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I, The King
I, Joan Ybarra, secretary of the king our lord, had it written by his order.
The licentiate
Hernando de Vega de Fonseca
Registered:
Pedro de Ledesma, Chancellor.
San Joan de Sardaneta
Clause of the instruction. The king, our lord, sent me, in such capacity, an order through royal decree and instruction, signed by his royal hand, the original of which does not accompany this on account of its being inserted in other important decrees and secret orders relating to his royal service. The order in question reads as follows: "Whenever you think best to allow and give permission to the inhabitants of the said islands to go to Xapon, Macan, and other kingdoms or settlements of the Portuguese or the heathens, for the sake of trade, you can do so after having first carefully investigated whether there is any obstacle or danger in the journey." Since, for the reason which will be stated below, his Majesty's desire corresponds to two other royal decrees which will be shown, we have inserted here a number of original documents which successively read as follows:
The King: To Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, or, in your absence, to the person or persons having charge of the government. According to what I wrote you on the fourth of April of last year, eighty-one, and what you have seen since in the despatches sent by the fleet which left for Nueva Espana on the thirteenth of June of the said year, you must have heard that, on account of the death of the most serene, powerful, and lofty king, Don Enrrique, my uncle (may he rest in peace), I succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal; and that their crown is united to that of the other kingdoms which I already possessed. Since for this reason all become one and the same people, and you and the Portuguese are all my vassals; and since it is right that, for the better support of my service, there be agreement and amicable relations among all, especially in these regions—where, on account of their great distance from here, one must exert himself to remedy the losses which may come from events that occur daily, without awaiting orders from here, on account of difficulties which would be caused by the delay—I command you that on all occasions, whether together or separated from one another, you maintain friendly relations and one mind among yourselves, as I have written, being careful to help, support, and defend one another alike in all needs and with great harmony and friendship, as it is right for you to do. I warn you to act in all things according to that trust I place in you, so that there may be no omission in the affairs committed to you, for this should be your chief and main aim. Lisboa, March thirty-one, one thousand five hundred and eighty-two.
I, The King
By order of his Majesty:
Antonio de Herasso
The King: To Don Gonzalo Rronquillo de Penalosa, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands; or, in your absence, the person or persons who may hold the reins of government. You understand, from what I have written you before and what I write now, the causes and reasons why there should be a close and friendly relation between you and your people dwelling in those islands and my viceroy of Eastern Yndia, and my governor and captain-general of Malaca with his Portuguese; and how well served I shall be if, since you are all on the same footing, and since you are all my vassals, you deal, communicate, and make friends with one another, and help one another whenever occasion and need shall arise. There was little necessity to remind you of this; yet, seeing that it is so important and so reasonable that things be so, I have decided to recommend the matter to you, assuring you that I shall be much pleased thereby. If at any time my viceroy of Yndia, or the governor and captain-general of Malaca, should write to you asking to send men to his aid, you will send him the men whom you can spare from those islands, in order that he may be secure; and do so with the precaution that you shall find needful. In either case, you will give orders as one who has the matter at heart, and knows what can and must be done. Since I trust in you and your prudence, and allow you to send some troops and captains under similar circumstances, you shall ask the same to obey and carry out whatever he whom they go to help may say and order, either in writing or orally, serving him with the good discipline and obedience to which that nation [the Portuguese] are accustomed, in the expeditions and military exploits which may take place. Lisboa, on the thirty-first day of March in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two.
I, The King
By order of his Majesty:
Antonio de Erasso
Considering the fact that the king, our lord, is pleased to have harmony, friendly relations, commerce, and trade between the inhabitants of these islands and the Portuguese nobles inhabiting Macan, Xapon, and other regions—which things are necessary for the preservation of these his kingdoms, and the welfare and prosperity of his vassals, and the exaltation of our holy Catholic religion; and since in fulfilment of this royal desire and offer of friendly intercourse, commerce, trade, and many other things pertaining to his royal service, as I am in need of ammunition for this camp, I am forced to send a person to the city of Macan—namely, Pedro de Brito, a regidor of this city of Manila—whom I order to sail from these islands to the said city of Macan on the ship "Nuestra Senora de Conception" (or, as it is also called, the "San Pedro"), with Pedro de Solorzano as captain, and Antonio Diaz Delaleres as ship-master. I have given him permission to sail, and if necessary, to let this document serve as a permission for the voyage and the return to this city, observing strictly all my instructions and orders: therefore in the name of the king, our lord, I request and ask in my own name the chief captain of the said city of Macan, the officers of the exchequer, and the magistrates and rulers of the city; and whatever governors, captains, judges, and magistrates may reside in the said city in his Majesty's name; also nobles, and other persons who live there, and in others of his kingdoms and seigniories—of all these I request that, whenever this is shown, they examine the said royal decrees and obey and observe them. I request them to let the said regidor, Pedro de Brito, come into port with the said ship and crew, allow them to land, and communicate and trade with the inhabitants and natives in all things that they desire and need, and to offer no obstacle or hindrance; but, on the contrary, to protect and help them for their success, and in the necessary preparations which they will make, as they owe to the service of his Majesty. I shall do as much to them whenever a similar request is made of me. In the city of Manila, on the third day of July, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety.
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
By order of the governor:
Gaspar de Azevo
This was corrected and compared with the said government book from which it was copied. Manila, June twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. The following witnesses were present when it was corrected and compared: Miguel de Solarte and Adrian Perez.
Gaspar de Azevo
The Governor's Opinion
Sire: Having examined this investigation which the cabildo, magistracy, and regimiento of this city have made, so that your Majesty might favor the inhabitants of Manila by granting them commerce with the inhabitants of Macan, and considering the little harm which the Portuguese would suffer from it, my opinion is that, with your Majesty's pleasure, the favor could be granted, for very little trouble will follow from it. Moreover, it will benefit this camp, in that we shall be able to get ammunition, supplies, and other things from the city of Macan: for, as far as ammunition is concerned, the trade with China is closed, since no Chinese would dare to bring it over.
