition to return, which was obeyed. Thereupon Don Luis, having come, by virtue of the authority delegated by his father, although with certain protests, succeeded to that government, until the arrival of Don Francisco Tello.

Such was the end of that cavalier, whose achievements, judged by themselves, have worth, and receive worth also by his zeal in performing them. He did not lack political and military virtues, or prudence in both. But he shut his eyes to examples, and, contrary to their teaching, dared promise himself results, so that he became rash and even confident. But Christian charity excuses all this.

Don Luis, his kindred, and friends, wished to continue the expedition to Maluco, and Father Antonio Fernandez came for that purpose from Tydore; but it was not carried out. The fleet was broken up, which was a signal providence for the Filipinas Islands. For at the beginning of the following year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, a considerable number of Chinese vessels, laden with men and arms, but no merchandise as was their wont, came to the islands. The vessels brought seven mandarins, some of the greatest viceroys or governors of their provinces. It was rumored and was proved that when they learned that, as Gomez Perez had undertaken that expedition (on which he had been accompanied by all the Spaniards), they would find the country unarmed, they were of a mind to conquer it or sack it—which would have been very easy for them, had they found it as they expected. The mandarins left their ships twice to visit Don Luis, attended by a great pomp and retinue. He received them kindly, and gave each mandarin a gold necklace. They told him that they had come by order of their king to get the Chinese who were wandering unsettled among those islands without his leave. But this was considered a pretext for the truth, for so many mandarins were unnecessary for it, or so many armed ships and supplies. Those Chinese were the same as those who killed Gomez Perez, men from Chincheo. Accordingly Don Luis, as against a known offender, sent his own cousin, Don Fernando de Castro, in a vessel to recount their treachery to the Chinese king; but the voyage turned out badly, and this effort wholly failed.

At this time Langara, king of Camboxa, requested help earnestly, and asked Don Luis to keep the promise that his father had made him some time before. Consequently, in fulfilment of it, and so that those forces, or some portion of them, should continue in the service of the Church, for which they were prepared as a benefit for Ternate, he determined to aid that king with them.

[A description of Camboxa follows, with observations on its religion, wealth, products, industries, and fauna. The account of the first expedition to that country is as follows:]

