If the Portuguese must receive these serious damages, greater injuries must be suffered by the Philipinas and the unfortunate Castilians who have settled them, sustained them with their blood, maintained in them the faith of Jesus Christ, and fulfilled their duty to your Majesty by means of the continual labors of themselves and their descendants. If this is continued, the governor, the auditors, and their followers will send their property to China, and have the ship brought back full of merchandise for themselves alone; and consequently will supply the cargoes for the ships which sail hence to Mexico. Thus the poor vassals of your Majesty, who have nothing whereby to support themselves or their poor children except in this traffic with Mexico, must be left like poor Indians, only because the devilish avarice of those persons sent by your Majesty to govern and care for this land leads them to take for themselves all the profits thereof. At present—with much honor to your Majesty's royal crown and to the Spanish nation—the Chinese come with their goods to the Philipinas, and each Spaniard may buy and export goods; although even of this traffic, it is said commonly that there is nothing to be expected except thunderbolts from heaven to punish what is done, if report be true. But at last shame must check these injustices sometime, and not permit them to be done so openly. But if vessels are sent from here to China, the Chinese merchants will not come here, nor will goods from China be brought here; and should such goods come, the governor and auditors will export their own goods, depriving of space those to whom all the exportation is granted, according to the just and holy will of your Majesty.

Even were it only for the sake of not seeing the Spanish nation so defamed as it must be in China, and hated and scorned in these regions even by the school-children, the governor and auditors should not be willing to enter into a traffic so costly to the honor and reputation of our nation. Here we have no large armies to sustain us, nothing but reputation alone, and if they treat us as avaricious persons, there will not be an Indian who will not be insolent to the Spaniards on account of this, and more in proportion as we are always blinded by avarice. What must be lost by the holy gospel and the Christian law is evident; for sailors and soldiers will go hence in the ship—an ungodly people, guilty of sins of the flesh as well as other offenses, who know naught except to commit offenses against those with whom they deal. Moreover, the heathen cannot receive a very good example from the wars and enmity which will exist between the Castilians and the Portuguese. The Chinese who come here to Manila have some poor examples; but they also receive very good lessons from the religious, and in the churches, the holy ceremonies of the church, and in the life of several very good Spaniards, and even of some Indians. But when the ship of the governor and auditors, or any others, is sent there, the Chinese can have but the examples of soldiers, sailors, and impious people.

God knows what the import and export duties and incomes of your Majesty would profit and gain by the bringing of goods from China and exporting them to Nueva Espana, because everything has to pass through the hands of avarice, and of ministers who can do as they please here.

I do not know what can have been the reason for sending this ship to China and beginning an enterprise so prejudicial. In a general clause, however, of an instruction to the governor, your Majesty ordains that the governor may send to Japon, Macan, or other pagan countries, also to ports of the heathen and of the Portuguese in order to ascertain if they would like trade with us. But China is not mentioned by name in said clause; and the law of justice is that what is not conceded in particular is not understood to be granted in a general statement. The point under discussion was not only not particularly conceded by your Majesty, but had been expressly prohibited by a special decree. Not only did your Majesty ordain that no ship whatever should go from other Spanish possessions to China, but it is even decreed that the Chinese merchants coming here shall not take back Spanish money to China; and that merchandise shall not be exported from China on account of the Spaniards, but on account of the Chinese themselves. Even in the same instruction, in the two clauses immediately preceding the one to which I refer, your Majesty commands a thing incompatible with the sending of a vessel to China, which has been undertaken this year. Your Majesty decrees that all the goods coming from China should be sold at the pancada and that nothing should be bought on private account until after the pancada. The aforesaid decree would be futile if license were then to be given to send money to China, and also ships, to buy there the stuffs and merchandise for the Spaniards. It may be that there are those who represent that this has been done for the sake of opening a door to the evangelization of China; but such persons do not have as a profession the preaching of the gospel. The evident truth is what I state.

The sole correction for these evils, and for all the misfortunes of this land, is for your Majesty to send—besides a holy and learned archbishop, zealous in honoring God, your Majesty, and the common welfare—a disinterested and God-fearing governor, such as Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas, and, according to my information, Don Pedro Brabo de Acuna, who has been governor for some years in Cartagena in the Indias. But I understand that, at the receipt of these letters and other things, your Majesty will have ordered Don Francisco Tello to return [to Espana] and another governor will be provided. May God have granted light to your Majesty, and continue to give you light always, in order that your Majesty may be guided aright in a government so far away from the royal eyes as this, where the governors have so many opportunities to cause the destruction of the poor vassals of your Majesty. Tulac, May 17, 1599.

Fray Miguel de Benavides,

Bishop of Nueva Segovia.



Letter from Bishop Benavides to Joan de Ibarra

May it please our Lord that this letter shall find your Grace and Senora Dona Catalina and your children enjoying all the grace of God and the health and contentment that I wish them, and which I every day beseech for them in my poor masses and prayers. I cannot write now in regard to the news which should come this year, because I am far from Manila, and the ships depart hence for Mexico when those from Mexico come, and sometimes earlier. I am writing what has occurred here to the Council, and as one who knows your Grace's zeal, I have no need to urge the necessity here of having a man come as governor who is known to fear God. Oh, my lord secretary, if your Grace could see some of this, and if I could cause the eyes of those lords to perceive the need of this unfortunate country, and the mighty things which depend on it, for the glory of God and the faith, and for the honor of the crown of Castilla! The king cannot settle a matter of such importance in the Yndias—and certainly I shall not err in expatiating upon it. There is need here of a man so moderate and disinterested, and so staunch a friend of the general weal—and in a word, so fearful of God and His judgment—as is fitting for the government of the Philipinas. But, as I say, by his discretion in matters concerning his Majesty, and his zeal for the service of God and the king, there is one who is qualified for it—that is, Don Luis Perez Das Marinas; for it is necessary that the governor of this country be even more a preacher of the faith of Jesus Christ our Lord, and of His law, than are the preachers themselves. His life is an example of effort to conciliate to Christianity, or to keep at a distance the Chinese, Japanese, Sianese, Cambojans, and numberless other nations whom God has placed here. I have heard much good of Don Pedro Bravo de Acuna, formerly governor of Cartagena; and it seems to me that he, too, would be very fit for this country. Gomez Perez Dasmarinas brought with him a nephew named Don Fernando de Castro, of as good family as was his uncle, or even better. I have often conversed with him, and know much about him that is good. I know that he is a very moderate man, and has much fear of God; and he is well inclined to take advice when occasion arises. These islands and the king's exchequer would also gain much if this man were governor. He likewise has much experience on these lands and seas, as he has been several times commander on the voyage to Mexico, and went to China on the occasion of the death of his uncle, Gomez Perez.

I do not care to write concerning Don Francisco Tello, as when this arrives another will already have been appointed, and he will go to his home; may God guide him, and give him good fortune and penitence for his misdeeds. What I write concerning the great evil of having a ship go to China from these islands to trade—at any rate near where the Portuguese are, and even in all parts of China—is at present so true that, if this evil be not remedied, these islands must be ruined, and the Portuguese will be destroyed. The Catholic faith must lose much; and I hold it certain that there will be a war between us and the Portuguese, for they have sought to take up arms with less cause than this, or even have taken them up, against the Castilians there in Macan. In short, they will not allow themselves to be ruined, and that so evidently for merely the interest of the Castilians; but it is not for the interest of the Castilians, but that of the governor and auditors, and their retainers. The Portuguese know well, and so do we all, that this is not the will of the king nor of the Council.

