[Endorsed: "Copy of the letter, from the king of Japon—I mean, to the king."]



Three Letters from Governor Dasmarinas to Felipe II

Sire:

Last year I wrote to your Majesty that I had arrived in this city of Manila, on the first of June of the year ninety, having been nine months on the way, counting the time I spent in Mexico recruiting troops; the total of these was two hundred and seventy soldiers, including those I brought from Spain. On my arrival here, I ordered the soldiers whom I had brought, inasmuch as they were drawing pay from your Majesty, to mount guard and do sentry duty, posting sentinels at the forts, and excusing those whom I found here, and the townspeople, from acting as sentinels. Although I understood that they were very grateful to me, and that they kissed your Majesty's hands, for this; and as there was, on other accounts, no reason why they should fail to do their duty; still, some ungrateful rogues counseled the soldiers that they should resist authority, and that they should not perform their guard duty, or carry their muskets—all of which, they said, was only to make trouble for them. Besides, they did other things well worthy of punishment. Along with this fiction, they instantly bombarded me with memorials and importunities for rewards for services. I assure your Majesty truthfully that, even if you had here three hundred encomiendas and a like number of offices, you could not recompense them for their services, which they exaggerate and overestimate beyond what they have actually performed for your Majesty. The most deserving of them merits very little, unless it be a reward for having conducted himself with great freedom, and for having destroyed the property committed to his charge. I do not in conscience feel that your Majesty is under any obligation in this country, beyond that of rendering justice for past excesses. I could easily give your Majesty a detailed account; but, not to be prolix, I shall leave it until the especial thing that demands reform here has been somewhat remedied—and this is in regard to the soldiers of this land. For in their begging for favor they are all in need of reform; for it is through many sicknesses, and through being dependents of the members of the Audiencia, and in like manner, that they have been deprived of their gains.

Likewise, I found here not a ship or a galley, not a libra of iron or of copper, or any powder except what I brought from Mexico—forty quintals. Not a braza of rope did I find, nor balls for ten pieces of artillery which are here. These are very insufficient for the needs of the place; for four of them are swivel-guns, and another, a large piece, is neither culverin, cannon, nor sacre; nor do any here understand how to manage it, except by chance; there is no account of it, no design, and no name for it. There are no storehouses, with the exception of a shed where there is a little rice; and an enclosure where have been put the wood and remains of three rotted galleys, which were built but never launched. Their timbers are all rotted, and the oars of the galleys also. The enclosure contains, as well, a makeshift turret where the little powder that they had was kept, and where I put what I brought; but unfortunately we had a fire, and now it is all gone. In order to collect these necessary supplies from those places where it is not proper to keep them, I resolved to build storehouses, and have constructed four, where we are placing what comes—such as iron (for I confiscate it all), rigging (which is being made, for the sake of having some in reserve), rope, lead, and rice. Shovels, pickaxes, and spades are being made, because of the great need for them. Ammunition I planned to obtain in the following way: I sent to Macan a ship which I found here, and which had been despatched hither from Mexico by the Marques of Villamanrrique (bound for Macan, as he said)—after taking from it guarantees to the amount of fifteen thousand pesos that it should make the voyage to Macan and return, bringing the ammunition. I sent also a regidor, Pedro Debrito by name, with a copy of the warrant that your Majesty gave me, authorizing me to do this; but up to this time he has not returned. Some Chinese who have come from there say that the ship has been captured by Portuguese, and sent to India. I can scarcely maintain my position for the lack of ammunition, which is great—and greater than ever just at the present time, for twenty-two Chinese ships have come, without bringing a libra of copper, of saltpeter, or of powder; and they say that under peril of their lives they had been forced to dispose of them. They say the same of horses and black cattle. As for the affairs of this city, the need of thorough equipment is very great, for it has almost nothing, not even a prison; and that under an Audiencia, as your Majesty will see by that report. Neither are there any fortifications, so I have devoted myself to providing for what is most necessary, namely, safety. I began the walls at the point, where a fort was being built. I have made it with its curtains and traverses, placing the traverses symmetrically as regards one another. It is one and one-half estados from the ground, and the foundation is of the same depth. It is from sixteen to twelve and eight feet wide on top, according to the plan. The creek of the sea stretches up to the fort, in all about one thousand brazas in length; and while it would not do more, it will serve as a very good trench. On account of this fort and wall I have increased the import duty here on all articles from China, such as pepper and other things. Likewise, playing-cards were seized in your Majesty's name. With this the work was begun, but was about to stop for lack of funds; and, assuming that your Majesty does not possess them, and orders me also to fortify this city and be responsible for order in it, it seemed best to me to levy a tax for this purpose on the property of all those from different places who were settled here, and on the inhabitants in general. This I did, charging two per cent, in consideration of the many and great profits. Inasmuch as this affected the property of the president, the auditors, the bishop, the clergy, and those in benefices, they immediately held secret meetings and declared that I was incurring the censure of the bull of the Lord's Supper. As is a very common proceeding for the bishop and the Dominican friars, because I will not let them go to Espana to seek many things from your Majesty "very important to the welfare of these islands," I am now excommunicated; the Franciscans are now saying the same thing because I have forbidden them to go to China and Japan, and now to Espana. So great is the freedom and assurance of these saintly folk that they say they will go whether I will or no; that I am the most ill-tempered man in the world, the most cruel, intolerable, and wicked; and that it is from fear that I will not let them go. In response to this, I say that I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to hear them and peruse their letters, and to appoint a person and time, so that the truth may be known; for, if the truth be known, for me and for the vindication of whatever they may say, I am sure that no man in this country can injure me in the least degree. This is the truth, and even though other motives unite with malice and evil intention, I am not concerned a maravedi in my honor or another's honor, or any sign of it. If this be not so, may neither God nor your Majesty protect me.

What I find here is plenty of debts, which your Majesty owes for the services of the poor Indians, and for the work and material on the public buildings, all of which the Audiencia failed to pay; and for the salaries of chaplain, chancellor, bailiffs, and others, the total of which must amount to more than thirty thousand pesos; and there is nothing here with which to pay them.

In order to obviate the discomfort of the soldiers, who are quartered some in one place, some in another, among the inhabitants; and to prevent the quarrels into which they get with the people, I have built for them barracks of stone and brick which are now finished, and which will accommodate four hundred. They are near the official buildings and a small fort which I have made, where they may keep their flags, and where they may be assembled aid at hand, and safe from the misfortune of fire, when there is need of such safety.

With your Majesty's permission, I must state that I regret the trade of these Chinese, for it seems to me injurious. It might be forbidden on the ground of the great sums of money which they take from these islands to foreign countries. The most of the trade is in cotton stuffs—the material for which they take from this country in the first place, and bring it back woven. The natives here could just as well make these, if they chose, of their own cotton, and even better than those which come from China. They could export them to Mexico, and could have a trade worth four hundred thousand pesos. This would lead to greater care in producing and cultivating the cotton, because they would not have the Sangleys acting as middlemen. The rest that they bring is silks, very poor and sleazy, except some silk which is brought in raw or spun into thread. This last, I fear, exceeds in quantity that brought from the Spanish kingdoms; and would interfere with your Majesty's royal revenues from the silks of Granada, Murcia, and Valencia, which would be most undesirable. Besides this, there is another point deserving no slight consideration—namely, that they (the Chinese) come to these islands with freedom to sell their goods, and even settle here, and frequently marry. They do not permit us, however, to go to their country, nor may a Spaniard go thither to invest one real—a custom entirely contrary to freedom of trade. Therefore, in order to avoid other undesirable results, I have decreed that Chinese traders shall not live here under the pretext of being merchants; but that only certain workmen who are mechanics may remain, and that, when their merchandise is sold, they shall return home. The bishop and all the friars say that they cannot thus be deprived of the liberty of coming and settling here, and that no such commands or decrees can in conscience be made for them. From the pulpits they say that the governor is going to hell, because the Chinese have their laws, and we cannot dictate to them unless we first govern ourselves according to the laws and customs which we found among the Indians of this country, because it was and is theirs. In regard to what I have said concerning the trade of these Chinese, I am doubtful on only one point—namely, if this trade be abandoned, your Majesty will lose the royal duties which this commerce brings in, on the arrival and departure of the merchants. These must amount to thirty or forty thousand pesos yearly, lacking which, your Majesty would have to supply it from your royal treasury in Mexico, or elsewhere, in order to maintain the army here, and for other very pressing expenses. I have set all this before your Majesty, so that, having considered it on both sides, your Majesty may inform me of your will.