Don Luis, with zeal to reduce those nations to the bosom of the Church, and their wealth and kings to the vassalage of the Spanish crown, equipped three vessels. In them he sent Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato—a native of Tenerife, one of the Canarias Islands—with one hundred and twenty Spaniards, besides some Filipinos. They left Cebu, but a terrible storm immediately overtook them, and separated the boats. Gallinato, borne by the fury of the winds, put in at Malaca, and the other two vessels at Camboxa. They ascended the river, where they learned that the king of Sian had routed him of Camboxa, his neighbor. The latter, with the wretched remnants of his army, fled to the kingdom of the Laos, also a neighboring people, but inhuman. While he was begging charity from those most hard-hearted people, the king of Sian had introduced as king of Camboxa one Prauncar, nicknamed "Boca tuerta el Traydor" [i.e., "Wry-mouth, the Traitor"], brother of the conquered king. This event did not hinder the aid that the Spaniards were bringing, under the name of an embassy. They reached the city of Chordumulo, eighty leguas' distance from the bar. Leaving forty Spaniards in the ships, forty others went to visit the place where the king was residing. They immediately made efforts to visit him, but he refused to be seen that day. However, he ordered a good lodging to be given them and had them told that he would grant them audience in three days. But Diego Veloso and Blas Ruyz—either by their former knowledge of the country, or actuated by later craftiness, proceeding from their interpretation of that suspicious delay—visiting a beautiful Indian woman of the king's house, were secretly told by her that, since she was admitted to and even desired in the affairs of that usurper, she knew that he was intending to have them all killed. In the three days that he had assigned them, as a rest from their journey, he was preparing men, and the manner of executing his purpose. The Spaniards thanked her for the warning, not without promises of reward. They were not dismayed at the news of their peril. On the contrary, thanking the Indian woman anew for it, they took an heroic although rash decision. They agreed to invest the king's palace that night, and if necessary, to resist a whole army. They set about the accomplishment of that enterprise, disproportionate to human strength. They set fire to the powder magazine. The townspeople ran up to its aid, or to see the damage. Amid the confusion, the Spaniards entered the palace, and since they knew the royal apartments, they penetrated them, until they encountered the king in person. Having cut to pieces the soldiers of his guard, they killed him also with their daggers. He defended himself and cried out, but when his men arrived with help they found that he had bled to death. The rumor of this deed aroused the guard, and then the city, which has more than thirty thousand inhabitants. These seizing their arms, more than fifteen thousand men pursued the Spaniards with the arms that fury placed in their hands, and with many armed elephants, which were not unskilled in warfare. Our two captains formed their squadron, and continued to retire in excellent order, always fighting, and killing not a few enemies. The battle lasted all night, and until the second day, when they reached the ships with incredible effort. They embarked and left that kingdom full of new dissensions. The second day after, Gallinato arrived in his ship. He landed, upon hearing of the event, as he thought that he would not be fulfilling his duty if, when he heard the drums and bells, and saw the streets and port, before filled with traders, but now with squadrons, he did not take help to the Spaniards. He gave express orders to his followers to act with all decorum, so that they might relieve the anxiety of the Cambodians and reassure them, both by their bearing and in the calmness of their arguments. The chief men of Camboxa visited them peacefully, and Gallinato treated them very courteously. He might have performed some great exploit, but seeing that he had so few troops for the undertaking, and that affairs had now taken another form and different condition, he determined to withdraw. He opposed the majority of those influential men, who promised him the crown of the kingdom, since they were well inclined to the Spaniards and to foreign domination. From this came that flippant report that Gallinato was king of Camboxa, which was believed by many in Espana; and it was represented in the theaters of that country with acclaim and applause. Some men well versed in affairs of those provinces were of opinion that if Gallinato had embraced the opportunity, he might have seized Camboxa and added it to the Spanish crown. I have seen letters from Velloso and Blas Ruiz to the Audiencia of Manila after the event, in which they say the same, and complain of Gallinato for reprimanding what they did. But Gallinato—whose prudence and valor, which had been proved on the most perilous occasions in that Eastern land, and many years before in the wars of Flandes, would not allow him to be easily affected by popular applause—showing an honorable aversion to this temptation, sailed away, to return to Manila. He took in provisions at Cauchinchina. Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso had also landed there before, and went alone overland to the kingdom of the Laos, which lies west of Cauchinchina, to find the deposed king Langara, to restore him to his throne. They found that he was already dead, but that his son was living. Upon them telling him that they had killed the usurper, his uncle and enemy, he went immediately to his kingdom with Veloso and Ruyz, accompanied by ten thousand men, whom the king of the Laos gave him, contrary to all expectations. He attacked Camboxa, where Ruyz and Veloso always faithfully accompanied him, both during the war, and afterward in the government. After that the king sent another embassy to Filipinas, asking for men to quiet the rebellions in the kingdom; and he and his vassals promised to receive the faith of Jesus Christ. He also promised a great portion of Camboxa to the Spaniards, so that they might live off its tributes. This embassy reached Manila, just when Don Luis had left the government and handed it over to Don Francisco Tello, which gave occasion to Ternate to establish its tyrannies more firmly.

[A short account of Pedro de Acuna's fortification of Cartagena, in the West Indies, is given, and the consequent withdrawal, without attack, of the Hawkins and Drake fleet despatched in 1595 by Queen Elizabeth. Acuna shows in every way the ability of a good commander.]