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
This copy was made, corrected, and compared with the evidence and other decrees already mentioned, at the request of the attorney of this city of Manila, and by order of the said governor, on June twenty-second, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, in Manila; and in the presence of the following witnesses, who saw when it was taken, corrected, and compared: Miguel de Solarte, and Adrian Perez. Therefore, I set my seal to it in witness of truth.
Gaspar de Azevo
We, the undersigned notaries, certify and truly testify that Gaspar de Azevo, whose signet and name are attached to this investigation, is government notary of these islands; and, as such, the instruments drawn before him, or which have heretofore been drawn before him, are to be given full faith and credit in or out of court. Port of Cavite, June twenty-third, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
Alonso Esteban de Marquina, notary.
Tomas Perez, notary.
Miguel de Quintanilla, notary-public.
The preceding was deliberated upon in Madrid on the twentieth day of July, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two.
The licentiate Gonzalez.
[Endorsed at beginning of document:
"The city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands; concerning the possibility of their inhabitants trading with those of Macan.
Ledesma, secretary."
"Eighty-four maravedis were paid for the examination, on July 15, 1529 (sic; sc. 1592).
The licentiate Gonzalez."
"The possible trade between Macan and the inhabitants of Manila."]
[Endorsed on back of document: "Investigation concerning the question of Macan; for Domingo de Uribe."]
Documents of 1592
Opinions of the religious communities on the war with the Zambales. Juan de Valderrama, and others; January 19-20. Letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people of the Philippines. Clement VIII; March 25. Letter to Felipe II. G.P. Dasmarinas; May 31. Rules for the Manila hospital. G.P. Dasmarinas; [May 31]. Expedition to Tuy. [Luis Perez Dasmarinas]; June 1. Two letters to Felipe II. G.P. Dasmarinas; June 6, 11. An embassy from Japan. Hideyoshi, and others; 1591-92. Three letters to Felipe II. G.P. Dasmarinas; June 20, July 6. Luzon menaced by Japanese. [G.P. Dasmarinas; 1592?].
Sources: All these documents are obtained from original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
Translations: In the first document, the opinion of the Augustinians is translated by Joseph Fitzgerald; that of the Franciscans, by Victoria G. Peacock; the remainder, by James A. Robertson. The second document is translated by Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A., Villanova College; the third, by Jose M. and Clara M. Asensio. In the eighth document, the first letter is translated by Helen E. Thomas; the third, by Mary F. Foster. The remaining documents of this group are translated by James A. Robertson.
Opinions of the Religious Communities upon Waging War with the Zambales
Opinion of the Augustinians
Your Lordship orders us to give our judgment whether it be lawful to make war on the Zambales, in view of the many injuries that they have been and daily are inflicting upon our people; and, if so be that the war is lawful and righteous, what measures may be taken to attain the end proposed therein, security.
In reply to this we say that, according to all the authorities, divines as well as canonists and jurists, three conditions are required in a war to make it a righteous one; and on these we will rest the justification of the war at present under consideration.
The first condition is that he who begins the war shall have authority; the second, just cause for making war; and third, righteous intention.
The first requires that he who begins the war and by whose order it is waged be a public person, as St Augustine declares, Contra Faustum Manichaeum; cited by Gratian (23 qu. I. c. Quid culpatur): Ordo naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, ut susctpiendi belli authoritas atque consilium penes principes sit. Whence it is clear, as St. Thomas says (2a 2ae, q. 40, art. I), [10] that a private person cannot lawfully make war; for, if he is aggrieved, he should resort to his superior for satisfaction; and it is as little within the right of a private individual to collect such a body of men as is requisite to carry on a war. The difficulty is to understand what is meant by "public person" or "prince;" for it is plain that it is not lawful for every prince or judge whatsoever to wage war. The solution of this difficulty, according to St. Thomas (ubi supra,) and Cajetanus (ibi and in Summa, ch. Bellum), and Castro (De justa haereticorum punitione lib. 2, c. 4), is that by "public person" in the present case is understood the one who in his government depends not on another; such are the kings of Spain and France, also some free commonwealths, as Venice, Florence, and Ferrara: these have authority, without recourse to another, to wage war. But those princes and states whose government is not sovereign may not levy war without authority from their superior; and so the lords of Castilla and the viceroys and governors appointed by our king Philippus may not without a warrant make war.
What is said applies not when war is waged for defense against enemies, but in other circumstances; for if it is for defense, such war is permitted to any governor or king, as the authors say, because vim vi repellere licet; [11] and thus the viceroys and governors of the Indias have authority to levy war against disturbers of the peace and quiet of the states of which they are in charge, without necessity of resorting to his Majesty for permission.
The second condition of righteous war is that the cause for which it is waged shall be a just one, as St. Thomas says: "Those upon whom war is waged deserve it for the offenses that they have committed, and the grievances that they have inflicted upon the one who makes war on them." Thus says St. Augustine (lib. 83. Quaestionum super Josue, 9. 10), and Gratian quotes him (23, q. 2, c. Dominus noster): Justa autem bella solent definiri quae ulciscuntur injurias, si gens vel civitas plectenda est, quod vel vindicare neglexerit quod a suis improbe factum est, vel reddere quod per injuriam ablatum est. [12] And as this injury and grievance may be of many kinds, so too, many and various are the just causes of war; but we will consider here only those which make for the matter in hand, confirmed by the authority of Scripture.