The bishop is about to go to Spain, [48] and is so wrought up over what touches his individual interests, and matters connected with his friars (as are all of the latter), that he declares publicly that if I would not let him go he would betake himself to a desert, in order not to look upon injustices. Not the least among these are the many murders of Indians, very evil in the way in which they were committed, and worse in their concealment for twelve years past; and the failure to make restitution of great amounts, received but not returned. Because I am remedying this, with which neither the bishop nor his clergy concern themselves, the bishop forces them to take this attitude because the name of injustice irritates him.

With great eagerness the bishop is making up something to say about me, taking great pains to get information in regard to my life, and trying to bring forward someone who could tell him something to write. About a little amber which I bought a few days ago, for my own use, and at my own expense, he made many inquiries of the man who sold it—namely, whether he had been paid for it, and how; besides other things of which he has managed to get hold. But since I am sure these charges against me will not be believed, his base intention gives me no uneasiness. May our Lord guard the Catholic person of your Majesty for many long years, since Christendom has need of you.

Manila, June 20, 1592.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

Sire:

By the letters I am writing your Majesty through your royal Council of the Indias, your Majesty will learn of all affairs here. It is advisable that your Majesty be able to correct and provide as is most fitting to your royal service. Although I advise in those letters concerning the conditions of affairs here, and what I think about each one, agreeably to the nature of the events and affairs contained in the letters, I am writing this letter, addressed to your Majesty in person, so that it may serve merely as a memorandum and reminder of certain matters that most occupy and busy me. I set them down here in small compass, in order not to fatigue your Majesty, since I have already given a detailed account of them by letters, memorials, informations, and reports which I am sending to the Council, in which your Majesty can ascertain what you may be pleased to know.

In this land, as being so new, and where affairs have not as yet the solidity and completeness requisite, are many obstacles and impediments to its good government. One of them, and not the least, is the power, authority, and even tyranny, with which the bishop and religious have insinuated themselves into and domineered over it. Nothing is attempted or tried that they are not wont to oppose it; and nothing is ordained or decreed here in which they do not meddle and interfere, without being summoned or consulted. They assert that they must pass their edict of approval or disapproval on everything; so that there are but few or no matters whose execution they do not oppose and obstruct—saying that such and such cannot be done or ordered, under penalty of going to hell; and, in conjunction with the bishop, they immediately excommunicate and terrorize, so that the secular arm and hand of your Majesty has not here the strength and freedom that it should have for the execution of affairs. One of the things most needing reform is that, as the bishop, according to his caprice—and often in cases outside of his jurisdiction—excommunicates and proceeds unjustly, doing violence to the law; and as there is no royal Audiencia here to remove the excommunications: justice and the despatch of business may suffer greatly, unless your Majesty entrusts the governor here with power to try such cases, and to lift and remove the ban, since other recourse is so distant, and so many wrongs might be perpetrated. For it is certain that, both in this and in all other matters, the conduct of the bishop and of the religious with so great power and license is one of the most severe trials of this government; because the bishop has a title as a saint (so that some persons imitate him), and a man of upright life. That I do not take it upon myself either to praise or to censure. I have never seen a man more peculiar or so inconsiderate and obstinate in his opinions, who even does not hesitate to oppose the right of patronage, the jurisdiction, and the royal exchequer of your Majesty. All this he judges and discusses as injuriously as the most utter foreigner, and even enemy, would do. I say this with truth, on account of what I owe to your Majesty's service; and although I warn him of the harm that he is doing, as it appears to me, and although I am restraining myself in regard to him with the moderation suitable in a land so slippery and uncertain, he is wont to answer with monkish liberty, what the king must do for him; and that, inasmuch as neither pope nor king can do him good or ill, he is not at all concerned. He says that your Majesty has no authority here; that to him is due the conquest and conservation of this land; and that he is not bishop for your Majesty, but for the pope. What royal patronage he must observe, the pope declares in his bulls, and not he who praying kept to his bed. He talks with the same liberty in his theology and judgments, since in order to prove his opinions, he says that the universities of Salamanca and Alcala (who do the contrary) are in error, and he right. He declared also that those who should follow the instruction of the Theatins here would go to hell; and that the doctrine of Father Acosta was heretical—beside innumerable other things. And it is quite certain that, since my arrival here, I have had in him a continual opposition and obstacle to whatever is ordered and done. If things are not quite to his taste, he says that he will go into retirement, and abandon everything. And the friars say the same thing—namely, that they will abandon their doctrinas [i.e., Christian villages] if their power over the Indians is taken away. This power is such that the Indians recognize no other king or superior than the father of the doctrina, and are more attentive to his commands than to those of the governor. Therefore the friars make use of them by the hundreds, as slaves, in their rowing, works, services, and in other ways, without paying them, and whipping them as if they were highwaymen. In whatever pertains to the fathers there is no grief or pity felt for the Indians; but as for some service of your Majesty, or a public work, in which an Indian may be needed, or as for anything ordered from them, the religious are bound to gainsay it, place it on one's conscience, hinder it, or disturb everything. Without doubt, if I did not exercise so much caution and moderation, some mutiny or rebellion might arise, in a country so new, at less opportunities than those which the bishop and his friars afford. For they do not content themselves with opposing our proceedings in the tribunal of conscience [fuero interior], announcing them as sins or cases against conscience; but also, as soon as they assemble in their councils and enunciate their propositions, in the latter and in their pulpits they declare these acts to be unjust, wrong, and worthy of restitution. Thereupon the bishop orders refusal of absolution in confessions, excommunicates, and proceeds in the outer court. [49] Thus if it is ordered in accordance with your Majesty's commands that the citizens alone discuss [any matters], they say that that is not just, because it must be for the general welfare. And if, by your Majesty's command, it is ordered that the Chinese merchandise be bought at one price, theology declares that no such thing can be ordered. If it is decreed that the Indians, in order that they may cultivate and weave their cotton, since it is so abundant in the country, should not wear silks and Chinese stuffs, nothing could be worse. No sooner is the excise, or the merchant's peso, or the two per cent duty imposed for the wall, than it is against conscience and the bull De cena Domini ["of the Lord's supper"]. If I undertake to appoint magistrates to govern in peace and establish order among the Indians, they say that I am setting the land on fire. If I pass any sentence in accordance with the merits of the case, there is murmuring, and [it is said] that such a thing has never been seen in these islands; and therefore there is no man more severe or of more evil disposition than I. They assert also that not a single arquebus-match should be lighted here, or a single soldier be kept; and that the pure gospel must be preached. Thus, I behold myself, Sire, greatly restricted by these obstacles, and even more by the procedures of the bishop in matters in which he has no jurisdiction, and which do not concern his office—because those that do pertain to him, he has most forgotten. For I assure your Majesty as a Christian that since my arrival here, although the work on the church was no farther advanced than the raising of the walls a matter of six varas, and enclosing a court, never did he come to me so that we might give orders to have even one brick placed in it. On my faith, he has not been so forgetful of his own house, for he has one so handsome and well-finished, and from money for the restitutions, which was in his possession. From these restitutions he gave pensions to whomsoever he wished, and took such part as he chose for his own house. Nor have I known him, as long as I have been here, to consult in regard to placing one minister of instruction where there is none, or to convert one soul; but he has only opposed those who tried to provide instruction and to be of service in this matter. This is because he wished, in all things, to have his clergy preferred, in regard to whom he took sufficient care to importune me for them; although they are all better merchants than students of Latin. Consequently, in no other way was more time wasted than in listening to his complaints on this score, and regarding the Augustinian fathers—to whom he is very hostile, because he wished his Dominican friars to have everything good; and in disposing of the misrepresentations and invented tales with which he kept coming to me, we lost much time. In short, the bishop is growing old, as I am informing your Majesty in another letter. But it is certain that, unless he himself goes away, I see no other remedy for the obstructions caused by his temper and passion (by which he has embarrassed the course of business and government here), than the very journey which he contemplates—namely, to send him to Espana (as I would assuredly do, because he would have made this step necessary for me) in order to tell your Majesty that there will be no deficiency in his duties here, for he has not busied himself more in them than to hinder me in mine. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for many long years, as Christendom needs. Manila, June 20, 1592. [50]

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

[Endorsed: "Manila. To his Majesty. Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. June 20."]