I write also that it is necessary to correct the freedom, ignorance, and boldness of certain religious. I am still of the opinion which we all had at that time, that the brief which Father Alonso Sanchez secured from Gregory XIV, giving the bishop power to make visitations, in person or by any clergyman, of the religious and their mission villages, is certainly a most damaging one. Although no doubt some superiors of the religious orders deserve to have this put in execution at times, yet the religious orders are the walls of the church, and it is not well to treat them thus. But likewise it is necessary that the pope establish some order in the irregularity which your Grace will see described in my letter for the Council. Let the bishop keep his place, and the religious theirs; and let this divine work of preaching the gospel be continued, which is our greatest desire. If the captain of infantry tries to take up the duties of the master-of-camp, and the soldier those of the captain or of the general, it will go ill with the war. I am sending the Council the letter which I am writing to the pope—first, because I wish that the Council should see first what I have to say to the pope, that they should place it before the pope, and that everything may be done by his order. In this way everything will be regular, and, God willing, we shall achieve the desired result. In the second place I have not and do not desire any agent, because through the mercy of God, I solicit nothing for my private interests, but only for the service of God and that of my king. It seems to me sufficient to write what I think, to the Council, so that those lords may attend to it, since that is their affair; and they and their consciences will be excellent solicitors for the adjustment of the matters that I write about, and the zeal of your Grace will make up for my shortcomings and remedy matters here, for I promise you there are many.

Concerning myself I may say that I am well, thanks to God. Those who manage the royal exchequer have treated me according to my deserts. It is impossible for me to live unless this be remedied, for in this misery which has been decreed for me, they have through a whole year accorded me no more than one third, amounting to six hundred and some odd pesos of eight reals. The expense which I undergo is excessive, although I brought with me only one boy, and at most two persons. I have not even anyone to help me at mass, although in so new and unsettled a country. I am forced to go from one part to another; and, as there are no beasts of burden and everything has to be borne on men's shoulders, even if one is only bringing the articles necessary to say mass, it costs a great deal of money. I am in such a condition that I have not even a chasuble in which to say the ordinary mass. I have even worn shoes with holes, which showed the bare flesh, and perhaps there was nothing with which to buy others. I do not ask for more income; I only ask that the decree of his Majesty be obeyed in my behalf—that instruction shall be paid for in the same place with the tributes from that place. I would be satisfied if only that which was ordered to be given me were paid me in my bishopric, from the tributes and the treasury thereof, in the province of Ilocos; for that of Cagaian has nothing, and there are no established tributes there. For if the money goes to Manila, as the governor and auditors and royal officials are there, I too must go there; and it certainly is an indignity to the position of a bishop that they should thus treat him. What is done for a lay priest and a religious is not much to do for a bishop; and as the religious and the secular clergymen are paid where they labor and where the pay is needed, the bishop should also be paid where he labors and where he needs it. Beside this, as he is obliged to go there and return, he undergoes during the journey (which is on the king's account) danger from sea and from many enemies on land; and on the return, which is on my account, there are the same dangers and risks to be run, and I must pay money to bring it from a great distance, and through dangerous routes. All this would be obviated if only the said decree of his Majesty were observed in my case. But, as they say in Castilla, the gallows was made for the unfortunate.

There is some more money which the royal officials have not collected from me, which I owed, although they were informed of it by the bulls. They failed to collect from me other money—that which was lent me in Espana in the House of Trade at Sevilla, for my aid and outfit. I say that concerning this I am writing to the Council, asking them to remit me this debt, as it is certainly necessary. If those lords should consent to have this favor done me, well and good; if not, patience.

Although I have equal liking and respect for all the Council, as for Senor the licentiate Molina de Medrano, he best knows my heart and my soul, as he has had closer association with me. Although I am writing to his Grace, yet I do not know whether that letter will be so long; and accordingly I beg your Grace to communicate this to him. To Senora Dona Catalina, and to Senors Don Francisco and Don Christoval, and to Dona Magdalena, and to that other angelic child whose name I do not recall: may God keep them in life, and grant health to your Grace, as I, the affectionate chaplain of all your household, desire. Afulu, May 22, 1599.

Fray Miguel, Bishop of Nueba Segobia.

That letter I wrote to the Council, but it was blotted; and accordingly I send a copy of it, and send that to your Grace, so that you may show this if perchance the other one should be lost.

[Endorsed: "To Joan de Ibarra, knight of the habit of Calatrava, of the royal Council of the Indias, and secretary of the king our lord for the Indias."]



Missions of the Religious Orders

I, Geronimo de Alcaras, secretary of the chapter of this holy metropolitan church of Manila, and notary-public of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, give witness and true testimony that, by the books wherein are recorded the decrees and other matters having to do with the government thereof, which are issued in this archbishopric, and which books are in my possession, it appears that on the twenty-first of August of the past year one thousand five hundred and eighty-seven, Don Fray Domingo de Salasar, who was the first bishop of these islands, gave permission and license to the religious of the Order of St. Dominic to found a church and convent in this said city of Manila. Likewise on the twenty-ninth of August of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety, the said bishop gave the said permission to the religious of the Order of St. Augustine to establish missions in the tingues of Pas, the encomienda of Tome de la Ysla. [24] On the same day he also gave permission for the villages of Araya and Pinpin, of the jurisdiction of Candava. Likewise on the third day of the month of February of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, Fray Christoval de Salvatierra, then director of this archbishopric, gave the said permission to the religious of the Order of St. Francis to establish a mission in the tingues of Cavite, on the encomienda of Diego Jorge. On the twenty-fifth of September of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six the dean and chapter of this said holy church, sede vacante, gave the said permission to the religious of the Society of Jesus, for the whole of the island of Mindanao. On the twelfth of February of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the said dean and chapter gave the said permission to the said religious of the Society of Jesus for the mission village [doctrina] of Taytay. On the eighth of May of this present year of ninety-nine, the said dean and chapter gave the said permission to the said religious of the Society of Jesus for the village of Silan in the tingues of Cavite, because the religious of St. Francis had resigned that mission. Although I have examined with particular care the said books, I find in none of them that there has been given thus far permission for more houses than those above mentioned, all of which appears and is evident by the said books to which I refer. That this may be evident, at the command of the said dean and chapter I give this present, dated at Manila, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of June of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine.

Geronimo de Alcaraz

The notaries who have below signed their names certify and bear witness, to whomsoever may see the present paper, that Jeronimo de Alcaras, by whom this report is signed in this other part, is secretary of the chapter, acting as vicar-general, and is master of school and licentiate, and as such entire faith and credit, in and out of court, is given to the reports and other papers which have passed and shall pass before him. That this may be apparent, we have given this present in Manila, on the twenty-eighth of June of the year ninety-nine.

Francisco de Olavide, notary to his Majesty.

Francisco de Valencia, notary public.

Joan Paz Dessotomayor, notary royal.

[Endorsed: "Testimony regarding the occasions upon which the ordinary of the Filipinas Islands has given his permission to the mendicant religious to found churches and instruct the natives of those islands."]



Military Affairs in the Islands

That the Phelippinas Islands are far distant from Espana and Peru, and in the midst of many enemies; and that they should be annually supplied with men and arms. [25]

I. Since these your Majesty's islands are very remote and distant from Nueva Espana and Peru, and much farther from Castilla, and surrounded by many large kingdoms inhabited by heathen, who are enemies of our holy Catholic faith—as, for instance, China, Cochinchina, Camboxa, Sian, Xapon, Maluco, and many others—to whom the Spanish name and valor are odious and hateful, and who watch for any opportunity to compass our injury and destruction, it is important to notice and guard against any danger or suspicion which may threaten us. For, by the entry to Manila which the Chinese and Japanese enjoy for the purposes of trade, and their understandings with the natives, it may be justly suspected that, allied with the natives of the land, with whom they are very friendly, they may attempt some great enterprise. The best defense against that lies in a large force of Spanish troops. Although your Majesty takes such particular care to send assistance every year, this camp not only does not continue to increase, but even is not maintained: first, because the number of men who come is not in proportion to those who die during the year, since the land is [in]salubrious [26] and unhealthy, without reckoning the men wasted in the ... on punitive expeditions, pacifications, and ne[w dis]coveries w[hich o]ffer [themselves]; and further there is a lack of ... since, almost at the same time, occurred the expedition and pacification of Mindanao, the punishment and pacification of the presidio of Cagaian, the reverse for the troops in Cebu, the punishment of and raids among the Cambales, the presidio of La Caldera, and the expedition to Camboxa. Also the voyage from Nueva Espana wastes many men; because leave must necessarily be given to those who are married in Espana or to Peruvians—who are men very harmful to the commonwealth—besides others who did not come with the intention of living in it, or the desire of becoming citizens, but only to return with their property. In giving them leave, we take into consideration that there is ... of those who leave here rich ... few set their minds upon ... many to come ... voluntarily without any expense to your royal treasury, so that we are always in need of men. Those who remain here are exceedingly poor, so I beg your Majesty to order the viceroy of Nueva Espana to attend to this matter with the greatest punctuality. This year only seventy men came here; they were not serviceable men and among them all there were only three arquebuses. One thousand arquebuses, five hundred muskets with powder-horns and small flasks, and five hundred coats-of-mail and as many morions, should be sent to me from Espana, at prime cost, to be distributed among the unarmed men; and those left over would be stored in your Majesty's armory for future necessity, for at present the soldiers are unprovided with arms.