But let us return to Assia. The Cambodians still hoped to receive aid from the Filipinas by their usual promise of conversion and vassalage. Don Luis de las Marinas accepted the expedition, to make it in person and at his own cost. He left Manila with Don Diego Jordan (an Italian), Don Pedro de Figueroa, Pedro Villeatil, and Hernando de los Rios Coronel, Spanish captains—the last named at present a priest, and who had also been in the first war of Camboxa. A furious tempest struck them in the open sea, which lasted three days, with the usual horrors. The shipwreck was pitiful. Two vessels were knocked to pieces, and the sea swallowed up all the men, provisions, and war materials. Of all the soldiers and sailors who shipped aboard the almiranta, only five escaped, by swimming to the Chinese shore. Some soldiers also escaped from the flagship, which was broken by the waves, among whom was Captain Hernando de los Rios. The other vessel reached Camboxa almost destroyed, after heavy storms. It found in the Camboxa River eight Malay junks. The Spaniards, seeing that the junks were carrying certain slaves stolen from the king of Camboxa, whom they were coming to help, inconsiderately grappled with the Malays. The latter, who were carrying many and unusual fire devices, having recourse to these rather than to force and arms, burnt our ship, and then in the fire and smoke killed the majority of the Spaniards. Blas Ruiz and Diego Veloso were not there at that time; but soon afterward they were besieged in their quarters by the popular fury, and barbarously murdered in the country where they were negotiating with the king. Those few Spaniards who could escape went to the kingdom of Sian, and thence to Manila. Heaven permitted that this should be the end of all that preparation made to recover Ternate and the other Malucas. The tyrant there exulted over the news, and attributed the events to his good fortune, interpreting them as an approbation of his cause. Then he confederated anew with our enemies.

Don Francisco Tello, an Andalusian knight, succeeded Gomez Perez in the government of Filipinas. He reached Manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. He immediately set himself to learn the condition in which his predecessors had left matters, and to provide aid for the garrisons. For, since the emperor of Japon had caused those glorious martyrdoms among the religious of the Order of St. Francis, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, of which news had so lately been received, it was feared that he was going to menace Filipinas.