Sire:

In previous letters I have reported to your Majesty the irregularities and abuses existing here in the marriage of widows of encomenderos and others who are minors, and I now refer again to the subject. According to the order of your Majesty, the widow or child of an encomendero who served in the conquest inherits the encomienda or income. It happens very often that the widow is young, and rich through her succession to the encomienda; and, following bad advice or personal inclination, she makes an unsuitable or improper marriage, giving that rich reward and appointment to some trader or newcomer, without merit or claim for service. Thus many honorable and deserving men, who have rendered services to your Majesty here, and who might, by this means, be rewarded and established, are deprived of the encomiendas. The same occurs in the case of minors, who by reason of their youth or through bad advice on the part of interested guardians or relatives (who openly sell them in marriage to the highest bidder), contract many misalliances. In addition to these evils, many quarrels and lawsuits ensue from this practice.

Only yesterday a woman who had but a month ago buried her husband, one of the most honorable captains in these islands, married one of her servants, a man of very short lineage, still fewer years of service, and poor natural endowments. I think that the same thing will happen in the case of four or five rich widows and several minor encomenderos, who are about to be married. All this might be prevented or largely corrected, if the governor here, by order of your Majesty, should be empowered to control this matter. Without his consent and approval no marriages should be allowed, at least of an encomendera, who owes her position to favor conferred by your Majesty upon her father or husband, for services rendered, or to special favor on your Majesty's part. It is not right that some trader or transient resident, who has rendered no service, but who has rather been unserviceable to your Majesty, should usurp and enjoy these benefits by unjust means. The governor should be instructed not to allow, on any account, marriages to take place with any creditor or servant; but he should have, as his sole object, reward and honor to worthy persons who have served your Majesty in the country. God keep your Majesty many years in the prosperity of which Christendom has need. Manila, July 9, 1592.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas



Luzon Menaced by Japanese



Precautions Submitted to the War-Officials and Certain of the Cabildo of the City

That the citizens reserve their arms and food to as great an extent as possible, and, for possible contingencies, fowls and any other delicacies for the sick.

That the vessels coming from Xapon be examined carefully to see whether they bring in secret other articles than those which they announce publicly.

That twenty vessels—virocos and fragatas—well manned and equipped, be stationed in the river, below the artillery of the fort, in order to be used in carrying food, news, or messages to any point considered advisable; and that the other boats—champans, and all other vessels—not needed there, go up the river, where they can not be attacked by the enemy and used for making entrenchments by them, and in order that the seacoast may be kept clear for fighting and skirmishing.

That an immediate general review and muster be made of all the Spanish forces for the defense of this city; every one, not only of those who are paid, but of the old inhabitants, to be entered on the list, with his weapons.

That a proclamation be made throughout the coast of these islands that no viroco, banca, fragata, or other vessel, leave the islands without permission; for, should they happen to meet the enemy, the latter would have news of affairs here.

Another proclamation that no citizen or anyone else may remove from this city gold, silver, property, wife, children, or household, or leave it without permission, under penalty of his life, and confiscation of the property thus removed, the latter to be applied to the expenses of war.

As we see our fears of the Xaponese enemy so confirmed in every direction, and that the German [51] pirates are actually here and committing daily depredations along the coast, it seems that, in order to relieve ourselves from anxiety regarding so many Xaponese traders as are in the city, it would be advisable to assign them a settlement or location outside of the city, after first taking away all their weapons; and that they live there and sell their property. Likewise, the question of what shall be done with the Xaponese servants here should be considered, for there is a great number of them, and they have free entrance into our houses and this city; in this great danger they would be able to set fire to it, or cause other like damage.

Also, it will be advisable to send word throughout the coasts of Mindoro, Lunban, Valayan, Ylocos, and other districts that piratical enemies are about, so that they may be forewarned and that the natives may be protected.

That the coast be reconnoitered from Paranaque to Cavite, to ascertain whether the enemy have disembarked along it, and to discover what location and convenience there is for laying ambushes and keeping the enemy busy.

What is said here of our fears of Xapon should be understood as well of the Chinese, since we have so little confidence in them.

That word be sent to Gallinato to set a price on rice, and gather as much as possible, on the account of his Majesty's tributes there.

That four fragatas be fitted up and used for nothing else than to transport rice and food, putting each fragata under command of a thoroughly trustworthy master.

That the biscuit brought by the Chinese, should be taken, and also one-half the flour brought by this Xaponese ship, in order to give it a trial, at a moderate price; and if any well-preserved tunny-fish have been brought, they should be taken, although first it should be ascertained whether they have any yew-tree or other poison in them.

Item: It appears advisable that two careful regidors of this city—in order that they may secure due respect, and act in the name of the city—should go to bring twelve or fourteen thousand fanegas of rice and one thousand five hundred jars of wine, from such district or districts as they may choose, for any necessities that might arise in general—namely, in city, monasteries, and hospitals; since all are sustained by alms, and, in such times, there is no possibility that these can be supplied or provided for them from any place. For this reason it would be advisable to levy an assessment among the citizens of this city; for, although there may be no necessity therefor, it can be sold, and paid to those who should have lent or furnished the said rice and wine, and up to the amount that shall have been lent—so that, in one way or another, having either consumed or sold it, each one shall receive satisfaction for his loan.

Item: It is advisable that, in case anyone of us, from myself and my son first, down even to the least, should be captured while fighting with the enemy, no one shall be ransomed, even though the enemy be willing to surrender him for a very small ransom; and that this be with no exceptions or with no equivocation, so that each one may fight with greater courage and resolution, preferring—though God grant that we come not to blows with the enemy—death rather than capture.

Item: whether it would be advisable that, in the tingues and mountainous districts near Manila, forts and strongholds be established, to which, if possible, there be a safe path from this city, and an entrance and exit therefrom to that place. Then, when occasion should arise, the women, children, old people, sick, and other non-combatants might be placed there; for, if they remained in the city, they would hinder us and cause us to starve, while there they will have more comfort and refreshment.



Precautions Submitted to the Religious

In all present and future affairs, the chief remedy is to invoke God, endeavoring to placate Him by sacrifice and prayer, and beseeching Him to protect us by His powerful right hand. This duty devolves by special right upon the religious. Our duty is to threaten and strive to correct him who offends God.

Admitting that we expect outside enemies—and we have them among us, because of our little assurance that the natives, if they see themselves safe, will not rise and attack us, on which point will he discussed, in its proper place, whether it will not be advisable to collect the arquebuses given them during the war with the Cambales—the immediate question is whether it would be advisable to take some security from them, such as, for instance, the gold that they wear, and of which they should be possessed, so that, if they did not prove an aid to us, they should not prove harmful. Also, whether this gold should be deposited with the fathers who instruct them, so that the natives would understand that this action is taken only for security, and with no other intent; and whether this gold should be brought to Manila by the said fathers of the doctrina, and deposited in the fortress—that being the most secure place. Also it should be considered whether this taking their gold seems a harsh measure, and whether others easier and milder offer themselves—as the exemption of certain chiefs from tribute, and otherwise making much of them. But this race is so barbarous and ungrateful that, if they understand our necessity, and discover any weakness or fear in us, the majority of them will rebel against us, and we shall be compelled rather to deal with them as with enemies. Therefore, whatever our exigency, we must deal with them with the same courage, superiority, and firmness as in our most prosperous time itself; and we must assure them that our orders and requests are solely for their good, and by no necessity of ours. It appears to be advisable to order them that each chief send one of his sons with his gold, in order to watch it, and to prove that the rightful owner accompanies it.

Likewise: whether it will be advisable to have a quantity of rice, swine, fowls, and other food stored in certain parts of the mountains and tingues; for were the places where these are chiefly produced near this city, or in places easy of access to the enemy—and since it is supposed that they would come in force—in such case, it would not be difficult for them to seize this food and appropriate it to their own use, or burn it, for we could not have sufficient forces to divide them, or withdraw them from the defense of this city. And in this connection it is observed that it would be advisable to have the cattle-pastures -which are the support of this state, and the first thing that the enemy look for—established inland (as there is sufficient pasturage in all parts), with some guard. And since, if the enemy came, and we were actually confronted with the danger, it would be necessary for the Indians who have their villages and houses on the seacoast, or along the rivers or estuaries, where the enemy could penetrate easily, to retire inland to live, it seems that it would be advisable for the fathers of the doctrinas to have the natives warned and persuaded immediately to move to more retired and secure places; and that they should commence their sowing, since there are many virgin and unoccupied lands. Should such an event [the coming of an enemy] occur, then this would be already done; and if not, then they would lose nothing in harvesting their rice; for it would be necessary to abandon their hamlets and comforts, if the enemy did come. Furthermore, as these Indians are traders, as is known, and trade in rice and other products with this community, since they bring it from Otton, Camarines, Ylocos, and other places, this trade and provision would, if the enemy came, have to cease; and if these Indians remained among us and near their present abodes, they would consume our food, and we both would starve. In order to supply food, there is no better remedy than to commence to sow in distant and secure places, so that the natives may be safe, prepared, and forewarned, and that there may be abundance of provisions; since, by withdrawing from each varangay ten men, or the number that may be deemed sufficient, these fields and new settlements may be commenced.