[In the margin: "Have a letter written to the viceroy of Nueva Espana, and this relation sent him ... much that he provide with care these ... useful, and endeavor to send settlers ...; and that for this object he perform and execute what is order[ed] in regard to the matter, with exactness and rigor, and aid in every way. Send directions to Don Pedro de Acuna to communicate with the viceroy in regard to the despatch there of all that pertains to the service of this matter; and that they prepare what will be advisable, in order to settle that country, taking care that the needful moderation be exercised in incurring expenses for his Majesty's exchequer."]

Two workmen are asked for to cast artillery, of which there is considerable need.

II. A couple of artillery founders are very much needed here, because of the artillery cast in the islands—sometimes by Indians, and sometimes by Chinese—besides the great cost and delay, not even one piece out of four turns out good, although there is plenty of material, which I have caused to be collected with the greatest care. I beg your Majesty to send me these masters because there is a great scarcity of artillery for the defense and protection of this country.

[In the margin: "Endeavor to have these two founders sent; have them sought carefully, and ask the captain-general for them."]

That a master-builder is needed to repair defects in the wall and the fortifications.

III. I beg your Majesty to have a master-builder sent me, because the work on the wall of this city did not have the necessary finish and foundation. In some places it has fallen. The fortifications were not built with the plan and in the form necessary for their purpose.

[In the margin: "Have some suitable person found to send."]

That no more assistance is asked from Nueva Espana than is necessary; that the succor which has been ordered for this colony has been ill attended to; that there are fears of the Japonese who came this year, 1599, to plunder these islands; and that a relation of the state of Xapon is being sent.

IIII. In a royal decree, your Majesty orders me not to ask from here too much assistance of Nueva Espana, which shall be fulfilled according to your Majesty's orders. I assure your Majesty that nothing more than what is actually necessary is, or shall be, asked for from here. Mexico is not in close accord with us, because, although your Majesty has ordered that the customs and freights derived from the Chinese trade be sent from that country for the payment and assistance of this colony, it has not yet been done or observed. Now besides the men to whom I am pledged in La Caldera for the second ... the island of Mindanao and a check to ... the enemy in Terrenate from coming to ... the Pintados, your Majesty's vassals ... year Japonese have commenced to come ... almost within sight of Manila. Formerly not more than two or three ships were in the habit of coming, but this year seven piratical vessels appeared, who have done considerable damage; and nine merchant-vessels, who have entered Manila within four months. But, as it happened that the pirates came after them, as we suspected that they were not all of the same understanding and alliance, several investigations were made in regard to them, and their commanders arrested, although nothing of importance was found. I sent General Don Joan Ronquillo and Captain Joan de Alcega to attack the enemy with a galley and a galliot; and although they came within sight of them, they did not effect the desired purpose, because their vessels were not suitable, and heavy storms were threatening. I sent Captain Gaspar Perez to ... with some vireys and small ships; he had better luck, for, having met with two of the Xaponese ships, he overcame the one which awaited him, and killed the whole crew. He brought one Xaponese of this city here alive, who was executed in the sight of the Xaponese and Chinese. I also sent Captain Christoval de Azqueta with what ships were suitable. The enemy did not wait, but fled. I am quite certain that they will return the coming year with a large number of ships, and a large force of men, on account of the booty which they found aboard a Chinese trading-vessel that they seized on the high sea, and some robberies committed on the native Indians.

With the death of Taico Samar, the lord of all Xapon, the state of some affairs may be changed, but not the government—for this, they say, is well conducted. Although I have not declared him who governs an enemy, there is little to hope for in this affair of Xapon, because about one hundred thousand men, Xaponese soldiers, who were employed in the war with Corea, have returned to their own country, who are now idle and poor. Some of them may try to invade this land, which is so coveted by them on account of their thirst for gold. I have sent letters to Xapon on the two trading-vessels, advising the Xaponese of the arrival of the pirates, and requesting their punishment, and the prevention of any ships from leaving Xapon without permission. I also asked them not to send more than three Xaponese trading-vessels, for they are quite enough to supply this community with flour. A relation of the condition of Xapon accompanies this.

[In the margin: "Have the new governor directed to display great care in meeting expenses which are to be disbursed from his Majesty's treasury; to prevent any trouble which might arise from the presence and residence of foreigners there, even under the pretense of trading; that a welcome be extended to friends, and harmony with them maintained; and that ports and frontiers have their necessary defenses."]

That on account of suspicions that the Chinese are bringing over corsair pilots and seamen, the conduct of the governor of the Sangleys in Manila was investigated.

V. On account of suspicions which arose a long time ago regarding the Chinese, and because the Japanese pirates brought Chinese pilots and seamen, I made some investigations ... Alonso Sauyo, governor of the Sangleys, but nothing of importance was discovered. . . .

[In the margin: "No reply to this."]

That, as the galleys are not suitable for these seas, because of the tides, galizabras [27] are being built.

VI. After having considered and discussed in special meeting the fact that galleys are not suitable for these seas—as may be seen by the fact that they are not ships that can stand the heavy tides, or enter the bays in pursuit of the enemy—and because of the difficulties which the religious put in the way of enlisting rowers, and the lack of skill among the latter—it was resolved to build four galizabras, well supplied with artillery and manned with crews. Three galliots in addition seems to be a large enough force to sweep this sea and make it safe, so that the Chinese merchants can go and come from their country with greater safety. These are being built in all haste.

[In the margin: "Have this entrusted to the new governor, so that he may take the necessary precautions, and advise as to what should be done and the cost of the undertaking."]

That Gomez Perez had not manned more than three galleys.

VII. Although your Majesty has been informed that Gomez Perez had manned more than eight galleys here, the report made to your Majesty was false; for all that he did was to arm three or four galleys for that expedition to Maluco, and the crew were a few blacks who were brought at that time to him from the punishment and raids among the Cambales, and the rest were Indian seamen taken by force, at the cost of the encomenderos who accompanied him on the said expedition. The principal galliot he manned with a crew of Chinese, who killed him.

[In the margin: "No reply to this."]

That the island of Mindanao is pacified, and a garrison maintained in La Caldera, and that report of the condition of the island is sent.

IX. [28] In regard to the pacification of Mindanao, the undertaking has hitherto been carried on at the cost of the estate of Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa; but now a judgment has just been handed down by this royal Audiencia against your Majesty, providing that it shall be carried on at the cost of your royal treasury, since that expedition was organized with prearrangement by your Majesty and complete justification. The present condition of affairs there is that Don Joan Ronquillo left the island, and it is now, in a state of pacification, for the natives acknowledged your Majesty's rule. But, because of the disposition of some of the chiefs, there is no security, nor have they come to pay their tribute. It is not in the necessary state of quiet and perfection, because, in order to attain that, it is necessary to maintain a garrison there of two hundred soldiers, whom I have not at the present time. The land produces but little, nor is there any great quantity of gold, although considerable wax and tortoise-shell is found. In some parts the people are poor, and I understand will not be able to pay tribute. In order to insure security for the Pintados, it is quite important that that island be safe and secure, so that the natives of Terrenate may have no way station there to rob the Pintados—who are your Majesty's vassals—as was done in the year 95, when one thousand five hundred Indians were captured. Considering that I lack men and force sufficient for the said purpose, I have posted in La Caldera, which is near Mindanao, one hundred Spaniards, under command of Captain Toribio de Miranda, a good leader, by whom that quiet and blessing can be effected, and Terrenate kept in check until, finding myself better supplied with men here, it could be completely quieted. A report of the condition of Mindanao will accompany this.