The inhabitants of the islands [sic] of Mindanao hate our nation as deeply as do the Ternatans, and take arms against us in each and every disturbance, as they did in that last one of Ternate. Consequently Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa made certain agreements with Don Francisco Tello, by virtue of which he made war on the Mindanaos and Ternatans at his own expense. [288] Estevan Rodriguez was so rich that he could undertake that exploit with safety. He lived in Arevalo, a town of the island of Panaz [sic], one of the Filipinas. He set out with some galleys, fragatas, and champans, and one ship, with Spanish soldiers; and more than one thousand five hundred natives from Pintados, as pioneers. He reached the river of Mindanao April twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, whereupon the natives of the place (who are especially called Mindanaos) on seeing so brave a people, fled along up the river, and abandoned their settlement to the fury of war. The majority of them arrived at the town Buyahen, where Raxamura, king of the Mindanaos, was then living. The latter, because of his youthful age, did not have the government in charge, and everything depended on Silonga, an esteemed soldier and captain. Our men, proceeding up the river, reached Tampacan, five leguas from the above village. Prince Dinguilibot, uncle of Monao, its legitimate lord (also a youth), was governing it. These rulers were, of their own accord, friends to the Spaniards and consequently, on seeing their arms, went out peacefully to meet them, and offered them their help. They told the Spaniards that the enemy—and they were also hostile to the men of Buyahen—had taken refuge in their fort at that place. Estevan Rodriguez, having heard the news and having complimented those princes, ordered the fleet to weigh anchor and to continue the pursuit for four leguas, always up stream, to Buyahen. Having arrived, he landed his men on St. Mark's day. Master-of-camp Juan de la Xara led the men, although they landed with but little order, for they had not fought with the Mindanaos, and thought that it would be easy to rout them—as if for that reason, or for any other consideration, one should permit a lack of military discipline. Estevan Rodriguez tried to correct the confusion by his presence, by landing in person. He went clad in armor so strong, that a charge from an esmeril [289] would not pass through it. Only his head was unarmed, but covered with a cap and plumes, while a negro carried his helmet. He was accompanied by five well-armed soldiers. He had not taken more than fifty steps, when an Indian named Ubal suddenly ran out of some dense tufted thickets, and, attacking him with his campilan, cleft open his head. Ubal was the brother of Silonga, and owner of the only cow in all that country. He killed it three days previous to this misfortune, and, inviting his friends to the feast, promised to kill the most distinguished person of the Spaniards in that war. He fulfilled his word, for Estevan Rodriguez fell, from his wound, and died three days afterward, without having answered a single word to the questions asked him, although he declared his answers by signs. The five Spaniards, on seeing their captain wounded—so suddenly that the murderer appeared and the blow was heard at the same moment—fell upon Ubal and cut him to pieces. They informed Master-of-camp Xara of the general's death, who, stifling his resentment, withdrew his men, and built a fort in the most suitable place, near the river. He founded there his colony, with suitable arrangements, so that our people could settle it. He appointed regidors and ministers of justice, and called it Nueva Murcia in honor of the Murcia of Espana, his native region. Then he left affairs incomplete, intending to marry the widow of Estevan Rodriguez, Dona Ana de Oseguera; and reached Filipinas in the first part of June. Governor Don Francisco Tello, hearing of the event at El Embocadero, [290] one hundred leguas from Manila, and having been warned of Xara's design in coming, arrested him at his arrival, and sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to take charge of the war in Mindanao. The latter found the troops withdrawn to the port of La Caldera, which is on the same island, but distant thirty-six leguas from the mouth of the river. There they remained until August, when Don Francisco Tello appointed Don Juan Ronquillo in Manila as captain; he was also captain of the galleys. He also appointed as captains, to accompany him, Pedro Arceo, Covarrubias and others; as master-of-camp, Diego Chaves Canizares; as sargento-mayor, Garcia Guerrero; and as captains of infantry, Christoval Villagra and Cervan Gutierrez. Don Juan arrived with this reenforcement to attack the enemy, and fell upon them so suddenly that, seeing themselves exhausted, they begged help from the king of Ternate—whom the Mindanaos recognize by certain payments which are the same, or almost the same, as tributes. Buizan, a brother of Silonga, went on that embassy to Ternate, and negotiated so efficaciously that the Ternate king sent seven caracoas with him, six pieces of artillery, two medium-sized pieces, and some falcons, together with six hundred men. These, sailing to the river of Mindanao, tried to ascend as far as Buyahen by it. But they found at its mouths great obstructions to pass, because in one branch the largest Spanish fort threatened them, and the galleys and other boats; and in the other was a narrow pass, which ran to a point, on which was built a rampart guarded by forty men. From that place to the other side of the river, our men had themselves built a very strong wooden bridge, close to which a galliot plied. The Ternatans, seeing so strong a defense on both sides, resolved to fortify themselves on the chief mouth of the river. They built a small fort, and, together with an equal number of Mindanao soldiers, shut themselves up in it. This news aroused General Ronquillo to dislodge them. He went down to accomplish it with the galleys and other vessels, and one hundred and forty well-armed men. He landed with one hundred and sixteen men, together with Captains Ruy Gomez Arellano, Garcia Guerrero, Christoval Villagra, and Alonso de Palma. He met the enemy at a distance of eighty paces on the bank of the river. The Ternatans and Mindanaos had carefully cleared the front of their fort, but had designedly left a thicket at one side of it, where three hundred Ternatans were ambushed, while the rest were inside the fortress. As both parties saw how few of our men were attacking them, they grew ashamed of their fortress and ambush. Threatening our men insolently, they showed themselves and advanced upon the Spaniards. They found so great opposition from our men that without using any stratagem, or for no other reason beyond natural strength, at the first shock of battle nearly all the Ternatans were killed, and the rest fled. Our men pursued them until they killed them all. The men of Tampaca, who had been neutral until then, in consideration of the dealings of Fortune, and seeing that she had declared in our favor, took up arms for us. Only seventy-seven Ternatans, badly wounded, escaped; and fifty of these were drowned in the river, into which they had thrown themselves in desperation. Only three of the twenty-seven survived, and they informed their king of it. The Spaniards seized the boats, artillery and spoils of she conquered, and became encouraged to continue the war against infidels.