Likewise should be considered whether it would be advisable to store the property of all the Sangleys in the stone warehouses of this city, where the goods might be kept safe, while the Sangleys could go outside of the city to build their houses, because of the great danger, lest by some fire-contrivance they should burn that Parian and a great part of the city. This is to be understood as proposed only if occasion should arise for us to take such measures. Likewise, it will be advisable to have the houses or churches which now are thatched with straw or nipa roofed with tiles; or else they might be destroyed, because of the manifest danger of being set afire with great facility upon any occasion.

Whether the encomenderos, because of these common necessities, should be allowed to collect from each tributario the value of two reals in rice and one real in one laying hen, or two chicks (male or female), or one cock, and the rice at its value among them. Also whether the encomendero should not store it in the city, in the house that he is actually living in; and whether, since the hen is obtained from the Indian as the tribute for one real, neither the hen, the male or female chicks, nor the cock—whichever the Indian gives in tribute, the matter being left to his choice—can be valued, sold, or bought for more than one real.



Communication from the Governor to the Ecclesiastics

Relation of the proposition made by Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, and governor and captain-general in these islands, for the king, our sovereign, to the fathers provincial of the orders, and to other superiors, religious, and ecclesiastics at the meeting that he held with them; and the response of the said fathers. [52]

Since my arrival in this kingdom, whose government and defense the king, our sovereign, was pleased to entrust to me—certainly a trust greatly disproportionate to my poor strength—I have ever watched over its conservation and perpetuation, as being a new land, in the midst of infidel and idolatrous enemies; and I have even peopled the greater part of it with them; and those so far away have a remedy and aid from their hardships and dangers. In this, God has willed, by His mercy, to plant His faith among and to enlighten those natives, by preaching to them, through His ministers, His holy law, with a zeal so fervid. And this is very different from other provinces in these regions, where there is likewise a Christian faith, and the name of church of the faithful; but their people are so remiss that they content themselves with furthering only their trading and commerce, caring only for their own individual aims and interests, and peradventure, to no little renunciation of the name of Christian, and causing it to be despised (as in Goa, Malaca, Macan, Maluco, and other parts)—who, satisfied with their own individual interests and business, do not, as here, regard the propagation of the holy gospel as their principal purpose. The maintenance of this is costing so many deaths of blessed fathers religious, who, in the planting of this vine in the Lord, completed so much toil and affliction with their lives, and who, in the conversion of souls, were laboring and overcoming ail manner of danger and fatigue; so much blood and lives of so many honorable Spaniards, who have so happily ended their days in the furthering and building of this new church; and lastly, the vast amount of wealth and royal patrimony which his Majesty has expended, and is expending daily, in the prosecution of so glorious an object. This is none other than the exaltation of the Catholic faith, although it costs so much, as is known, that every year he expends money from his own house, while the temporal gain derived here is so small, and the expense and cost so great and excessive that, unless he lift up his eyes and behold the eternal reward which will result from this, he would have abandoned it already—and as, I believe, no other monarch whatever would have been so zealous for the honor of God, and the Catholic name, that he would not have abandoned it. Therefore we must consider prudently, and fear lest (may God preserve him to us for many years!) he might die, and be succeeded by one who, because of nearer cares and labors, will grow tired, and not take any care of the affairs of this state. Therefore, it is advisable that, should this happen, he [a successor] take and find it in such condition that, with the divine favor, it might, in its own strength, furnish its own defense from the injuries inflicted by weather and enemies; and, planning out its duty in the most secure manner, take courage, so far as it might, to construct a solid and durable fort. And although this care and vigilance have always been mine, and I have been especially attentive, from the time of my arrival, to look after the repair and fortification of this city, as being the head and court of this kingdom, and where, in whatever attack and emergency, the heart and principal strength of the defense of this kingdom must be located; and for this and for the conservation and perpetuation of this state, I am setting in force many activities and provisions that I have ordained and made in anticipation, which are to be seen and considered, conforming to and governing myself in this by the express orders given me by his Majesty—who for it points out to me, and advises me especially of certain hostile nations, with whom I must proceed carefully and cautiously; nevertheless, in the preparation and repairs of this city, the defense of the coasts and seas, in order to resist the enemies that might invade them, I would have displayed greater zeal and energy (both in these and in other provisions), had not the fathers, superiors of the orders, and other religious, in all or nearly all of them, opposed me by raising scruples, both in private conversations and in their pulpits and sermons, contradicting my authority and raising up obstacles. For indeed, in the building of the wall and fort of this city, the scruples that they have urged against me are well known—namely, that this country had no need of the defenses; that the Indian, to whom the country belongs, does not request them; and that the whole thing results in labor and oppression for the Indians. If galleys are built and equipped—even when by order of his Majesty, and for the defense of these seas and rivers, it has been said with accusations that for so poor a land this is a very heavy burden; and that these and other preparations cannot be made, except in a known extremity, and a manifest and evident danger. They have urged the same obstacle against me in equipping the galleys with seamen from among the Indians; and say that, in good conscience, this cannot be done; that although such natives otherwise may be the perpetual slaves of their chiefs, while here they are seamen for but three years, at the end of which they are freed, this is not sufficient to justify it, as the work is different, greater, and against natural right. They have even said that, if there is no other means to have galleys, there should be none, or that the king find the method, since, by virtue of the tribute that he levies, the defense of the land belongs to him. If order is given to gather the rice and other foods—so necessary a preparation in case of any adverse event—or that tackle, lines, and other supplies be made (for which the Indians are well paid for their work thereon), neither can this be done, because the Indians are deprived of food, and it is a great affliction. In short, there is contradiction and opposition to everything, and moreover, called by a name so serious as charge of conscience and salvation or condemnation of the soul. This, at the very least, however necessary may be the things ordained, renders lukewarm and greatly disheartens him who ordains them, and continues to warn him; so that it has happened to me that, by finding myself confused and with my hands almost tied by so many outcries in the pulpits, so many declarations, and so many acclamations and persuasions, I have been temporizing. And, little by little, this has increased, with that which the troubles and dangers were demanding in the procuring of repairs and remedies, until now when it is evident—by reason of the information that I have received of Xaponese enemies, which can have only a sure and certain foundation—that there will be no need of announcing to them, in the manifest danger that threatens, the arousing and quickening of the great and ardent desire that I have always had, that I might succeed in seeing this state in some condition of perfection, and in such repair and defense that it may await, with courage and confidence (after the protection of God), any attack whatever from surrounding enemies, who are known here—until, with the lapse of time, and God opening His hand more generously, and the city growing stronger with its power and forts, it may, not contenting itself with only conserving that conquered in the name of God and of its king, extend and enlarge itself, ever acquiring greater dominion and authority. For this purpose, there is no surer means than by repairs and preparations to have foreseen the danger and extremity to which we might come, before such danger comes to let fall its blow—since, if we await it until that time, the enemy will give us no opportunity to take counsel or protect ourselves, much less to make and prepare things, that, necessarily, to be of use, should have been made and prepared much beforehand; for the sword is worn many days in the belt, to but one that it proves its worth by its aid. It would not suffice for me then, when the enemy tried to kill me in the fort, to have my sword at home. Nor is it a discreet state which, when expecting enemies, waits until they are actually seen, before providing a fort, walls, artillery, galleys, arms, and other preparations [aparatos], which for that very reason are called preparations: because they have to be made ready beforehand [aparejados] many days, and even years. Accordingly, not only should the arms be ready, but the soldiers experienced in and accustomed to them; the galley not only finished, but the rower skilful at the oar; the food collected; and even the money, which is the sinew of war, ready and assigned for the expenses of war—in order that the enemy, who spies on all our actions, may see how well prepared and equipped we are, and be restrained and intimidated. For many times battles are fought as much by means of reputation as with forces, and since the future danger, when it is assured, must be held as present, in order to anticipate it and prepare for it, let us take counsel on the danger expected as if we had it already at the doors of our houses. And with the same diligence, let us set ourselves to the preparation, as if we actually saw the enemy on that sea. I would wish to be judged as too forearmed and assured, than, by negligence, over-confidence, and lack of diligence to lose one palmo of land, or one iota of reputation. This proposition, then, Fathers and Sirs, I have petitioned and prayed from your Paternities and Graces, that we might assemble here, since we all have equal share in the common safety, to discuss it; and so that, in the provisions and preparations that must be made, I may take action in everything with an easy conscience, which is the part pertaining to your Paternities; so that, with light and clearness on this point, I may prepare in time for the imminent danger that threatens. For if we waited until the extreme point of necessity was reached, innumerable difficulties would ensue, since what gradually, and in space of time, can be done easily, and with few people, who are well paid, must then be done at one stroke, with an infinite number of conscripted and unpaid people, and with intolerable confusion and hardship, besides many other annoyances, which are a great hindrance and obstacle to both soul and body, and to defense from the enemy, but which are avoided, if preparation be made beforehand.