[In the margin: "Have the new governor directed to exercise great care to maintain the pacified regions, and to have the gospel preached, and in the ... in regard to the tributes to make necessary regulations, after consultation with the prelates, and according to his orders; and that he try to keep those who acknowledge his Majesty's dominion secure from receiving any injury from their enemies, and forward information of everything that is done."]

That the province of Cagaian rebelled, but is now in greater peace and security than at any time heretofore.

X. In the province of Cagaian, which is one of the best and most fertile districts of the country, a rising among the Indians took place last year (1598) caused by the bad treatment of the encomenderos and collectors, and from the warlike nature of the natives of that province. The place being of so great importance, I sent the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, with one hundred men to restore peace and punish them. He subdued and pacified them. Immediately after this, I sent Captain Diego de Chaves as alcalde-mayor to punish the Indians who were the instigators of the said rising, and he executed twelve of the headmen. Today the province is quiet, peaceful, and tractable by land and sea, so that a single soldier may go through it alone; while formerly it was necessary for ten or a dozen to go in company, and even then there was little security.

[In the margin: "Have ... master-of-camp notified to go upon the first occasion to fill his office."]

That a relation of the expedition to Camboxa, and the state of that kingdom, was sent last year (1598), and it is now sent again.

XI. In a letter dated November 15 of last year (1598), which I sent your Majesty by way of Malaca, I gave your Majesty a detailed account of the condition of the kingdom of Camboxa with these islands, and the expedition which Captain Joan Joares Gallinato made to the country, by order of Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas. I also told you that the same Don Luis went to finish it in person at his own cost, with my concurrence and agreement, and at the advice of the royal Audiencia. The relation of the condition of that kingdom I sent to your Majesty with a copy of the agreements. Don Luis having left prematurely, and the winds being quite contrary, he made a harbor, and is now on the coast of China in the harbor of Pinal, near Canton—crippled, and without ships, arms, or munitions to continue his expedition. The admiral's ship of his fleet was lost on some shoals on the coast of Chincheo, and a fine crew of forty-five Spaniards were drowned. A galliot, which he also had with him, arrived at Cagaian, where the crew received all good provision. Repairs were made and the men supplied with what they needed. The vessel set out on its voyage to Camboxa, before hearing of the loss of Don Luis, and nothing else is known of it. Don Luis is continually sending from there for assistance in ships, men, arms, and munitions, of which there is a great scarcity. Although he has endured so many hardships, and hunger, and nakedness, when I consider on my side the straits in which I find myself, and the little assistance that I have had from Nueva Espana this year for the great dangers which confront us, and the number of affairs which it is necessary to attend to and provide, not only do I not think of sending him any help, but with the consent of the royal Audiencia, I advised him to return here so that I could avail myself of the men that he had there, for occasions which are expected in the future. He was not strictly ordered, considering the expense to his own estate, and the hardships which he has endured upon this expedition. When he arrives at Camboxa he will see whether the king there is in great need of his person and troops to defend him. After considering the state of affairs there, Don Luis will do whatever is most necessary for the service of God and your Majesty. [29]

[In the margin: "That everything necessary regarding Camboxa is already attended to."]

That, considering that there are poor citizens who have served well, they should be given some support from the royal treasury, setting aside for it, a fund of two thousand pesos, besides one thousand pesos from saleable offices.

XII. Considering the distress of the troops here, and how little there is here for their support—and I assure your Majesty that this is an expensive land, although in the midst of plenty—and as it was seen that there are not enough encomiendas or offices for everyone, and that some of your deserving citizens, not being rewarded, do not fill them, it was the custom to give them false musters [plazas muertas], so that these people secured a living. Your Majesty has ordered this to be stopped, and this has been done. Also further, in regard to your Majesty's order to divide one thousand pesos of additional pay among the soldiers, there is no one who will accept anything, on account of its being so small a sum, as ten pesos a year, and I do not dare to exceed your Majesty's orders. I should be of the opinion that these thousand pesos and as many more, amounting in all to two thousand a year, should be distributed as a deferred allowance to old and deserving men, who can serve no longer. One thousand pesos is good, and may serve until another greater reward is given them. This may be under the title of pay, up to one hundred pesos, or whatever your Majesty may order. May God preserve your Majesty's Catholic person, as is needful to these kingdoms, and as we your vassals desire. Manila, July 12, 1599.

Don Francisco Tello

[In the margin: "Have the new governor give information of all this, and meanwhile let everything provided be observed."]



Relation of Mindanao

After Gomez Perez Dasmarinas saw that the sect of Mahoma was effecting an entrance into the island of Mindanao by way of Maluco, and that through the proximity and association of the said island with the province of the Pintados, this sect was sure to insinuate itself into the said province and others of the Philipinas Islands, he tried to remedy matters by giving the pacification of the island to Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, of which your Majesty has been informed. He approved the said agreements, declaring what should be given to Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa as a reward for this pacification. The said Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa left these islands in the month of April, in the year five hundred and ninety-five, with thirty-six ships, large and small, well supplied with artillery, and with two hundred and twelve Spanish soldiers, and one thousand five hundred Indians. On the twentieth of the said month, he arrived at the river of Mindanao, where are the largest settlements on the island, and where the king of the island resides. On the twenty-fifth he went ashore, leaving the master-of-camp aboard the vessels with a guard for the security of the fleet. Marching in the direction of one of the enemy's forts, they came upon an ambuscade in their path. Coming to a hand-to-hand conflict, Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa was wounded in the head by a knife-thrust, and died in two days without regaining consciousness. At this turn of affairs the soldiers, who had disembarked, retired to their ships without avenging his death. The captains and soldiers held a council and appointed as their captain-general, Joan de Lajara, master-of-camp of the said fleet, who disembarked with his men, and built another fort four leagues below the enemy's fort, where they remained several days without accomplishing anything. Finally, in the month of October, the said Joan de Laxara came to this city, saying that he had left the camp to come to ask for help for the men whom he had left there, for they were in great distress. Don Francisco Tello, governor and captain-general of these islands, thought that the said Joan de Laxara had done wrong in deserting his camp, when he was able to ask for help by means of letters, or by means of some other person. He imprisoned him for several days, and tried to find some one to take charge of it. Finding that the children of Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa were infants, the eldest being four years old, and that the guardians could not take care of affairs of such importance and trust with the punctuality and readiness necessary, and aware of the danger encountered by the men who remained in Mindanao, he called a council of war of the most practiced and experienced captains in the land, to consider their resources. They were of the opinion that the said pacification thus commenced should not be abandoned, that those Indians who were acting so shamelessly should be punished, and that the said pacification be prosecuted at the cost of the estate of the said Estevan Rodriguez, which was pledged for it. With the requisite promptness, the said governor appointed Don Joan Ronquillo, general of the galleys, to finish the said pacification, giving him a sufficient force of men and war-material for the purpose. While he was preparing to make this expedition, Captain Toribio de Miranda was despatched before him, with news of the coming of Don Joan Ronquillo with assistance and a sufficient force to bring the undertaking to an end; and to encourage them by showing them how little hardship they still had to undergo, and that they should by no means stir from their position. Although this message was despatched with the greatest celerity, when he arrived at the port of La Caldera in the said island, which is forty leagues from the river of Mindanao, he met there the whole camp and fleet of Mindanao, which was coming to this city, after having burnt their fort. The said Captain Toribio de Miranda, with the orders which he bore, detained them and made them return to the river of Mindanao, where Don Joan Ronquillo arrived with his fleet and army after a few days; upon disembarking, he began to bring about some good results. At this time a fleet arrived from the neighboring Terrenate to help the Mindanaos, who had sent there for assistance. These were eight hundred men under the leadership of an uncle of the king of Terrenate, who entered the river of Mindanao where the Spanish camp was pitched. At a distance of two leagues from it he disembarked and built a fort and cavalier, without being disturbed. When this was discovered by the Spaniards, he was attacked by them by land and water at once, on November 15. They besieged the enemy's fort and fleet, and not only the whole fort but the fleet was won, with some artillery and the loss of many men on the enemy's side, without the loss of any Spaniards. In this encounter the general of the fleet from Terrenate was killed. This victory was a very important one, and with it the whole island of Mindanao lost courage and were awed. The island was surrendered peacefully, and is peaceful today. They acknowledged obedience to our sovereign, the king, whereupon the robberies and injuries which the Terrenatans were accustomed to commit in the provinces of the Pintados, who are your Majesty's vassals, have ceased.