The first ground of a righteous war may exist when one is hindered from doing what he may by right do. This is matter of natural and divine law and on this ground Julius Caesar, as Lucan represents him (lib. 1), made defense of his conduct in waging war against the Roman state—viz., that the state had blocked to him, a Roman citizen, the route to Rome; and so he said, arms in hand, Omnia dat qui justa negat. [13] On this ground, as St. Augustine says (in Quaest. Num. q. 43), [14] the children of Israel justly made war on the kings of the Amorites (Ut legitimum, c. 21), for having withstood their passage through their country when they were on their way to the promised land, although the Israelites had given assurance that they would do no damage to the lands, the crops, or the vineyards of the Amorites. And so says St. Augustine (and he is quoted ubi supra, last chapter), Notandum est sane quemadmodum justa bella gerebantur a filiis Israel contra Amoritas: innoxius enim transitus denegabatur qui jure humanae societatis aequissimo patere debebat. [15] Upon which passage Joannes Andreas in his gloss well says: Licet enim transire per alienum agrum jus non sit, tamen quia necessarius et innoxius erat iste transitus illi prohibere non debuerunt; item quia via publica erat et nemo prohibetur via publica. [16]
The second ground, as I said, of a righteous war is the self-defense of the prince or of his subjects. This ground also is matter of both natural and divine right; for even as self-defense is a natural right, on which right is founded the rule of vim vi repellere, so too in the prince is the defense of his subjects—for the care which the prince has of his subjects is as essential on his part as is the care which each one of them has for himself; hence, if the subjects are aggrieved by their enemies, the prince may justly in their defense make war, and vim vi repellere. This is much better than that the individual should himself avenge the wrong; for the individual can lawfully defend himself and his property only in continente, as Sylvester declares (Bellum, 2 Sec. 3), but he may not avenge past wrongs, nec sua repetere save by recourse to his judge and superior. [17] Whatever goes beyond that is contrary to law and good government and, as Cajetan says, is extra moderamen tutelae, [18] it being an essential condition of the right vim vi repellere that it be done cum moderamine. But the prince and the state have the same authority with respect to their enemies at whose hands they have suffered injury, which they have with regard to their own subjects; and hence not only may they defend themselves lest either they or their subjects suffer injury, but they may avenge injuries by inflicting punishment, exact satisfaction for damage done, and take the enemies' lives, if so the quiet and safety of their subjects require. Under this head come the many wars waged by King David against the Philistines, mentioned in the Scriptures; as also the war of the Machabee captains against the kings Antiochus and Demetrius.
The third cause and ground is rebellion and disobedience of subjects. This was the ground of David's war with Sheba, son of Bichri, who raised a revolt, as you may read in II Sam. 20; [19] and this is what St. Augustine says (Contra Faustum Manichaeum, I. 22, c. 74): Adversus violentiam resistentium sive deo sive aliquo legitimo imperio jubente gerenda ipsa bella suscipiuntur a bonis ubi eos vel jubere tale aliquid vel in talibus obedire juste ordo ipse constringit (in c. Quid culpatur, ubi supra.) [20]
The fourth cause and ground for a righteous war is when there is default of keeping faith or carrying out agreements; for in such case the party who has been wronged may lawfully make war on him who, by not keeping faith, has done him injury. This made Joran [Jehoram], king of Israel, wage war on Mesa [Mesha], king of Moab, for his having failed to keep the agreements and to pay the tribute which he had promised to pay to his suzerain, King Ahab; and that this war was just is clear, for that he was assisted therein by the holy and righteous Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, with the approval of the prophet Elisha—who in the name of the Lord urged them on to war, and promised them a sure victory—as is seen in II Sam. ch. 3. These four causes and grounds, or any one of them by itself, justify war; and there are other grounds also, but these are the most certain and the most applicable to the matter in hand.
The third condition which, as we have said, must be fulfilled to make a war righteous is a right intention on the part of him who wages it; because, failing this, even when the other two conditions concur—to wit, authority and just cause—a faulty intention may render and does render the war unjust. This condition is also laid down by St. Augustine (Contra Faustum), and he is quoted by Gratian (in c. Quid culpatur); and as his words are of great weight and define wherein a bad intention consists, it is well to quote them: Quid culpatur in bello? an quid moriuntur quandoque morituri ut dominentur in pace victuri? Hoc reprehendisse timidorum est non religiosorum. Nocendi cupiditas, ulciscendi crudelitas, impacatus atque implacabilis animus, feritas rebellandi, libido dominandi et si quae sunt similia: haec sunt quae in bellis jure culpantur. [21] And what must be the right intention of the prince in levying war the same Augustine declares in the book De Verbo Domini; and the passage is found in c. A pud, ubi supra: Apud veros dei cultores et ipsa bella peccata non sunt quae non cupiditate aut crudelitate sed pacis studio geruntur ut mali coerceantur et boni subleventur. [22] Peace is the end that is to be sought in war, and so saith Aristotle (lib. 10 Ethicorum): Bellum gerimus ut in pace degamus. [23] And Augustine says the same (Epist. ad Bonifacium): Non quaeritur pax ut bellum exerceatur, sed bellum geritur ut pax acquiratur. [24]
But here it is to be noted that this right intention which is here required is a condition no more essential to a righteous war than to other good works, for in all these it is required, and without it no work is virtuous; and hence it is that if this right intention be wanting in the prince who levies war and in those who urge it, he would sin by wrong intention, but if the other two conditions be fulfilled, he, as Soto says, will not be held to make amends for the injuries that may be done in the war. So, too, if a judge orders a robber to be hanged, granted that ex odio suspendat, [25] he will not be held to restitution, if on the testimony adduced the man deserved hanging.
Reply
Having ascertained the conditions required to make a war just, from them we shall be able clearly to decide whether such is the war against the Zambales at present under discussion. To this question we will answer affirmatively: that it is lawful without any scruple whatever, for in it the three conditions meet which are required for a just war, as we have already said.
And first, in this war is found the first condition, namely, authority in the one who wages it, for he is persona publica, the governor of these isles; and also he has a superior who is our king. But since the cause is self-defense, as will later be proved, he has no need of other permission to defend his state against enemies who molest it, as we have proved.