[Endorsed on the front leaf: "For the religious."]



Documents of 1593



Letter to Governor Dasmarinas. Felipe II; January 17. Two royal decrees. Felipe II; January 17 and February 11.

Sources: Both of these documents are obtained from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias.

Translations: These are made by James A. Robertson.



Letter from the King to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

The King: To Gomez Perez Das Marinas, my governor and captain-general of the Philippinas Islands. I have received the letters that you wrote me by the last fleet from Nueba Espana. You have done well to advise me so minutely of the condition in which you found affairs in those islands, and how ill their government was being carried on. You shall continue on all occasions to do this, acting in the islands according to your obligation, and in conformity with the hope and satisfaction that I have had, and have, in you. You have done very well in having observed so punctually, as you say, what was ordered you in the instructions that I had given you. You shall do likewise with the other matters in your instructions.

I was very glad to hear how far advanced work was on the cathedral church of that city. I was pleased to see the care and promptness with which you have attended to what I ordered you in regard to this. I consider this as a service from you, and charge you that, if there be anything lacking to finish the work, you shall see that it is done as quickly as possible. Although you have been sent in duplicate the decrees that you carried, they are now being sent again, without considering that fact, to the officials of Mexico, so that they may, upon the first opportunity, provide you with the supplies mentioned.

You have done very well in applying the one thousand pesos of income to the hospital for Spaniards, and the five hundred to that for the Indians, as I ordered you in your instructions. I charge you that you aid and protect them to the best of your ability, since the work is so charitable.

Since you say that the blankets that I ordered sent from Mexico for the said hospitals are not needed, as you have there all you want, and at a cheaper price, and that the money spent on them might be better spent on other indispensable necessities of the said hospitals, you shall advise the viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, so that he may convert the money for them into what you consider most needful.

You advise me that you wished to audit the accounts of certain brothers of the habit of St. Francis, who have charge of the hospital for the Indians, but that they refused to show the accounts, and asserted that I had nothing to do with it; and that, until I should endow that house and satisfy its needs, I could have nothing to do with it, nor in the other charitable works of that bishopric. You say that the bishop had abetted that, and that he had sided with and aided the brothers. And although you ought, notwithstanding his reply, to continue your investigations, which have not yet been made, you shall, as soon as you receive this letter, take possession of the said hospital, and of any others in the said islands, in my name, as patron of them—for such I am by right and by apostolic bull. Likewise you shall call to account all who shall have had charge of the incomes, alms, and other matters pertaining to them. I am writing to the bishop not to hinder you in this; and that, if he desire, he may be present at the said settlement of accounts.

Since the bishop has gone to excess in placing so many fiscals and officials in that city and in the other towns of that island, and in arresting and whipping Indians, to the very great prejudice of my jurisdiction, he certainly must restrain himself. Now and henceforth you shall see that the said bishop does not meddle or concern himself with more than pertains to him by right, and that he observe the regulations imposed by the laws of my kingdoms.

I have noted what you say in regard to the artifices and plans of the bishop, so that my patronage might not be exercised; and that he appoints the incumbents of benefices removable ad nutum, and temporarily, not in actual ownership and by institution, in order to be able to remove them and appoint others; and the excommunications with which he annoys the officials of my royal estate, and the encomenderos, if they do not furnish the salaries of those ecclesiastics whom he appoints without notifying you. Inasmuch as these things are prohibited with especial distinctness, and the said patronage belongs to me throughout all the states of the Yndias, you shall have it observed. The bishop shall not meddle with the matter of the salaries, but you yourself shall pay to those who shall give instruction what is due them according to the ordinance.

As I have understood the opposition offered by the religious, and the difficulties that they placed in the way of executing the ordinance which prohibited buying the Chinese merchandise—except through persons assigned for it and at a moderate price set by them, who should buy at wholesale, and afterward distribute the merchandise—I am writing the enclosed letters to the provincials of the orders, ordering them not to offer any opposition in such matters. You shall deliver them to the provincials, and shall act according to your orders.

You have acted excellently in ordaining that no suits regarding actions committed and past before the establishment of the Audiencia shall be admitted, since, as you very truly observe, this meant opening the door to many difficulties, and giving opportunity to the people to become entangled in embarrassments and troubles. Therefore, you shall continue with the execution of this plan, and shall endeavor always to prevent suits and quarrels, which are so prejudicial and harmful in lands so remote, as is easily understood.

In regard to what you say of the embassy and present that you think should be sent to the king of China, in order to conciliate him to my service, and to open the door, by this way, for the preaching of the gospel in those districts, I am considering the matter, and shall advise you of what is resolved upon.

All that you say concerning the need of religious is borne in mind. Therefore as many as possible will always be sent. At the present time, a number of them are going, in especial thirty descalced religious of the order of St. Francis. Care and diligence will be exercised, in the future, to provide those who, as you shall advise us, are needed.

It is very advisable and necessary for the Indians to have a protector and defender, as is the case in Piru and Nueba Spana. And since, as you say, the bishop, to whom I had entrusted it, is unable to attend to the affairs, acts, and judicial procedures which require personal attention, you, as governor, shall appoint the said defender and protector, to whom you shall assign a suitable salary. This salary shall be paid from the tributes of the Indians, distributed proportionally among those assigned to my crown and those allotted to private individuals, without at all infringing for this purpose upon my moneys that proceed from other sources. Notwithstanding this, you are to understand that the bishop is not to be deprived of the general superintendence of the protection of the said Indians.

You report that, upon your arrival at those islands, you found that the Indians of Sirean, Yllocos, and Cagayan were paying ten reals, and had been doing so since the tribute was imposed, because, as they were more wealthy, heavier tribute was imposed on them than on the others. You say that you are in doubt, because your instructions state that the tribute of eight reals is to be increased and raised to ten, whether you are to understand that all the tributes are to be raised two reals; for if so, then those who formerly paid ten must now pay twelve, just as those who were paying eight now pay ten. Inasmuch as the intention was that all the tributes should be raised two reals, you shall order that those Indians who were paying ten reals shall pay twelve, now and henceforth. You shall adjust this with the mildest possible means.

Respecting the duties that are to be paid on the gold dug in those islands—about which you say there has been a dispute, since the former fiscal of the Audiencia there claimed that it should be the fifth, while the city contradicted him, and petitioned that it be but the tenth—you shall endeavor, conveniently and mildly, now and henceforth to introduce the fifth, since it is the right that pertains to me. If you shall encounter in this great difficulties and annoyances, you shall leave the matter in its present shape. You shall advise me of the condition of the country and the mines, and the annual amount of the said fifth, based on the present value of the tenth, so that after examination in my royal Council of the Yndias, the most advisable measures may be enacted.

You say also that, inasmuch as you found Don Bernardino de Sande very poor, you were unable to collect from him the proceeds of the encomienda of Baratao, in accordance with the writ issued by my royal Council of the Yndias. In consideration of this, and because he had served well, you say that you left him in possession of the encomienda, providing that he annually put one-third of the income arising from it into my treasury. Also, that you have allotted the other villages that he occupies in La Laguna of that city to Don Juan Ronquillo and Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Ballesteros in equal portions, as a reward for their services; and that likewise you have appointed Captain Gomez de Machuca (who is a very meritorious person) to the post of treasurer, with a salary of five hundred pesos, until the owner of the office should arrive. All of the above is well done.