Don Francisco Tello was not neglectful of other similar occurrences. He learned by his spies, and rumor had it, that the emperor of Japon was collecting a large army and preparing many boats for it, and large supplies of arms and food. It was also learned that he was securing himself, by treaty, from the Chinese, of whom the Japanese, because of their natural enmity, live in fear. Hence they inferred that he was equipping himself to make war outside his kingdoms. He had negotiated and concluded alliances with the king of Ternate, and with other neighbors who were hostile to the Spanish crown. From all of those actions there resulted eager conjectures that all that tempest was threatening the Filipinas, and particularly their capital, Manila. The governor prepared his forces, and under pretext of saluting that barbaric emperor with a present, sent Captain Alderete to find out the truth. The ambassador left for Japon in July. At the same time, Don Francisco sent the galleon "San Felipe" to Nueva Espana with advice of those rumors. Those two vessels, that of Alderete and the "San Felipe," met in Japon, and the natives did not conceive well-disposed intents concerning them. Alderete learned thoroughly the forces and designs of the Japanese, and his efforts were of use in clearing up the apprehensions prevalent in Manila, and preventing unreasonable fears. He brought another splendid present to the governor, and both sides made provision for any possible outcome.

The Audiencia was again established in Manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, for King Filipo was prudently conferring authority on that province. The auditors—Licentiates Zambrano, Mezcoa, [291] and Tellez de Almacan—and Fiscal Geronymo Salazar y Salcedo, formed it.

[The same year when the Audiencia was reestablished, Felipe II dies at the Escorial (September 13, 1598) and is succeeded by his son Felipe III. Neglect falls upon Molucca affairs:]

... Now at this time Heaven was hastening the reduction of the Malucas, and the punishment of the persecution of the faithful, although the tyrants acted more insolently. But since the enterprise had to be prepared and executed in the Filipinas Islands, and determined and encouraged in the supreme Council of the Indias, it was advisable for the president and counselors to display some warmth in the cause—which by unhappy circumstances, as one despaired of, no one enlivened; and the papers of discussion and notices belonging to it were forgotten and heaped together....

[Meanwhile the alliance of Ternate with the English continues. Book vi ends with a tale of occurrences in the household of the king of Ternate.]



[The greater part of the seventh book is taken up with the translation or condensation from the Dutch relation of the first voyage of van Nek to the East Indies. A critical resume of Erasmus's description of Holland and its people is given, which allows Argensola, as a churchman and good Catholic, to inveigh against the heresies and many religions of the Dutch. As a consequence of the Dutch expedition, the Ternatans gain new life in their opposition to the Portuguese and Spaniards. Frequent embassies are sent to Manila from the Portuguese and natives at Tidore, requesting aid for the Moluccas—which Francisco Tello was neglecting, as other matters appeared more important. One embassy, in charge of the brother of the king of Tidore, is followed by another in charge of a Portuguese, Marcos Diaz de Febra, who presents a letter from the Tidore ruler to Dr. Morga. The embassy is successful, and in 1602 Diaz returns to Tidore with reenforcements and a promise of an expedition from Manila. In the Philippines themselves, the Chinese are continually congregating in greater numbers, and are rapidly becoming a menace, although the governor is blind to that fact, and claims that they are necessary to the well-being of the community.]



Conquest of the Malucas Islands Book Eighth

[Molucca affairs are given considerable attention in the administration of Governor Pedro de Acuna. The petitions for aid, sent to the Philippines from those islands, continue. Tello is removed from the governorship, and Acuna sent to take his place. The latter is received in Manila (May, 1602) with great rejoicing, as his merits and reputation are well known. Tello's death occurs in Manila while waiting to give his residencia. Acuna enters into affairs with great energy. The narrative continues (p. 270):]

... The new governor was pained at beholding the poverty of the royal chest and treasury, and himself under the obligation of preserving the king's and his own credit. The Malucas formed part of this consideration, for their reduction was a considerable part of his duty. But he reassured himself, believing that he might supply the lack of money by energy. He attended to matters personally, as was his custom, both those in Manila and those in its vicinity. He built galleys and other boats, which were greatly needed for the defense of the sea, which was then infested by pirates and near-by enemies, especially the Mindanaos. He visited then the provinces of Pintados, and attended to the needs of those regions. In one of these visits, besides the storms suffered by his little vessel (which carried only three soldiers), another signal danger overtook him. Twenty-two English vessels, enriched with the booty that they had seized from the islands of that government, tried to attack and capture him. But for lack of a tide they remained stranded, and could not row. Don Pedro saw that they threw overboard more than two thousand of their many Spanish and islander captives in order to lighten themselves. They also threw overboard a beautiful Spanish girl seventeen years old. Later, the Manila fleet went in pursuit of them, and it was able to capture some of the pirates, and they were punished. But that punishment was much less than their cruelty. [292] Don Pedro tried to remove the hindrances to the enterprise that he was meditating; but had to delay for some months what he most wished to hasten, in order to despatch Joloan and Japanese matters.