In this war, the third condition, too—we shall speak of the second later—is fulfilled, namely, right intention; for its end is the peace and security of the subjects, disturbed by these their enemies. And this peace it has not been possible to secure by means of our benevolent efforts, although such means have been tried—as appears from our labors to that end last year in sending religious of our order, and persons known to the Zambales, to persuade them to desist from wrongdoing and be our friends, granting them a general pardon for the wrongs they had committed against us; and although the Zambales promised, and made oath in their fashion, they have defaulted utterly, committing since then many atrocious wrongs against our people, as appears from the reports on that matter which have been drawn up. And, forasmuch as nothing has been gained through kindness, comes now, as a last and drastic remedy, the resolution to win peace and security for the king's subjects by waging war on his enemies; and this is the right intention that is required according to Aristotle and St. Augustine, as before quoted. But even suppose this intention to be lacking, it is already said and proved above that this condition is not in such sort essential as to oblige to indemnification.
It remains that we look into the second condition of just warfare, to wit, that just cause exist for waging it. This condition, in which might be presented greatest difficulty, is the clearest and plainest part of the matter before us; for not only are some of the four causes and grounds pointed out by us, as being any one of them in itself sufficient, but all the just causes are here concurrent. The first condition is fulfilled in that these Zambales impede the general traffic by sea and land of those who go to Pangasin and Ylocos and Cagayan. And, albeit the traffic works damage neither to them nor to their lands, but uses a common highway, yet they sally out upon the highways and kill and rob passengers, as appears from the reports.
Concurs also the second cause; for, although these Zambales are not molested by our people, they assault and murder them, not only falling upon them in the highways, as already said, but also seeking them out in the settlements while they are laboring in the fields; so that neither in their fields nor their homes are our people safe—which also is shown in the reports.
Furthermore, after promising obedience to our king and to the governor on his behalf, they have rebelled and renounced obedience, as we have said; and this is the third of the reasons which, as we said, justify the war.
Finally, the war is justified by their failure to keep their word and their pledges of friendship; for, as is well known, they have again and again, in the time of previous governors, been reconciled and have promised friendship, and thus have obtained pardon for their acts. And in the year just past this was done with greater formality and more solemn assurances, as appears from the record; but notwithstanding this, breaking the compact of peace, they have since then inflicted other and graver injuries—sallying out as robbers into the public routes by land and by sea, making descents on our settlements and murdering everyone on whom they can lay hands, be they Indians or Spaniards, seculars or ecclesiastics. Indeed, it is well known that last year they murdered a religious of our order, and they were tracking our provincial and two others, his companions; but all these, thanks to their own watchfulness, escaped.
From what has been said it stands amply proved that the war to be waged against the Zambales is a just one, and, beyond all scruple, as well on the part of him who sets it on foot as of those who take part in it.
But it may be that some one will, in opposition to what has been said, cite to us certain law texts to the effect that when a number of persons or a town sins, even if all or most of them are guilty, yet they should be pardoned. In the Decretum (dist. 50, c. ut constitueretur) St. Augustine says, writing to Bonifacius: Ubi per graves dissentionum scissuras non hujus aut illius hominis periculum sed populorum plurimorum strages jacet, detrahendum est aliquid severitati ut majoribus sanandis malis charitas syncera subveniat. [26] And (1 q. 7 c. Quoties) Pope Innocent, as cited by Gratian, says: Quoties a populis auta turba peccatur, quia in omnes propter multitudinem vindicari non potest inultum solet transire. [27]
Much to the same effect is what is said by Alexander III (c. Extra, De clerico excommunicato), and also by Honorius III (in the last chapter, De transact.). And the reason for this is that in a multitude or in a town are many innocent persons, and it were a grave injustice to require that they shall suffer the rigorous punishment awarded to the guilty; while it is certain that in a war one suffers as much as the other; and hence, lest the innocent be punished, the guilty should be pardoned. To the objection which cites these testimonies in proof that parcendum est multitudini [28] Castro makes apt reply (lib. 2 De justa haereticorum punitione c. 14), that the proposition is true and applies when the multitude or town purposes amendment, and there is fair hope of the same; but if the case is otherwise, and they persist in their evil ways after being admonished, reason says they shall be punished rigorously. The opposite course would only give them occasion to go on and become more hardened in their sin and misdoing, and cause others, after the example of these, to do the same—that appearing to them to be lawful, when they see that it is not punished. And such is the teaching of c. Qui vult, de Paenitentia, 3. 6., attributed to St. Augustine: Cum enim tot sunt qui labuntur ut pristinam dignitatem ex authoritate defendant et quasi usum peccandi sibi faciant, rescindenda est spes ista. [29] Then, as these Zambales have many times been warned, and have promised and sworn peace and amends, and have totally defaulted, as we have already said, and have taken occasion, from the lenity shown them, to do greater mischiefs with more boldness—mistaking for timidity the kindliness that we have used toward them—it follows that, numerous though they are, we ought no longer to dissemble with them, but must punish them sternly; for the more numerous they are, the more mischief they do.
What we have stated in enforcing our thesis affords us occasion for explaining here the mode of procedure in this war, and—assuming it to be a lawful war, as has been sufficiently proved—for inquiring what considerations may be urged by those who carry on the war. And, for the sake of brevity and clearness, we will resolve the matter into a few points, without any arguments, for these points are corollaries of a just war.
First: If, to attain what is purposed—to wit, to bring the said Zambales under control—it becomes necessary that we burn their crops, their houses, and their other properties, and even kill those who make resistance, even if the presumption be that among them are some who are guiltless—it is lawful to do all this during war, until the final victory is won which is purposed. We say "if necessary," for unless the purpose of all that is done in the war is the final victory, such deeds will be impious and tyrannical. And hence the matter should not be left to the arbitrary will of the soldiers, but should be directed by the order of him who governs them.