Likewise you say that one section of your instructions orders that while the soldiers draw pay they may not trade, as such a thing would distract them from their military duty; and that although this is right, you think that they might be permitted to invest two or three hundred pesos, because of their great poverty and as an aid to its alleviation. This would not embarrass them, and you would not allow it to distract them. In consideration of this, I endorse what you say. Therefore you may tolerate this in them to the above amount.

You wrote me from Mexico what you repeat in your latest letters—that, in order to be able to ensure respectable soldiers going to those islands, it would be advisable to permit the soldiers who go there to return to Nueva Spana, or wherever their wives or business interests were, after several years' service, or if necessary business arose, or if they were, as some are, married; for, as it is seen that they are not permitted to leave those islands, none but mestizos and people of little account go there. After discussing this matter, it was determined to refer it to you, as I do now, in order that you may act as you may consider most advisable; but so that there may be no lack of the people necessary in that country.

The suit that you mention between the bishop and the encomenderos in regard to the tithes, has not yet arrived here. As soon as it comes, it will be examined, and necessary steps will be taken.

Inasmuch as you report that there are certain Sangley shops in the Parian, whose rent is given to their governor; and that it is not advisable that those Sangleys remain there, because they are not Christians; but that some settlement outside the city should be assigned them, and the rent for their shops applied to that city as public property, while another kind of remuneration be given to the said judge of the Sangleys: I refer to you everything pertaining to this matter, so that, after consulting with the licentiate Rojas and the municipal government of that city, you may provide for it in such manner that the said Sangleys receive no injury or dissatisfaction.

Under the present cover I enclose to you a second decree, ordering that my officials of those islands should pay their wages to the sailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and other workmen; and that, if my treasury there should prove insufficient for this, they send to Nueba Spana for the deficit. Under other covers I am writing to the viceroy to have this carefully obeyed.

Notwithstanding that the provision mentioned in your instructions, ordering that none but inhabitants of those islands engage in trade, was not delivered or afterward sent to you, you shall observe the contents of that section of the said instructions which treats of this.

The effort which you report having made with the city, that a convent of nuns be founded in the church of Sant Andres (the erection of which has begun), which is discussed in section twenty-seven of your instructions, is well, and you shall continue it.

You will know my wishes in regard to the sale of the offices from the despatches that have been sent to you, and you shall observe them.

The bulls of crusades and composition, which you say might be applied in those islands, were sent to you; and my royal Council of the Crusade is writing in regard to it.

In remunerating and providing for the deserving, you shall continue to observe the instructions and orders given you.

In regard to what you say about the entrances and new discoveries, and their great necessity in order that the soldiers may be maintained, and their extreme poverty alleviated, this is not the principal end that must be observed, but that of the service of God, and the welfare of the Indians. Inasmuch as you have the matter in hand, you shall consider what will be most advisable, and you shall accordingly ordain in it what you consider fitting, in accordance with the nature and condition of the country, and the people that you shall have.

You have done very well in applying the proceeds of the merchant's peso on the Chinese merchandise, and the monopoly of playing-cards, to the wall of that city; and because you have made, for the same purpose, a two per cent assessment and contribution on the citizens and on the Peruvian and Mexican merchandise traded in that land. And although you report that this two per cent assessment has been made for only one time, you shall continue the collection of this duty, and that on the playing-cards, and the merchant's peso, until the said fortification is finished.

You shall be very careful to favor the cathedral and hospitals. You shall advise me of what alms can be given, and to what amount, since you report their, necessity as so great.

I note what you say in regard to the change of lieutenant-governor that you advise, or my giving you permission to appoint another. In the meantime, until what is deemed advisable is provided in regard to this (which is now being discussed) you shall endeavor to maintain pleasant relations; and shall proceed as is most desirable to the service of God and to mine, and to the welfare of the land.

What pertains to the navigation from those islands will be determined as soon as possible—namely, whether it shall be at my account, or at that of private individuals, and you shall be advised of the resolution taken. In either case, you shall send information, now and henceforth, upon all occasions, to my royal Council of the Indias, of all vessels leaving there, and of their registers, with itemized cargo—as, so much in gold, and so much in merchandise, with the declaration of the different kinds.

You say that you have experienced difficulties and opposition on the part of the encomenderos in establishing the increase of two reals on the tribute of each Indian; and that notwithstanding that they afterward agreed to it, yet they petitioned that they be allowed to collect their tributes in the usual way. As this does not seem to you advisable, but you desire that they collect with mildness, you shall ordain thus, and it will receive endorsement.

In undertaking the construction of the galleys, you shall advise me of its progress, and of their cost, and for what purpose they can best be used.

I am ordering Joan de Ledesma to send you, with this, signed copies of the decrees prohibiting Peru and Guatemala from trading in those islands and in China. In accordance with these decrees, you shall regard as confiscated everything that may be traded in violation of those orders.

It is not advisable to make any innovation in regard to the permission which you request—namely, power to despatch vessels to Peru and other points; but you should observe the decree.

The other points of your letters are being discussed, and an answer will be sent to you upon the first occasion. Madrid, January 17, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.

I The King

By order of the king, our sovereign:

Joan de Ybarra.

Countersigned by the council.

[In the margin, at the beginning of this document: "Reply to Gomez Perez das Marinas, governor and captain-general of the Philippinas Islands."]



Two Royal Decrees



Lawsuits in the Philippine Islands

Don Phelipe, etc. When I ordered the suppression of my royal audiencia and chancilleria resident in the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands, and established there a governor and lieutenant-governor (the latter of whom is a lawyer), to take care of matters of justice, one of my decrees was ordered to be promulgated, in which was declared the order to be followed in the hearing of suits and causes that might arise in the said islands. This is of the following tenor:

"Don Phelipe, by the grace of God, king of Castilla [his other titles follow]. Inasmuch as, for certain reasons advantageous to my service, I have resolved to order the suppression of my royal audiencia, at present established in the Philipinas Islands, and have appointed as my governor and captain-general of them Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, and you, the licentiate Pedro de Rojas (at present my auditor in my said royal Audiencia), as his lieutenant-governor and counselor, to determine matters of justice; and inasmuch as, the said Audiencia not having existence, it is advisable that for the peace and tranquillity of the said islands and the citizens and inhabitants thereof, and the good administration of justice therein, you should understand the system that you are to observe and follow in the hearing and determination of the suits, which were moved and were pending in the said Audiencia, or that will be moved hereafter: I declare, desire, and will that in all cases you shall hear, sentence, determine, and execute in the following form and manner. All the suits that were pending in the said Audiencia, and were not concluded on trial, you shall resume in the condition in which they were left, and they shall be prosecuted before you. You shall pass sentence upon them; and if appeal is made by the parties, or either one of them, from your decisions, you shall submit the appeal to the president and auditors of my royal Audencia residing in the city of Mexico, in Nueba Espana. You shall likewise refer to my said Audiencia of Mexico the suits that may have received sentence on trial in the said Audiencia, if appeal has been made from the sentence, so that the cases may be prosecuted before it, and sentenced in review. And if any suits were sentenced in review in the said Audiencia of the said Philipinas Islands, and the execution of the sentences is demanded, then you are authorized to have them executed, as well as the sentences given on trial in the said Audiencia in suits pending therein, and on which no appeal was made, and if the said sentences on trial were passed in a case where judgment was rendered. Likewise I declare, and it is my will, that you may hear and try the suits regarding Indians which shall be moved in the said islands henceforth, and those which might come before you on appeal from the corregidors that are and were in the said islands. In hearing the said suits regarding Indians, you shall observe the royal decree and edict given at Malinas, and the declarations that were made regarding it. In this and in all the abovementioned cases, as well as in all other suits and causes that the said Gomez Perez Dasmarinas can and ought to try, as being governor and captain-general, and you, the said licentiate Pedro de Roxas, as his counselor and lieutenant-governor, for the determination of the said suits and matters of justice, you shall observe the laws and ordinances of these kingdoms, and the instructions, provisions, and decrees, given by the emperor and king, my sovereign (may he rest in peace), and by me, and those that shall be given. And for authorization to perform and fulfil all that is above mentioned, and any portion and part of it, and all else annexed and pertaining to it, I grant you as complete and sufficient power as is required and as is needed. I order the presidents and auditors of my royal audiencias of the said Nueba Espana, and all the councils, magistrates, regidors, knights, esquires, officials, and good men of all cities, towns, and hamlets of Nueba Espana and of the said islands, to keep and observe this my decree in every point, according to the tenor of what is contained and declared therein; and that, for its fulfilment, they give and cause to be given to you the help and assistance that you request and that is necessary. And I order my said presidents and auditors of my said royal Audiencia of Mejico to hear the said suits that shall be sent there, in accordance with the above order; and that they give sentence and conclusion to them in accordance with the law and ordinances of these kingdoms, and with the said ordinances, provisions, and decrees; and none of you shall violate them. Given at San Lorenzo, August twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.