Chiquiro, the Japanese ambassador, had recently arrived in Manila, bearing a present of the products and industries of those kingdoms, and letters; he also had orders to negotiate for friendship with the governor, and commerce between the Japanese emperor (by name Daifusama) and the Filipinas and Nueva Espana. The proximity of those provinces, the power of the Japanese kings, their natural dispositions, and other circumstances which experience showed to be worthy of serious consideration, demanded that that commerce be not refused—although, for the same reasons, the opinion was expressed that it was not advisable. But since that barbarian had once espoused that desire, it was not easy to find a means to settle the matter without causing jealousy or anger. Dayfusama requested then that the Spaniards trade in Quanto, a port of one of his own provinces; that they establish friendship, so that the Japanese could go to Nueva Espana; that the governor send him masters and workmen to build ships for him in Japon, in order to continue that navigation. Dayfusama insisted upon this, having been persuaded by one of our religious of the Order of St. Francis, one Fray Geronymo de Jesus, whom the Japanese king esteemed greatly. This was a serious matter, and in many ways most damaging to the Filipinas. In those islands, the greatest security against those provinces has consisted for many years in the lack of ships and pilots among the Japanese, together with their ignorance of the art of navigation. It has been observed by experts that, whenever that insolent barbarian has shown any intention to arm against Manila, he has been prevented by this obstacle. Consequently to send him workmen and masters to build Spanish vessels for him, would be equivalent to providing him weapons against the Spaniards themselves; and the navigation of the Japanese would be the prelude to the destruction of Filipinas and Nueva Espana, while long voyages by the Japanese were inadvisable, and moreover contrary to safety. Considering all these reasons, Governor Don Pedro de Acuna ordered the ambassador Chiquiro to be entertained splendidly. He gave him some presents for his king and for himself, and despatched a vessel with another present—a moderate one, so that it might not argue fear, as it would if he took too much. It sailed together with the ship of Dayfusama and his ambassador, both being filled with articles of barter. The letters of Don Pedro contained long compliments at his pleasure in procuring the establishment of greater friendship. But he said that, although he had received full power from King Filipe for things pertaining to the government of Filipinas, that part of the king's embassy touching his request for sailors and the building of Spanish ships he was unable to decide, until he should inform the viceroy of Nueva Espana; nor could the viceroy decide it without special orders from his Majesty. He promised the Japanese king to write about it for him, and to aid the accomplishment of so just a desire. But he warned him that it would be necessary to wait more than three years for the furtherance and resolution of the matter, because of the distance and accidents of so long voyages. It was ordered that the same Fray Geronymo himself should deliver all this message to Dayfusama. Geronymo de Jesus was written to in secret, instructing and reproving him. He was ordered to tell the Japanese monarch that the governor esteemed his good will exhibited toward the commerce and friendship of the Spaniards, and his own great desire for them. He was to encourage him to keep the peace, which the governor himself would keep without any infringement. But he was ordered subtly to divert the king's mind from similar desires and propositions, and not to facilitate any of them; for although perhaps there were no hidden deceit in the then reigning monarch, or any interest greater than that of friendship, it might cause great harm in times of a less well-intentioned successor, who might abuse the navigation, and turn it against those who taught it to them. The governor promised to send another ship soon to trade. Fray Geronymo was to give the king hopes that some Spanish masters of Spanish boats would sail in it. Dayfusama was to be patient, and should consider how offended he would be, if his servants were to open up any new commerce without consulting him, or without his order.