Second: Also, if during the war there be lack of subsistence, or of other supplies needed for its prosecution, these may be taken from what the enemy have, even though the owners be guiltless, and this without obligation to restitution—the reason being that cum licet bellum licet apponere media necessaria ad finem victoria. [30]
Third: Ex jure gentium, during the war, all movables taken from any one of the enemy belong to him who has them, and there is no obligation to restitution: Sylvester Presbyter (Bellum, 1 Sec. 10), and Cajetan (in Summa). I say "during the war," because when it is ended non licet ultra praedari. [31]
Fourth: After they are reduced to subjection, those who are most guilty may be condemned to death, as also such others as regard for the security and tranquillity of the land may determine. But it will not be lawful to kill those of them who are found to be guiltless, even though it be feared that they may be mischievous in the future; for no grievance has been suffered at their hands, and means can be found of holding them securely, as we will show presently. Those of the inhabitants of a state who are usually deemed guiltless are lads not yet old enough to bear arms; old men incapacitated by age, save in the case that heretofore they have been mischievous; and the women, unless it appear that they too have engaged in war. But it will not suffice to say with Soto that they supply provisions for their husbands during the war, for that is a natural right and obligation. All the rest are deemed guilty, failing proof to the contrary; here strict investigation is to be made, lest wrong be done.
Fifth: Ex jure gentium, those captured in a just war are held as slaves. Paludanus (in 4. d. 15, q. 3) holds that this is not to be understood as applying to Christian captives; and such is the truth, and this provision is observed among Christian kings. But, as these Zambales are not Christians, they may be dealt with according to the jus gentium, and made slaves. Yet, inasmuch as they are a people of small mental capacity, and hence do not realize the seriousness of their crime, they ought not to be treated with the full vigor of law; and therefore it seems to us that it will be enough to make them slaves for a limited time, ten or fifteen years.
Sixth: The war ended, his Lordship the governor may exact from the Zambales all the costs of the war, and indemnification for all the losses suffered; and he may, by way of chastisement, levy from them some tribute: for all this is jus belli in the case of a just war, such as is this, as stands proved.
Seventh: Since it is not enough to punish past crime unless a remedy is applied for the future; and since a wide experience has shown that little confidence is to be reposed in the word and the character of this people; and since to leave them in their mountains would be to give them occasion and good opportunity for doing mischief and damage hereafter, as always in the past: it seems to us that inasmuch as these Zambales are few and have not in their villages or in their territory any cultivated fields or any fixed settlements, it will be advisable, as security against their returning to their old ways, to transplant them from the mountain region to peopled districts, depriving them of arms, and giving them a village site and lands upon which, with police control and under a government, they may live and cultivate their farms. This we deem the ultimate remedy, and as being necessary for the ends of peace and security at which we aim.
Finally: It seems to us from the experience we have had in this matter, and from what we have seen, that the expeditions sent against these Zambales have been ineffective because this method was not employed. The plan should be carried out chiefly by means of the Indians of Pampanga and the Zambales of Pangasinan—people who know the country and its hiding-places and coverts; and who, as being more agile than Spaniards, bear more easily the toils of the march over the routes that have to be traversed, owing to the wildness of the region, which, as is well known, is very great. In payment of the costs to these Indians, the slaves captured in the war might be apportioned to them; and in virtue of this compact they will not commit the cruelties and murders to be apprehended from them. Besides, this will benefit the state; for, having more field-hands, they will plow and cultivate more land. Further, as regards the Panpangos, they will in this way obtain satisfaction for the many and serious wrongs that they have suffered from the Zambales in the way of both murders and robberies.
Such, with all respect for the better judgment of others, is our opinion regarding the matter proposed to us by your Lordship, with command to declare our views. This we do, recommending always moderation and Christian charity, which should ever be practiced, and especially in dealing with this people—who, as we have said, do not realize the gravity of their offense; and on whom, therefore, the penalties of the law ought not to be inflicted in all its rigor. And, to signify that this is our judgment, we confirm it with our names. Given at San Augustin de Manila, the nineteenth day of January, 1592.
Fray Joan de Valderrama, provincial Fray Alonzo de Castro, definitor Fray Lorenso de Leon, definitor Fray Joan de Tamayo, prior Fray Antonio Serrano, prior Fray Diego Gutierrez Fray Diego Munoz Fray Diego Alvarez Fray Alonso de Montalvan, superior Fray Matthias Manrique Fray Alonso de Paz [32]
[Endorsed: "Opinion of the Augustinian fathers regarding the Cambales." "Opinion of the Augustinian fathers upon waging war against the Zambales."]
Opinion of the Dominicans
Jesus
Admitting the information received against the Negrillos and certain Zambales, who commit assaults; and admitting (what is generally known) the murders committed daily, both past and present, and which have not been committed in their just defense or in just revenge for injuries—as is evident because indeed the Batanes, Panpangos, Pangasinanes, and Ylocos (and these last are the worst sufferers) were at peace with them, and, since that peace, neither the Panpangos nor the others have disturbed them in their villages or on the highways, but, on the contrary, have tried to preserve friendly relations; and admitting (likewise a well-known fact) the custom of this race from the earliest period of killing, whenever possible, Spaniards and Indians, without any distinction, and without having received any injuries, for the sole purpose of proving their courage by their ability to kill men, collecting heads and hanging them up in their houses, as such proof; item, admitting one other certain fundamental, that no incursion has been made into their lands for the sake of provoking them in their common habitation, but that they, on the other hand, invade, from their lands, the royal open highways and the settlements of the peaceful natives, in order to kill those who are living in peace with them, and with all: we render freely an exact opinion.
1. The Negrillos and mountain Zambales have not, because of their former wars, before the arrival of the Spaniards in this land, at present any just title to war against the settled and peaceful people of these islands. This is proved, for, although in those former times force ruled, and injustice held full sway, and meant different things to each individual, and no distinction was made—as, where two persons quarrel with words, and injure each other equally, there is no satisfaction other than to stop, and there is no distinction in the injury—now, after the pacification of the Indians in settlements, these wars ceased for many years; for which reason the old animosities do not furnish any just pretext for war to either Negrillos or Zambales against the Ilocos, Panpangos, etc. Item: Since those petty wars ceased, the Panpangos, etc., and all the others have not incited the Negrillos or Zambales to war; nor have they done them any injury, either personally or in their lands. Therefore the present action of the Negrillos and mountain Zanbales in committing assaults on the highways and killing as many as they have killed, has no just pretext of war from their neighbors.