I The King

I, secretary of the king, our sovereign, had this written by his order.

Juan de Ybarra"

I have been informed recently that, because of the great distance of those islands from the city of Mexico (to whose Audiencia must be sent appeals in the said causes), many, especially the poor, refuse to prosecute their suits; for in some of them the costs amount to more than the principal, besides the annoyance of the delay. This serves as a cause for grief and annoyance, from which the wealthy profit to the injury of most of that community. As I desire the relief of this state of things, I order, with the concurrence of my royal Council of the Indias, for the present that henceforth all suits for the value of one thousand ducados or less be concluded in the courts of the said Philipinas Islands. If appeal be made from the sentences given at the first instance, and substantiated in the second, in conformity with law, the case shall be regarded as closed with the sentence imposed by the said lieutenant-governor in the second instance, and no appeal can be taken from it. In suits and causes for more than one thousand pesos [sic], appeal may be made to my said royal Audiencia of Mexico, in accordance with the tenor of the decree inserted above. In order that this may be public and manifest, I order this my decree to be published in the said city of Manila. Given at Madrid, January seventeen, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.

I The King



Countersigned by Juan Bazquez, and signed by the council.

[In the margin: "In order that suits and causes of one thousand ducados and less may be concluded in the court of the Philipinas islands; and, if the amount be in excess of the above sum, they may be appealed to the royal Audiencia of Mexico."]



Restrictions on Commerce

The King: Inasmuch as, whenever we have promulgated ordinances prohibiting trade between the Western Yndias and China, and regulating that of the Philipinas, I have been informed that there has been neglect in the execution thereof; and that, as the merchants and other persons in the Northern Sea who trade in these our kingdoms of Castilla, and in the Yndias, have suffered so many losses during past years, and those engaged in the profits of the Chinese trade have gained so much, the latter has increased greatly, while the commerce of these my said kingdoms has declined, on which account both these kingdoms and my royal income have received great damage: therefore, since it is so important that the commerce of these my said kingdoms and of the Yndias be preserved and increased, and that there be quite usual communication and trade between them, I have, with the concurrence of my royal Council of the Yndias, determined to prohibit by new orders—as by this present I do pruhibit, forbid, and order—in the future, in any manner and under any circumstances whatever, any vessel from sailing from the provinces of Peru, Tierra Firme, Guatimala, Nueva Espana, or any other part of our Western Yndias, to China, for trade or traffic or for any other purpose. Neither can they go to the Philipinas Islands, except those from Nueva Espana, which are permitted to go by another decree of this same date. We have ordained that, should this be done, such vessel will be regarded as confiscated, with all its money, merchandise, and other cargo. One third part of all of this shall be applied to our exchequer, a second third to him who shall give information thereof, and the other third to the judge who shall pass sentence. And further, we forbid that any merchandise brought to the said Nueva Espana from the Philipinas Islands be transferred to the said provinces of Piru and Tierra Firme, even when the duties imposed on such merchandise have been paid. For our purpose and will is that nothing from China and the Philipinas Islands be used in the said provinces of Piru and Tierra Firme, except what may be there at present, and for which we allow them four years, to be determined from the date on which this our decree shall be promulgated. For this purpose every person shall register what he has at present before the justice of the city, town, or hamlet, where he lives, or of which he is a citizen. Henceforth whatever of the aforesaid merchandise shall be taken to the above-named provinces, or whatever shall be found in the possession of any person whatsoever, outside of the said register, or after the conclusion of the above time-limit, we order that it be confiscated also, and divided and shared as above stated. But we permit them to bring to these kingdoms, anything of the above-named articles that they may have had hitherto, within the limit of the said four years. I order my viceroys of Piru and Nueva Espana, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas, the presidents and auditors of my royal audiencias of the Yndias, and all other magistrates therein, that they observe and fulfil this our decree, strictly, inviolably, and punctually; and that they execute the penalties contained herein without any remission or dispensation whatever, as is thus my will, and as is fitting for my service. They shall promulgate it in all places where this shall be necessary and desirable, so that all may have notice of it, and none may plead ignorance. Given in Madrid, February eleven, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. [53]

I The King



Bibliographical Data

The papal decree of 1591 is taken from Hernaez's Coleccion de bulas, i, p. 108; the account of encomiendas, from Retana's Archivo del bibliofilo filipino, iv, pp. 41-111; the letter by Clement VIII, from Hernaez, ii, p. 357. All the remaining documents of this volume are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, being translated from the original MSS. or from transcriptions thereof; the pressmarks are as follows:

1. Collection of tributes (1591)—See Bibliographical Data for Vol. VII.

2. Conquest of Mindanao.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cabildo secular de Manila vistos en el Consejo; anos 1570 a 1640; est 67, caj. 6, leg. 27."

3. Ordinance regarding Chinese stuffs.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1567 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6."

4. Letter by Dasmarinas (1591).—The same as No. 3.

5. Fortification of Manila—The same as No. 3.

6. Investigations at Manila "Simancas Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; anos 1582 a 1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3 29."

7. Opinions of the religious orders.—"Simancas—Secular; Cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1583 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18."

8. Letters from Dasmarinas (1592); also all the remaining documents of that year.—The same as No. 7.

9. Letter from Felipe II (1593).—"Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio y partes: reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; anos de 1568 a 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11."

10. Two royal decrees.—(1) Is a part of No. 9; (2) The same as No. 6.



NOTES

[1] Referring to the Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Sevilla, 1590) of Joseph de Acosta (1540-1600), a noted Jesuit writer. Markham's translation of this interesting work forms nos. 60 and 61 of the Hakluyt Society's publications (London, 1880).

[2] Evidently a reference to the convent of the Augustinians.

[3] Spanish obispo de anillo, literally, "bishop with a ring;" the same as a bishop in partibus infidelium. This means a titular bishop of the Roman Catholic church whose territory is occupied by infidels, so that he cannot reside there.

[4] Spanish vinas; here used metaphorically, since the natives then obtained their wine from the palm-tree, and from rice, etc. See Vol. III, p. 202; iv, p. 67; and V, p. 169. Cf. U.S. Philippine Commission's Report (1900), iii, pp. 264-266.

[5] The allusion to this document which appears in section 8 of Dasmarinas's letter to the king of June 20, 1591, which immediately follows this, shows that it was prepared by his order, to accompany the letter.

[6] Spanish puente, in Retana's text; apparently an error for some other word referring to the priest at Tabuco.

[7] Evidently referring to the petition which appears in Vol. VII, p. 301.

[8] The university of Salamanca was founded in the twelfth or thirteenth century. The city of Salamanca, although it contains beautiful churches, owes its fame chiefly to the university. The studies were divided into the greater schools, or university proper, and the lesser schools, or colleges. In 1569 it had the following chairs: canonical law, ten; theology, seven; medicine, seven; logic and philosophy, eleven; astronomy, one; music, one; Hebrew and Chaldean, two; Greek, four; rhetoric and grammar, seventeen. It was among the very first universities to teach the sciences.

The university of Alcala was founded by Cardinal Cisneros, July 26, 1508, under the name of Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso. It was removed to Madrid in 1836. The building occupied by the university combined in itself several forms of architecture, not adhering to any one.

[9] Regimiento: the body of regidors, who never exceeded twelve, forming a part of the municipal council, or ayuntamiento, in every capital of a jurisdiction. See Bouvier's Law Dictionary (Rawle's rev. ed., Boston, 1897), p. 860.

[10] The quotation from St. Augustine is cited in Gratian's "Decretum," in Corpus juris canonici; it reads thus, in English: "The natural order, fitted to promote peace among mortals, demands that the power to wage war, and the direction of it, rest in the sovereign." The other citation is from St. Thomas Aquinas's Summa theologica, part ii, div. ii, qu. 40, art. i.—Joseph Fitzgerald.

[11] "One may repel force with force."

[12] "Just wars are defined to be those which avenge wrongs; if a nation or a state is to be punished either for neglect to punish the evil deeds of their people, or to make restitution of what has been taken wrongfully."