Before these happy results, Don Juan Ronquillo wrote a letter to Don Francisco Tello, governor of the Philipinas, in which he told how far this conquest of Mindanao extended, and the distress of the camp for lack of supplies, unless he were continually assisted from these islands. For that island is quite lacking in them, and altogether of little profit or substance to his Majesty, as it is a poor and wretched land, lacking in everything; and, even when it is pacified, the natives there would not be able to pay tribute, on account of its great sterility. It would likewise be impossible to come to close quarters with the Indians, because they never stand their ground, and are able to inflict injury with safety to themselves, shooting arrows from the heights at the Spanish camp without any possibility of being attacked in return, because they flee immediately to the mountains. When the said governor, Don Francisco Tello, heard this, he called a council of war of the most practiced and experienced captains in the land; and, having read the letter of the said Don Joan Ronquillo, all were unanimous that, if the island of Mindanao was so fruitless and profitless, and the pacification would have to spread so far over it, the said Don Joan Ronquillo should be ordered to have a last fight with the natives of the island, and do them all the harm possible, without endangering the camp; and that, this done, he should strike camp, and go with all his men to the island of La Caldera. When he arrived there he was to build a fort, well supplied with artillery and provisions. He was to leave in it a garrison of one hundred men, in charge of a good leader, as a check for Terrenate and Mindanao. With the rest of his force he was to return to these islands, where, at this time, the province of Cagayan was in rebellion, whose people are the most warlike of the island. They had grave suspicions of Japon, and need of troops.

This order was sent immediately to Don Joan Ronquillo. When he received it, he had had the good fortune above referred to. He ought to have followed up such good luck and fortune, but failed to do so, executing his orders immediately, without at all finishing the task of calming the minds of several chiefs of the island, although he left it pacified, and they had rendered obedience to and recognized his Majesty.

Don Joan Ronquillo was also ordered to stop on his way back, at the island of Jolo, which is twenty leagues from the harbor of La Caldera. The king of Jolo rendered obedience to his Majesty many years ago, and, although Jolo is an encomienda, he has paid no more of the tribute than he pleased, having had but little intercourse with Spaniards, and the island not having been thoroughly quieted. Don Joan was to advise the king, and give him to understand the state of affairs in the island of Mindanao; and order him, as it was pacified, not to disturb it, warning him that he would be rigorously punished; that since he had done homage so long ago, he should continue it; that the Spaniards were settled on the island of La Caldera, whence they could quickly come if any quarrels should arise; and that they would maintain them in justice and defend them from their enemies. With this order the said Don Joan Ronquillo, leaving the said island of Mindanao in the condition above referred to and striking his camp, arrived, with all his armament, at the island of La Caldera, where he built the fort according to orders. Having mounted some artillery, and left a garrison of one hundred soldiers, with Captain Christoval de Villagra at the head of his men, well provided with supplies and munitions, he went to Jolo, where he gave the king of that island to understand what he was ordered. The king immediately rendered obedience again to his Majesty. This done, the said Don Joan Ronquillo, with the rest of his force, came to these islands, where investigations into his conduct were made by the said governor, because he had not entirely tamed the spirit of those chiefs, notwithstanding the orders which were sent him to strike camp, since afterward he had had such good fortune and an opportunity for it, had he remained—one fortnight more being all that was required—and as nothing had been risked, he could have done it.

Captain Christoval de Villagra, confident in the submission which the king of Jolo had made to his Majesty, sent thirty soldiers to the said island to look for supplies. When they arrived there they found there an uncle of the king of Mindanao, a brother-in-law of the king of Jolo, whom, because he was restless and rebellious, they banished from the said island. He treacherously killed thirteen soldiers; notice of this being brought to the governor, the latter immediately sent as governor of the said fort of La Caldera, Captain Joan Pacho, a person practiced and experienced in that land, to inflict punishment upon Jolo. As soon as he had arrived at La Caldera, he began operations, and left there for the said punitive expedition with sixty Spaniards, with whom he engaged the enemy. Finding the latter in a high place difficult to ascend; and at the time of the attack being overtaken by a rainstorm, and deceived by some Indian spies into the bargain, whom he sent to reconnoiter the enemy—from this combination of circumstances it happened that the said Captain Joan Pacho and nineteen soldiers were killed. The rest retired without securing any advantage or avenging themselves. News of this being brought to the governor, he sent Captain Toribio de Miranda, a good soldier, to take charge of that place, with orders not to make any entry, or inflict any punishment until he was ordered to the contrary. The latter is not permitted to be done until there is a better supply of men and money in the islands, because without these there will be a greater risk, for the king of Jolo is assisted by his brother-in-law. When there shall be a better supply of men and money, Miranda will be sent expressly to punish all the people of this island, and ravage it, because it is dangerous and of no profit.

The island of Mindanao is almost three hundred leagues in circumference. It is a land of slight elevation; although of good climate; it is sparsely settled, and its inhabitants very warlike and inclined to arms. Their only aim is to rob and kill. There is a scarcity of supplies in some parts, though cinnamon is found in some districts, and a large quantity of wax everywhere. Tortoise shells are also found. They weave cloth from medrinaque and some from cotton. All the inhabitants on the coast and the river profess the doctrine of Maoma, and those of the uplands are heathens. Although it cannot be maintained without assistance, still it is necessary to maintain it, in order to avert the injuries which on the other hand would be received by the islands of the Pintados. It would usually be necessary to bring an army for their defense, if the Spaniards should abandon the island of Mindanao, and the chiefs rebel.

[Endorsed: "Relation of the condition of the island of Mindanao, cited in section ix of the letter of July 12, 1599, concerning the war."]