2. Second, we assert that the Batanes, Panpangos, Pangasinanes, Ylocos, and other tribes living near the Negrillos and mountain Zambales, have a just pretext for war against the Negrillos and mountain Zanbales—a proof of which is admitted in the fact of the murders, robberies, attacks, and assaults on the highways, made without any just pretext, as we have said in the first conclusion. Therefore, on the contrary, the injured ones have a just pretext against them.
There appears to be no doubt regarding these two conclusions, for they are most certain according to natural reason and to all law. The whole difficulty is whether the injuries committed, the present harm, and that which with some reason is feared (which will be greater each day)—considering also the condition of the Negrillos, and the sort of country in which they live—whether all these together constitute sufficient pretext for an expedient so severe as war; and if fire and sword are necessary.
To answer this doubt, we must admit that, with the diversities and natural features of countries, and with the characteristics of the peoples therein, is entwined most intimately the jus gentium, as we call it. Accordingly, in some lands some things are regarded as established, and classed with the jus gentium, but not in others; and some things lawful in certain lands are not so in others. On the contrary, things that would be wrong for some would be lawful and jus gentium for others; while things wrong for others would be lawful and honorable to the first, because of the diversity of countries, customs, and race, whence arises this jus gentium. Therefore we say that, if in Castilla, where neither the land nor people of these islands are known, this case were to be judged on only the things written and proved, nothing more than that these people were assaulters would be decided; and an order would be issued to proceed against them as against assaulters. If these things should happen in Sierramorena, no orders would be given to destroy the towns near by; or, if in the Pyrenees, for that reason war would not be declared upon the Gascons or Navarrese. For this would be esteemed a personal offense, and not one committed by the community. But here, where we know the land, the people, and their abominable and long-standing customs, we must esteem it, not a personal, but a communal offense; nor must we presume amendment where ferocity springs from custom, now rendered almost natural instinct, and from the land being unconquerable. Therefore it must be presumed that, if they are not punished by force superior to their own, they will grow worse each day; for they consider cruelty honorable, and esteem him most who kills most. Therefore, with people of this nature, we apply the saying of Aristo—namely, that it is lawful to make war on and kill like wild beasts, those people who live unsettled and wandering like wild beasts. It is quite evident that Aristo means people harmful to others; for, even when they live like wild beasts, but are not harmful, war is not on that account lawful. And inasmuch as these arguments extend to the Negrillos and Zambales, it is our opinion that the war must be judged as just or unjust rather by the condition of the land and people, the injuries that will be inflicted, and the little relief obtained by employing other methods, than by the severity of the injuries received. It is no remedy to guard the roads, as is quite evident, because they do more harm in one night than the soldiers in a week. Likewise it is no remedy to guard the villages, for the people are obliged to go to the fields, etc. Consequently we say:
That, it is justifiable—by methods which will not cause greater annoyance to the regions adjoining the Negrillos and Zambales—to make war upon the Negrillos and Zambales, even with fire and sword, whenever the above reasons are evident. We prove this by the above statements, for ferocity is a quality among them now almost a natural instinct; and they place all their honor in killing, without caring for any other object. Again, these ills cannot be obviated and prevented, except by destroying them, if it be possible. Item: because there is no hope that they will make peace and settle down; for their happiness consists in living a nomadic life, without any restraint, and they are a race who never keep any promise.
Item: We say that, because the method of warfare as employed by the Castilians is not by means of rough ground, forests, and dense thickets—as witness the war of Granada, in which Hespana lost so many men because the rising was in places unknown to the Spaniards but known to the Moors. It has been seen here many times that the Spaniard needs ten or twenty servants to take care of his person, furniture, food, and clothing, alone—from which results more loss than that which the Negrillos and Zambales can inflict in a lifetime. We think, in the absence of better judgment, that, for a specified time, those captured alive should be handed over to the neighboring districts as captives, or remanded to the galleys. Whoever is put to death, let it be by order of the captains, and at the time and place appointed. We render this opinion, as long as this measure does not appear more harmful [i.e., than the harm caused by the Negrillos and Zambales]. If any measure whatever is more harmful, then we shall consider it unlawful, although we are assured that a most justifiable right exists for making war, and for destroying with all the harm possible to them, and less harm to the surrounding people, than is done or can be done by the Negrillos and Zambales. Item: We declare that, as the losses of war are accidental, and depend on artifice, seasons, and innumerable other circumstances, it might well happen that what is advanced one time as justifiable may, given a change of conditions at the time of execution, become unjustifiable; for with the change of conditions the argument of justice or injustice is altered.
Item: Because the term "Zambales," in general, comprehends many people to whom the above arguments do not apply, we say that, under the terms Zambales and Negrillos, we understand only those who are nomadic, as above stated. As to whom these may be, we refer to the investigations in detail; it is not for us to judge the information given, but to credit it. This we advance as our opinion, and as such we sign it. Given in the convent of Santo Domingo at Manila, January 1, 92.
Fray Juan de Castro Fray Alonso Ximenes Fray Juan de Castro Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir Fray Juan Cobos Fray Thomas Castellar Fray Juan Garcia
Opinion of the Jesuits
Jesus
In regard to our right to make war upon the Zambales, the following is our opinion. Granting as true the reports of robberies and murders committed by them, past and present, on both Castilians and the pacified Indians (who are our allies, and Christians), then it must be ascertained how these crimes have been committed—whether by all their land in common, or one portion of their province, so that by common consent those of one or many villages or the whole province conspire, and the bravest and strongest go forth to rob and kill; whether its head or chief is of one or of many villages or of the entire province, by whose order certain men go out to commit these depredations; or whether it is not really by common consent, or by the authority of the chiefs, but by crowds of ruffians from one or several villages who commit the said injuries.