[13] "He concedes all who refuses what is just."

[14] This reference is to St. Augustine's "Questions on (the book of) Numbers." The citation Ut legitimum is to a chapter in Gratian's Decretum, of which these are the opening words.—Joseph Fitzgerald.

[15] "It is to be observed in what manner just wars were waged by the children of Israel against the Amorites; for inoffensive transit was denied to them, although by the most equitable laws of human fellowship it should be open."

[16] "Though it be not lawful to cross over the lands of others, still, as this transit was necessary and harmless, they [the Amorites] ought not to have forbidden it—and, further, because it was a public route, and no one is forbidden to use a public route."

[17] In continente, "on the spot;" that is, at the actual time of the assault or other wrong. Nec sua repetere, "nor recover his own" (by force or violence is implied). Silvester is cited in the Theologia moralis of Alphonso Maria de Liguori.—Joseph Fitzgerald.

[18] "Beyond the due limits of [lawful self-]defense."

[19] "The Spanish writer cites "II Kings." But the books designated "I and II Kings" in the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and the Catholic canon are called in the English Bible "I and II Samuel."—Joseph Fitzgerald.

[20] "Whether at command of God or that of some legitimate ruler, wars are undertaken even by good men, to be waged against the violence of rebels, when civil order itself justly constrains them either to command such action or to obey [i.e., to serve in the army]."

Quid culpatur is the opening of a chapter in Gratian's Decretum, a section of the canon law, and serves as the title of the chapter.—Joseph Fitzgerald.

[21] "What is condemned in war? Is it that men who at some time must die, die in war? It is for cowards to fault this, not religious men. The desire to do injury, the cruelty of revenge, unappeased and implacable hate, the wild passions of rebellion, lust of power and the like—such are the things which are justly condemned in wars."

[22] "With God's true worshipers even wars are not sinful if they are waged, not through greed or with cruelty, but for the sake of peace, that the wicked may be repressed and the good sustained."

[23] "We wage war that we may live in peace."

[24] "Peace is not sought that war may be waged, but war is waged that peace may be won."

[25] "He hangs him out of hatred."

[26] "When from dissensions and factions results, not peril to this one or that, but slaughter of whole populations, then severity must be relaxed somewhat, that sweet charity may intervene for the healing of those greater ills."

[27] "Whenever evil is done by whole populations or by a multitude, then, because it is not possible to punish them all, on account of their great number, the matter usually passes by unpunished."

[28] "The multitude should be spared."

[29] "For when there are so many who fall that they defend their former iniquity by authority, and who make, as it were, a business of sinning, that hope itself must be cut off."

[30] "As war is lawful, it is lawful to use the means needful to attain the end, which is victory."

[31] "Plunder is no longer allowable."

[32] Juan de Valderrama was the head of the Augustinian missionaries sent to the Philippines in 1582. He had much executive ability, and, besides conducting one or more churches in the villages near Manila, held successively important posts in his order (prior provincial, from 1590). He died in 1618. Alonso de Castro came to the islands in 1577, and was missionary in several villages, both Tagalo and Bisayan, as he had mastered both languages. Gifted as a theologian and orator, he was designated by Felipe II as bishop of Nueva Caceres, but died (1597) before he could exercise that office.

Lorenso de Leon came in 1582, and held many high positions in his order there. In 1606 he returned to Mexico, where he died in 1623. Juan Vega Tamayo who arrived in the same year, remained until his death (in 1603), most of his time being occupied in official duties at Manila. Of Antonio Serrano it is only known that he occupied various official positions in the Manila convent from 1590 to 1596. Diego Gutierrez was a missionary in Luzon from 1578 until his death in 1613.

Diego Munoz came in 1578, and was professor of theology in the Manila convent, missionary to the Chinese at Tondo in 1581, the first commissary of the Inquisition in the islands (see his instructions, Vol. V, pp. 256-273), and prior provincial from 1587. He died at Manila in 1594. Diego Alvarez was in the islands from 1578 until his death (1601) mainly engaged in official duties. Alonso de Montalban came in 1590, and died in 1604. Matias Manrique came in 1586, and died in 1593. Alonso Paz is known to have been in Luzon during 1591-93.

The above information is obtained from Perez's Catalogo.

[33] This was doubtless St. Pedro Bautista Blazquez y Blazquez Villacastin, born June 29, 1542, of a noble Spanish family. He made his religious profession in the Franciscan order, in 1567. After some time spent in Mexico, he came to the Philippines, where his first task was the instruction of Tagals in music. In 1586 he was chosen as custodian of the Franciscan communities there, which office he held until 1591; he was then appointed guardian of the Manila convent. He was very active in mission work in the islands, and founded several convents and villages. In 1593 he was sent by Governor Dasmarinas as ambassador to Japan; was afterward placed in charge of the Franciscan missions in Japan; and founded a hospital for lepers and a convent in the city of Miaco. On February 5, 1597, Father Bautista with five of his brethren, and a number of Japanese converts, were martyred at Nagasaki. He was beatified in 1627, and canonized by Pius IX in 1862. See Gomez Platero's Catalogo biografico (Manila, 1880); and Santa Ines's Cronica, i, pp. 452-466.

[34] The document here mentioned is an official report of certain conversations between Dasmarinas and Rojas; it is not presented here, because it is of little importance or interest.

[35] Contract for disposing of goods by wholesale.

[36] An extensive synopsis made by some government clerk is written on the back of this letter.

[37] An extensive synopsis of the letter was made by one of the government clerks.

[38] The conquest of Korea was not accomplished until 1592, although the preceding year had been spent in vigorous preparations for the campaign. Hideyoshi evidently made this statement in boastful anticipation of success. His design was to conquer, at one blow, both Korea and China.

[39] The device of Hideyoshi was a bundle of gourds.

[40] As explained in the letter of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, of June 11, 1592. (q.v. p. 256, ante), two copies of the translation of this letter into Spanish were sent to Spain. The above, which is the second in the document we follow, bears title "The same letter translated by the ambassador, through an interpreter." The other copy was the one made by order of the governor in Manila. As the governor states in his letter, they are alike in essentials. The first letter is dated "The year nineteen of Tienche, in the ninth month, and on the nineteenth day of the month. The Quanpec of the kingdom of Japon." See another version (in Spanish) of the second letter, with still other variations, in Santa Ines's Cronica, ii, pp. 545-547; the editor of that work states that the date of the letter—which, however, is there given as "the 13th year of Tenjo, 11th month"—corresponds to the year 1591.

[41] This letter, as found in the archives, is written on a separate sheet and is inserted in the fold of the following letter.

[42] "A corruption of Kuwambaku, the Japanese designation of a regent appointed by the Mikado. The holder of this office at the time here referred to was Hideyoshi, one of the most notable rulers of Japan. Born in 1536, he entered the army when a youth, and rapidly rose to its head. He was appointed regent in 1586, but in 1591 abdicated in favor of his adopted son, Hidetsugu—retaining, however, actual authority until his death in 1598. This embassy to the Spaniards in the Philippines was but one evidence of Hideyoshi's insatiate arrogance and ambition; for he planned to subjugate China and all the other countries within his reach. For the history of his reign, see J.J. Rein's Japan (London, 1884), pp. 277-294; David Murray's Story of Japan (N.Y., 1894), pp. 184, 190-226; and W.E. Griffis's Mikado's Empire (5th ed., N.Y., 1887), pp. 236-243.

[43] The Japanese calendar was based upon the lunar year; and the years were divided into cycles of sixty years each. Besides this division, there is another and more arbitrary one, into periods between important historical events, which divisions are named from a list of Chinese words specially set aside for this purpose. The name used in this document, Tienchen, is that of one of these historical periods; it is written "Tensho" by Griffis, and its dates given as 1573-92. See Rein's Japan, pp. 434-437; and Griffis's Mikado's Empire, pp. 623-626.

The place from which the letter was written was probably the town of Shiuri, the chief port of the Riu Kiu (or Loo Choo) Islands, known to the Spaniards as Lequios. See Basil Hall's "Bibliography of Luchu," in Transactions of Asiatic Society of Japan, xxiv, pp. 1-11.

[44] A different version of this letter is given by Santa Ines, ii, pp. 547-549.

[45] La Concepcion states (Historia, ii, pp. 217, 218) that Faranda had come to Manila in 1591, and, having carefully observed the condition and defenses of that city, returned to Japan and informed Faxevedono (Hideyoshi) that he could easily conquer the Spanish colony in the Philippines.

THE END