The State of the Kingdom of Camboxa in Relation to these Phelippinas Islands

The past year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, Don Luis de las Marinas, governor of these islands, sent Captain Joan Xuarez Gallinato with an armed fleet to the assistance of the king of Canboja, who had asked him to defend him from the king of Sian, who had threatened him; and the former offered to introduce Christianity into his kingdom and make friends with the Spaniards. When aid arrived at Canboxa, it appeared that the king had retired with his children to the kingdom of Laos, for fear of the king of Sian, who had occupied his kingdom; and that Anacaparan, military commander of Camboxa, had assembled the greater part of the people of Camboxa, who had remained. Having met the Sianese and recovered the kingdom, he was powerful enough to claim it and become tyrant. Some of the Spaniards who arrived at Canboja beforehand without their commander, on account of a storm which separated them on the way, although they were received with simulated friendship by Anacaparan, heard later that he was plotting to kill them. Provoked by this and other injuries which a number of Chinese, who had gone to the cities of Hordemuz and Sistor (the chief cities of that kingdom) in five trading-vessels, had inflicted upon them, and for which the tyrant refused to give them any satisfaction and justice, the Spaniards, who numbered about forty soldiers, attacked the Chinese and Anacaparan and his men, a numerous force, in his palace. They made so great havoc among them, that they killed the tyrant king and many of his men, completely crushing them. They took the Chinese ships, and without harm or injury retired to their own ships, defending themselves from a much greater number of warlike enemies and elephants who charged them. At this juncture the rest of the Spaniards arrived at Camboxa with their commander. Considering what had just taken place, and that the land was in rebellion and the legitimate king in the country of the Laos, he thought that it would be impossible to set foot there on account of the unfavorable condition of affairs. He started to return to these islands; but, as the weather was not suitable for the voyage, he coasted along Cochinchina, where he repaired his ships, and sent overland, to the kingdom of the Laos, Bias Ruiz and Diego Bellosso, well-known to the king of Canboxa, to acquaint him with what had taken place in his kingdom, so that he should descend upon it. Thereupon he left Cochinchina, where he had had some unpleasant encounters with the king and natives, in which, however, he sustained no loss. He reached these islands in September of ninety-six, with the flagship and part of his men. The other ship was crippled by a storm and made port at Malaca, and the rest of the men came in the following year from Malaca. When Blas Ruiz and Diego Bellosso reached the kingdom of the Laos, they found that the king of Canboxa and his elder son were dead, and that the younger, called Prauncar, alone remained, together with his mother and grandmother. This son, in company with Blas Ruiz and Diego Bellosso, descended upon Canboxa, with an auxiliary force of six thousand Laos. They found the country divided by factions, and that a son of the tyrant whom the Spaniards had killed had returned to reign over the greater part of it. There were many battles with these enemies of theirs, all of which—by the help of Blas Ruiz and Diego Bellosso, and about ten Spaniards, from those who had made port at Malaca, who joined them—were gained by Prauncar. These few Spaniards did marvels in the sight of all these heathens, so that Prauncar, the legitimate king, has recovered his whole kingdom, except one small province which still remained for him to subject. On account of this, and of the friendship which his father had had with the Spaniards, and the assistance which he had just received from them, he wrote to me by an ambassador of his, who came to this city, of the outcome of all these matters, asking me to send religious and Spaniards to settle his kingdom, make Christians, and build churches, offering every facility for it. At this time Don Luis Dasmarinas, having some knowledge of affairs in Camboxa, urged me to give him permission to go with some men at his own cost to begin the conversion of that kingdom, and its settlement by Spaniards. This expedition being proper, in my opinion and that of the Audiencia, because of its many consequences for the service of God and his Majesty—whence the so desired entry to the mainland could be begun, in order that the many heathens there may come to the knowledge of the holy Catholic faith, and submission to his Majesty—I made an agreement, regarding the expedition, with the said Don Luis, with the conditions and in the form which is contained in the copy which accompanies this, together with the letters which I am writing to King Prauncar. Therefore Don Luis Dasmarinas collected an armed fleet, well provided with men, arms, and supplies and other necessaries, and also some religious. He sailed with them from the harbor of this city, in the middle of September of this year. The ambassador, well-satisfied with so strong an expedition, left after him. I hope, our Lord willing, that he has already arrived at Camboxa, because the voyage is a short one, and that he is about to begin what we so much desire. I made a list of the men in these islands, particularly of the supernumeraries who had come from Nueva Espana. I found many, who on account of being lazy, and the land being too poor to support them, seemed to me suitable for this expedition, especially as this occupation of theirs from which so much good is expected, was to be made without any cost to his Majesty. I shall continue my account.

After Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas sailed from this city from the port of Cavite, with two moderate-sized ships and one fusta, with the said force, well provided with supplies, arms, and munitions, taking with him as admiral, Pedro de Beistigui, he went by way of Bolinao, [30] to catch the tide from there, in order to cross with it to the mainland, above the shoals of Aynao [i.e., Hainan], near Camboxa. A few days later, news came to the governor from the alcalde-mayor of Nueva Segovia in Cagayan, that the fusta of Don Luis's fleet, in charge of Captain Luis Ortiz, had made port there, badly crippled by a heavy storm, which had separated them from the fleet, shortly after the departure from Manila. They followed the coast until they came to the bar of the said city of Segovia. It was preparing to sail again in search of the said fleet; this they did, after such repairs as were possible within ten days. After that, other news was received from the alcalde-mayor that the admiral's ship of the fleet was also lost in the same storm on one of the Babuyanes Islands, where the men, artillery, and clothing were saved; that the ship was lost; and that vessels were sent in which the admiral, his crew, and their clothing should be brought to the said city, which was effected. They brought the news that the storm had been very heavy and had lasted five days; and that the flagship, being a more seaworthy vessel, had put to sea and had been seen no more. An order was sent immediately to the alcalde-mayor of Cagayan to provide supplies from another ship, and other necessities for the admiral, so that he could pursue his voyage. It was done as soon as possible, with new instructions and orders from the governor to follow the course which Don Luis gave him in his instructions at the time of his departure; and that if he should arrive at Camboxa before his general, he was to execute the orders in his instructions for the undertaking, whereupon he left. Some months before Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas sailed from the Ffilipinas, Captain Don Joan Camudio had sailed in a small but well-fitted vessel for China, to purchase iron, saltpeter, lead, tin, and other very necessary articles for the provision of the camp at Manila; because, for three or four years, the Chinese have not brought anything of this kind in their vessels. He encountered considerable resistance to his entry into China on the part of the Portuguese from Macao—who, hearing the news of his arrival, set out to find him, and tried many times to sink or burn his ship, and to show him other evil treatment. It was their intention to prevent the Spanish from coming to China or knowing anything about it or its trade; and this they tried to do with the greatest obstinacy and enmity. But affairs were managed so well with the viceroy of Canton, called the tuton, and especially with the laytao, or chief judge of that province, that not only were the Portuguese prevented from uttering their previous calumnies against the Spaniards—namely, that they were robbers and highwaymen, coming to make war on China, and other things of that sort—but the Chinese even assigned and gave to the Spaniards a port eight leagues from Canton, called Pinal; so that, from that time on, the Castilians of Manila and the Philipinas Islands, if they wished, could come there freely and securely to trade, and for any other purpose that should arise. They were allowed ingress into the city of Canton, and a house was given them there, in which to assemble by night or day. This very much astonished the Portuguese, because it was a thing that the Chinese had never done for them. Don Joan Camudio and his men lay in this harbor of Pinar with their ship, busy supplying their needs, when they were informed that Don Luis de las Marinas, with the flagship of his fleet, had run before the storm spoken of above, had made the coast of China, and had landed near Macao; that the ship was so weakened that it sprang a leak there, and foundered, the crew, artillery, and munitions being saved, with a small part of the clothing that they carried. They also learned that the Chinese mandarins there gave the Spaniards a kind reception, from whom the latter procured a few vessels with which to get to Pinal, where they were informed that Don Joan and his men were; and that the Portuguese of Macao not only refused to help them in this matter, but also contrived to subject them to considerable inconvenience and ill-treatment, in order to complete their destruction. After this, Don Luis himself arrived at Pinal with his men and the remains of the shipwreck, by the vessels given them by the Chinese, avoiding the Portuguese of Macao who were the enemies of the Castilians. Don Luis, upon finding himself and his men in the harbor of Pinal, in company with Don Joan de Camudio and his men, made known the particulars of his past loss, but did not lose his courage for continuing his Camboxa expedition, thinking that the other two ships of his fleet had gone on. Therefore he immediately sent to Canton to ask permission of the laytao to buy a ship in which to continue his journey. The Portuguese again opposed them, showing greater assiduity and uttering greater fabrications than they had done before with Don Joan de Camudio—saying that they were corsairs, and that they had followed Don Joan to join him and make raids on China. But it profited them little, because the laytao of Canton ordered Don Luis and his men to enter the harbor of Pinal, where the other Castilians were, where they would be given whatever they needed. Don Luis de las Marinas was very much pleased and comforted at this, and continued in his determination, especially in securing a ship which he needed. He could not buy, nor anyone sell him one without the permission of the laytao, on account of strict laws against it. There was an abundance of cloth in this country, with which they immediately provided themselves, besides supplies and munitions. Don Joan de Camudio accommodated him with some artillery, and other things that he had, of which Don Luis had need, so that now the only thing lacking was a ship. They brought every influence to bear on the laytao, but the Portuguese in Canton continually opposed them by every means.