If this people have a leader, and any go out from the villages or from the province to commit assaults, then this is sufficient cause for war. The same is true, even if they do not go at his order, but if the chiefs allow them to go, and do not punish them; since they have authority and power therefor. If there are no chiefs, then it must be ascertained whether they go out by common consent, to commit assaults, even if all do not go, but only a few. For, if they go by common consent, then war may be made on them all. But war may not be made if they went out as a single band of plunderers, even when they have friends and relatives in the villages, who protect them and supply them with food. It can not be determined that the latter are accomplices; neither can they be punished, nor be dissuaded from doing it, nor even prohibited from giving them food, etc., because of their being, as is usually the case, women and children, while the former are barbarous and cruel men. In such a case, then, it could only be allowable to seek to apprehend the guilty, as well as one might, and to punish them in conformity with their crimes. But nothing may be done to the others.
But should it be by common consent, according to the first supposition, without any leader, or if they have chiefs who possess authority superior to the others, so that they may punish them as they deserve, but who do not punish these guilty ones or have them punished by their order, then, in these cases, war is allowable against the villages that shall have taken part in the depredation, or against all the province, or the guilty part; but it must be with the moderation with which our Catholic king has ordered, in so Christian-like a manner, war to be made, with the least bloodshed and injury possible. Those captured shall not be killed, except those who shall have committed individual crimes, who consequently merit death; and the others shall not be reduced to perpetual bondage, but for a limited period only.
However, because of the great danger from this tribe, in order to be sure of peace and to render secure our allies who dwell near the Zambales, whom we are bound to protect, all the children and women and the others may be taken from their land and divided in various parts in small bands, even when their crimes were perpetrated by but a few ruffians. By this method we receive much benefit and security, and they no harm, but on the contrary much benefit, both spiritual and corporal. But in no case do we think that they may have their ears cut off or be crippled so that they can not take flight—neither women, nor children, nor those who do not commit any individual crime which may merit such punishment; for this is great cruelty and will engender in all a deadly hatred of our nation and law. Besides, other and gentler means can be used to prevent them from becoming fugitives—such as dispersing them throughout many widely-separated districts, and providing some one to watch over them.
Antonio Sedeno
Opinion of the Franciscans
Jesus
I have read the papers which your Grace sent me, and although, at first reading, the justification of this proceeding was not apparent, I wished, on account of its being so serious a matter, to study at leisure the doctors who have discussed this subject. It is important for me to know if what I have heard is true—that the Zambales have, upon various occasions, been molested by the Spaniards. To be sure of this point is a matter of much importance, because if we have injured or provoked them, first, by wrongs, or by exacting from them tributes which they did not owe, such action on our part would ill be justified. But, since I am not certain on this point, I first find, according to the account which I have read and examined in the papers which your Grace sent me, that they have been persuaded and invited with offers of peace, and pardon for the injuries which have been done; and that for this purpose, the governor, using mild and conciliatory measures, sent religious with the military, to whom the said Zambales promised to be peaceable. They made similar promises to former governors, but have kept none of them; on the contrary they have been bolder and more lawless than ever, robbing and killing many persons on sea and on land. For these offenses I consider that all the malefactors should be punished, and that means should be provided to protect the highways for the benefit of the Tagalos, Panpangos, and Ilocos, and of all others who pay tribute—since it is for this purpose, together with the teaching they receive, that they pay their tributes, and have placed themselves under his Majesty's protection and favor. If this punishment cannot be accomplished without war, then I consider war justifiable, for the reasons above stated. Without doubt the authority of the king is the first condition to be established, observing faithfully in all things the spirit of uprightness and Christian moderation—which is justice, charity, and freedom for the innocent, according to the saints, particularly St. Augustine and St. Thomas, and other doctors of the church—seeking the common weal. Since the cause for just war is the injury received, war against them would be unjust, if they are innocent of the charges against them. This is my opinion, in view of the aforesaid report, in the absence of better judgment. Issued from this convent of San Francisco at Manila, January twentieth, 1592.
Fray Pedro Baptista [33]
Letter of Congratulation
To the Bishop, Clergy, and People of the Philippines
Venerable brother and beloved son, health and apostolic blessing.
The lofty works of divine power, that in the earthly realm take place not by human but by heavenly means, very often are wont to display themselves from the very outset; while matters that through divine wisdom as leader and mistress tend to a spiritual end, the health that is of our souls, in the meanwhile lie unrecognized, or, if unveiled, seem of such trivial import as not to be viewed in their grandeur even by the keenest of minds, until aroused thereto chiefly by the splendor of their results. This, as oftentimes before, has happened now at this very time in the conversion to gospel truth of the New World, of both the Indias, and especially of the Philippine Islands. Wherefore we are uplifted in great wonder at the most bountiful results wrought therein secretly by divine wisdom, from the first discovery of those countries. Previously we had learned of this, in truth, from the letters of many persons and from report; now however, that the divine goodness has raised our insignificance to the summit of apostolic dignity, we have heard it also from the ambassador, our beloved son Alphonsus Sanchez, a professed priest of the Society of Jesus—sent in your name first to Sixtus V, pope, of happy memory; then to the following Roman pontiffs, our predecessors; and lately to us—from whom, in private conversations which we frequently have held with him, we have learned more in detail ... From conversation, too, with the same Alphonsus we have learned of your purposes and deeds in the foundation of churches, the spread of divine worship, the training of natives, the establishment of schools, the practice of useful arts, the appointment of magistrates, the defense of missionaries, the protection of new converts, and, in fine, the permanence of those commonwealths—which as so many members and parts thereof you have brought about through the union of the New World with the Old.
Now, however, in order that you may have some recompense for your love and good-will toward us, and enjoy some reward for your endeavors and toils, by the authority of almighty God and of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, in virtue of these presents, we take you all and singular and all that you have, into our trust and protection, and that of the apostolic see; and we send you through the same Alphonsus our apostolic blessing....
Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman, March 25, 1592, in the first year of our pontificate.