At this time, the end of December, ninety-eight, Don Joan de Camudio, having made haste from China, set sail from Pinal, leaving Don Luis de las Marinas and his men settled there, waiting for permission to leave China with their ship, regarding which they still had no definite assurance. In a few days Don Joan reached the coast of Luzon in safety, and entered the harbor of Cavite. He brought letters from Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas. From them and what Don Joan said, they were informed of what had happened to Don Luis and his flagship, and that he was waiting in Pinal, until he should secure a ship, so that he could continue the undertaking which he had begun. He requested assistance of arms, munitions, and other things which were lacking at Canvoja, to be sent him. The governor was much pleased with this news, which was better than he had hoped, because it was feared lest the fleet of Don Luis with all his men had been wrecked and drowned in the great storm they had encountered, because nothing had been heard of the flagship for so long a time. He immediately sent the things that Don Luis requested on a vessel, which was about to sail to the kingdom of Sian, in charge of Captain Joan de Mendoza y Ganvoa. A little later, in the month of May, some trading-ships came from China to this city of Manila, from one of which they received letters from Don Luis de las Marinas and his men, advising them that he had finished his preparations for his voyage and expedition; and that, after the departure of Don Joan de Camudio from Pinar, he had again suffered greater vexations and persecutions from the Portuguese of Macao, but that the mandarins had silenced the latter, and had even inflicted the lash, regarding the matter as one which concerned the Chinese. He said that he would sail some time in March for Camboxa. He also mentioned other things they saw in China at that time.

In the middle of the month of June last, four soldiers, sent by Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas to Don Francisco Tello, governor of the Philipinas, came here in a small vessel, bearing advices that Don Luis was still at Pinal in some distress. He had bought a Chinese ship at Canton which seemed in good condition, in order to continue his voyage to Camboxa. Having embarked, he was already two days on his way after leaving port, when the ship began to leak in the stern, so that at considerable danger he was obliged to make port again, where he was scarcely able with great risk to arrive, The ship being of no use, he asked the governor to send him assistance in men, arms, and munitions, and also a ship from the islands, in order to prosecute his voyage. The governor, being suspicious of Japon, and having few men and arms, wrote to Don Luis, with the approbation of the royal Audiencia, that he was himself in great need of the things requested from him, and at present more than ever. Therefore he requested and counseled Don Luis, that since he found himself so exhausted, and with a so inadequate supply of all things to continue his expedition, and with no prospect of help now or afterward from the Philipinas, he would advise him to return to Manila and abandon the enterprise, since the voyage had turned out so unfortunately; and that besides that, there was great need of his men in the islands. Don Luis was not ordered strictly to do this, as he had spent so much money on this expedition. This message is being sent him by Captain Joan Tello, who will leave in about a week for Pinar, to continue the good beginning made by Don Joan de Camudio in the province of Canton. I believe that for that very reason of having spent so much, Don Luis may wish to investigate the state of the kingdom of Camboxa. This may be done in such a way that we may attain what we so much desire, namely, the establishment of the holy gospel in that kingdom, which will be of so much importance. May our Lord direct this matter.

Don Francisco Tello

[Endorsed: "Relation of the condition of the kingdom of Camboxa, as regards the Phelippinas Islands, cited in section 11 of the letter on the war, July 12, 1599"]



Depositions Regarding the King of Chanpan

Testimony: In the city of Manila, on the thirtieth day of the month of September in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general in these islands for the king our lord, declared before me that he has been informed that the infidel king of Chanpa is responsible for many wrongs, assaults, and thefts committed at sea by his men and fleets, and by his orders, upon the persons and property of both Christians and Pagans, on the route to many trading-places of Christians—as, for instance, Malaca, Macan, Goa, Xapon, and other places. Many of them he has attacked, robbed, and deprived of life and property—causing them to enter his ports under his word and promise of safety; but afterward breaking it, and inflicting great cruelties upon them, to the great offense of God and injury of Christendom. In order to give the king our sovereign an account of what is going on, and that he may know the truth, the said governor ordered the following deposition to be made before me.

Joan de Cuellar

Testimony: Then, on this said day, an oath was received in due form of law, regarding the aforesaid, from Gregorio de Vargas. Being in the said city, and questioned about the matter, this witness said that, being three leagues more or less beyond the harbor of Chanpa, the king of Chanpa sent him a message, saying that he was a friend of the Portuguese (ten or twelve of whom he named), who were in his country building a junk. He also said that since the weather was very unfit to continue his voyage, he would better enter his port until the weather improved. Upon receiving this message, he entered with his junk, but he found that it was all a lie, for the king immediately took him prisoner, and seized his ship, with all its cargo. He found out that the statement regarding the Portuguese was all a lie, because there was not one of them there. He also found out that the king had captured many others by this deception, for many Christians told him that they were taken the same way. He knows that the king captures ships on the sea, and goes about robbing the neighboring kingdoms, impeding trade, commerce, and free passage, and disturbing the peace on the seas. He likewise compels the Portuguese Christians to sail on the said ships for the purpose of robbery. He is a pirate and thief, and a pagan who, in accordance with the teachings of his idolatry, has two hundred men killed, in order to bathe in their bile; and those by whom he has himself washed must be virgins. There is also a diabolical custom that, when a chief dies, they burn his body; his wife and his women are also burnt in the same fire. Because of this and other abuses and pernicious idolatries, and, above all, by the general injuries which he inflicts upon all travelers, on a route so general and so necessary as that for Japon, China, Yndia, and many other places, and for Cian, Patan, and Canboja (which is the key to all that region), this witness thinks that it would be a very acceptable service to God to go to attack him and to clear the sea of those tyrannies and robberies, and take from them their land and their harbor, which will be much to his Majesty's purpose for great designs. The said witness declares that the king has a great deal of artillery, which he has seen, moreover, with his own eyes. The other things he has heard said by captives. This is all that he knows, and it is true, according to the oath which he swore. His age is thirty-seven.

Signed, Gregorio de Vargas

Before me:

Jhoan de Cuellar

Testimony: Then, on this said day, the oath was received, regarding the aforesaid, in due legal form from Diego Belosso, at present in this city, who swore in the name of God and by the sign of the cross, under which charge he promised to tell the truth. Being questioned regarding the matter, this witness said that he knows it must have been ten years ago that a junk belonging to Don Jhoan de la Gama was lost on La Barela, which is an island lying near Chanpan, where there were many Portuguese Christians and those of other nations, and a cleric who was going in the said junk from Macan to Malaca. The said people disembarked, where this same king of Chanpan captured them all, distributed them as slaves, and otherwise ill-treated them, even forcing them to carry timber. Captain Roque de Melo sent an embassy to the said king of Chanpan, asking him to return the people whom he was holding in captivity for ransom, or in any other way. The king ransomed some, but refused to ransom others, so that more than half of them remained there. He also said that those who went to that country were forced into slavery. This witness knows all of this to be true, because he was at Malaca at the time. He also heard it said that the king who was then reigning had ordered the execution of his own father. Being in Canboja about six years ago, this witness heard that a junk which was on the way to Canboja from Cian ran aground at Chanpan in a storm, where, in like manner, all the Portuguese and others who were aboard were captured and robbed of their merchandise; but that their junk was resold to them, and the crew ransomed. This witness also knows that a Portuguese, whom the king of Canboja, according to his custom, had made a nobleman of his kingdom, was, while aboard a trading-vessel, struck by a storm so that he put in at Chanpan, where the king of Chanpan ordered his execution, because he knew that he was a nobleman in Canboja. The others who were with him he made captives. This deponent, while in Canboja, saw some of the Portuguese who were captured in Don Jhoan de la Gama's junk, which was lost there. They were deprived of all their toes by order of the said king of Chanpan, because they had once escaped, but were caught again. About ten years ago, while this witness was at Malaca, he learned that a vessel coming from Canboja to Malaca, laden with munitions and supplies for the fortress at Malaca, went ashore near Chanpan, and many Christians, who were on the vessel, were captured. The king of Jor [Johore] being at war with Malaca about five years ago, the said king of Chanpan sent him aid, and otherwise assisted him considerably; so that with the assistance which the said king of Chanpan lent him, they put many Portuguese and other Christians to death. Captain Francisco de Villegas being at Chanpan, with a ship and some men, the king made them embark upon his own ships to rob and plunder with him. They went to Canboja, where they captured a large number of people, because when the latter saw bands of Portuguese coming, they thought that they were friends. The king is an obstacle to both trade and general commerce, for quite commonly he is wont to coast with his fleet, along Cochinchina and Canboja, doing considerable damage to the merchants going from Canboja and Cian to trade, to Malaca and other neighboring places—as Patan and China, for instance—without sparing anyone whom he meets. The said king of Chanpan is guilty every year of murdering many of the people of his own land, to possess himself of their bile, in order to bathe in it. The latter the witness has heard from people who were captives there, and who saw him commit these and many other abominations. He has also heard it said that when any noble or chief dies, the king orders some women to be burnt alive, with terrible cruelty, with the body of the deceased; for, according to their religion, the dead are burnt. Lastly it was about a year ago, when Gregorio de Vargas and his companion Blas Ruiz escaped from Chanpan to Canboja; they said that their ship had been stolen from them in Chanpan, with all their property aboard it. Their captors even ordered no food to be given to them. Considering all the above, it is the opinion of this witness, that it will be a great service to God and his Majesty, to attack the said king of Chanpan, and put a stop to so great abominations and tyrannies as he ordinarily practices, since he is in the path of all the vessels going to those coasts—where he has seized a large quantity of artillery and arms from those lost there. All that he has said, this witness has heard from persons who had been captives there, and he affirms it to be true and the extent of his knowledge, according to the oath which he has sworn. He has no other information. His age is thirty-four.

Signed, Diego Veloso

Before me:

Jhoan de Cuellar

Testimony: On this said day was received an oath in due legal form, concerning the aforesaid, from Pantaleon Carnero, under which charge he promised to tell the truth, concerning anything asked of him regarding the subject aforementioned. This witness said that, when he was in Macan in the former year of ninety-two, he heard it said there by many persons that the king of Chanpan robbed Sebastian de Araujo of a junk which he had built there, and a culverin which he had mounted on it; and that he ordered the murder of two Spaniards aboard the junk, and the captivity of the others. He afterward ransomed them for gold and other things which they gave him. He subjected them to great annoyances and ill-treatment, until one night, when they had an opportunity, they fled, without finishing their ship, and left their property behind them. This witness has also heard it said that about ten years ago, he seized a junk, belonging to Don Juan de Gama, who went ashore there in a storm. He captured the crew, and robbed them of all their belongings. Another junk from Canboja bound for Malaca, while Captain Roque de Melo was there, was captured by the said king of Chanpan, with all its crew, and the merchandise that they had with them seized. The said Rroque de Melo sent the king an embassy, asking him to ransom the men whom he had taken prisoners on the said junk. Half the crew was ransomed, but the others were kept by the king. This witness has heard it said that some of the prisoners who remained there escaped, but were caught again. The king ordered their toes to be cut off because they had escaped. The said king of Chanpan is a very great pirate, and usually goes about with a large fleet, robbing and assaulting all the ships possible, making prisoners of all their crews, along all those coasts, which he can do because he is on the regular route. This witness has heard it said that the said king has a large store of artillery and other arms from the vessels that he has seized. It is the opinion of this witness that, since the damage which the said king of Chanpan does every year to the trading-vessels of Canboja, Cian, Patan, China, and other neighboring places, is so great, valuable service would be done to God and the king our sovereign, by attacking and crushing him as so dangerous an enemy, and thus ensure the safety of that route. This witness has also heard it said that the said king of Chanpan is so cruel, that every year he orders the death of many of his own people, in order to bathe in the bile of those killed. This has actually been witnessed by many persons who have been captives there, from whom this witness has heard it. Everything that he has said he knows to be the truth, according to the oath he has sworn. His age is twenty-two.

Signed, Pantaleon Carnero

Before me:

Jhoan de Cuellar

Testimony: On this said day an oath was received for the further investigation of the aforesaid, from Fernan Caravallo, at present in this city. He, having sworn in due legal form, promised under this charge to tell the truth regarding everything he knew. When questioned concerning the subject aforementioned, this witness said that he is a citizen of Macan, and that there he has heard it said by many persons, sailing on trading-ships from Macan to Malaca, Canboja, China, and other countries, that the king of Chanpan is a very great pirate, usually cruising about with a large fleet, assaulting the merchants whom he meets and robbing them of their ships, imprisoning their crews, and stealing their property; and that he does them great violence and injury. About five years or so ago, Sebastian de Araujo, an inhabitant of Macan, sent some men to Chanpan to build a junk there. When it was almost finished, the king of Chanpan seized it, and imprisoned the said men who were building it. Two or three of them were killed; and for those who remained in captivity, the said Sebastian de Araujo procured ransoms. Some fled with the said ship, when opportunity offered. Witness has also heard it said that the king has seized many other Portuguese ships that have gone ashore there in storms, and others that he deceitfully causes to enter his ports by offering them a safe harbor, but whom he afterward imprisons, robs of their goods, and treats with great cruelty. All the above this witness has heard said by certain persons who have been in captivity there. It seems to this witness that it will be a matter of the greatest importance to attack the said king of Chanpan and crush him, because he is in the route of the vessels where he does a great deal of harm, because all the trading-vessels from Malaca, Canboja, Cian, Patan, China, and other neighboring countries have to pass by that place. It will be a great service to God our Lord, and to his Majesty, to remove so great a pirate from the vicinity. Everything that this witness has said is the truth, and what he has heard said concerning the things asked him. His information goes no farther. His age is about thirty-seven years or so.

Signed, Fernan Caravallo

Before me:

Jhoan de Cuellar

[Endorsed: "Inquiry against the king of Chanpa."]



Letter from Governor Don Francisco Tello

1. This recounts that on all occasions the state of affairs of these islands has been reported, and was not enlarged upon because no instruction had been sent nor has been up to the year 1598, on which account many things pertaining to the service of his Majesty, and of importance for this country, have failed to receive attention. [31]

As I have at various times written to your Majesty, you ordered me to come here and serve in this country, without giving me the royal instructions of despatches to that end. Accordingly many things of importance which your Majesty commanded me to attend to were left undone at the time I came. When I arrived in these islands I wrote to your Majesty at length of those things which could be managed in spite of the short time I had spent here. These despatches were lost in the ship "San Phelipe" which Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas despatched in the year 1596, and which was lost in Xapon. The next year, 1597, I awaited the royal instruction of your Majesty in order to govern my action by it; but neither did that come, until the past year, 1598. I govern my action according to that of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, my predecessor, and with that I have stumbled through various matters. In the past year, 1597, I wrote at length to your Majesty describing the condition of the country and that of Japon, together with the state of the expedition to Mindanao, and all other things which seemed expedient. I also wrote that I had married Dona Tomasina, my relative, and the daughter of Doctor Horosco, president of your royal Audiencia of Guadalaxara—humbly beseeching your Majesty to approve of this, since Dona Tomasina was not a native of this country; and I had not gone beyond your Majesty's intentions, for you gave me permission to bring my wife to this land. As she died on the way I married Dona Tomasina, whom I brought from Mexico. In the past year, 1598, I received the royal instruction of your Majesty and other royal decrees which were mentioned therein, at the time when the ships were being despatched. Those things which could be done at that time, considering the short time before they left, I attended to then. I have in everything worked for the service of our Lord and your Majesty, conformably to the pious zeal and spirit with which I am serving you here; and I have carried out those things entrusted in your royal service to my predecessor.