Letter from Gomez Perez Dasmarinas to the King
Sire:
By two ships which sailed from this port for Mexico at the end of June, 1591, I wrote your Majesty, advising you of everything here, in duplicate, sending a copy in each ship. Afterward, on the eighteenth of October (same year), by a fragata sailing to Malaca and Eastern India, I wrote later events, and sent the duplicate of the letters. As that route is not considered very safe, I send this, combining both reports, written in fuller detail—fearing least perchance, on account of the many accidents which have taken place on the sea in these years, all the letters have been lost. I cannot help fearing so because, as I write this, a ship has just arrived from Mexico, by which I have received no letter from your Majesty; nor have I received one since I have been in charge of this government—although, praise be to God, I have had good news of the health of your Majesty. For this I return infinite thanks to God, and pray that it may continue, and that He may give your Majesty complete success in all the new cares and anxieties which may present themselves. I am confident that His Divine Majesty will give long life to your Majesty, in order that everything may be ordered and arranged according to the needs of Christianity.
Supposing that the duplicates of the letters aforesaid have been received, this letter will be more brief, in order not to repeat herein what has been said elsewhere. It is now necessary to describe in general the state of this land, although this year has been very unfortunate, deaths and sickness being common among both Indians and Spaniards; and we are also pressed hard and threatened by enemies, as your Majesty will learn by a separate letter. As to the general quiet and tranquillity of this state and kingdom, it has never been better; for great progress is being made in the strengthening and adornment of public buildings, both ecclesiastical and state.
Hitherto the Spaniards have not experienced misfortune, but much profit in traffic; and trade [with Nueva Espana] is being regulated and put in order. The natives are content and happy; the Chinese are more fond of trading with the merchandise which they bring from that kingdom. There came this year twenty-eight ships with much merchandise, including very rich goods of silk and other articles. The religious are agreed among themselves, and aside from the bishop, everything is quiet as it should be—except in some few matters, of which I will give an account to your Majesty. The encomenderos have more peace of conscience than they have heretofore had, and justice is equitably administered in the districts of the alcaldes and the villages of the Indians; and, finally, everything which my poor strength could accomplish has been done for the common tranquillity and good government. As I realize my little worth and ability, I would wish it to be known how much I desire and strive to accomplish in the service of God and your Majesty.
The cathedral church is completed, thanks be to God; and mass has been celebrated therein since the twenty-first of last March with a large attendance and much devotion, and to the great satisfaction of the people.
The seminary for girls, although in its first house, is maintained in seclusion and good order; and there have been several marriages or establishments made from among the inmates. As I have written, that house is so unsuitable that the erection of the new church and house is being pushed forward; it is being built of stone, and will be very substantial and commodious, and will be completed inside of six months. Your Majesty is patron of this house; and not only on account of the preeminence of the royal patronage and what for this reason is due, but for the good ordering of the house, I desire that there be sent me from Espana some rules or laws whereby such houses are ruled and governed. The regulations which I have been able tentatively to ordain here are those accompanying this letter. This house will have four hundred pesos of income. That being built has not hitherto received anything whatever from the royal exchequer of your Majesty; for, although I would like to give it, your Majesty does not have it here. I am sending also a set of rules for the conduct of the hospital, in order that your Majesty may order them amended there.
The new fort, which will be called Santiago, is now raised from the level of the ground more than two estados; and in one ravelin thereof, which is now finished, eight pieces of artillery have been mounted already, and guard is kept. By the time this reaches you, God willing, the fort will be finished and perfected. All the beach from the fort of Santiago to the fort of Nuestra Senora is occupied by the curtains and traverses—the latter very suitable, two and a half estados in height. It needs nothing but the parapet, which is being built. Although that already built was called a fort, it is not one, nor can it be of use; for it is but a large tower, badly cemented, and was falling in four places. It was braced by four buttresses which were called cavaliers, and cost your Majesty a large sum, as I have written. Everything is now being rebuilt in order to put the fort in good condition.
I have launched four galleys, and have for them a gang of free rowers on pay, although they are hard to manage. Even that has been accomplished in the face of great difficulties and scruples; for the religious say that I cannot maintain galleys or rowers, or avail myself of Indians for that purpose. If they do not serve, it is impossible to maintain galleys here, because there are no other people to row. What I have been able to accomplish is that the Indians are to remain on the galleys until your Majesty shall advise me of the plan which you are pleased to adopt. I have manned one of the galleys with four hundred Cambales, who were captured in war. They were given to me by some captains and soldiers, and I have used them in your Majesty's service. They are now on a galley and would to God that I could thus provide everything for the many needs which your Majesty has here.
As regards the sailing of the ships on the account of your Majesty, and not that of private persons, I have already written the weighty reasons, and send herewith a duplicate of the letter in which they are set forth. In fact, when all the expenses are on your Majesty's account, this not only causes no loss whatever to your Majesty's offices and royal exchequer, but results in great profit to this state from the charges on the tonnage. The cost is but half of what it is when the ships sail at the expense of private persons; and, if your Majesty would set the price of the tonnage at the same rate as private persons set it, there would be gained a large sum of money. This is the truth, although in Mexico they try to argue and discuss this point for private ends. Moreover, in this manner deserving soldiers are utilized and occupied, as your Majesty ordains, in these matters of transportation; and the dangers arising from the insufficient number and the vices of those who come from Mexico in these vessels are avoided. There are also deceits practiced by private persons, and other reasons which I have already stated. Besides, when the ships belong to private persons, their owners will not become citizens of these islands; and, on account of the large amount of money taken away by them, the prices of merchandise are raised, and the land is ruined. I therefore repeat that if your Majesty will set a moderate price for the tonnage on the ships, not only will there be no expense for your Majesty's exchequer, but there will be gained more than twenty thousand pesos. In accordance therewith will your Majesty please signify your will.
As I wrote your Majesty last year, troops have been sent for the pacification of the Cambales, and in their proceedings with the natives the severity and chastisement which they deserved were dispensed with. Garrisons were established, and many of the chiefs were subdued; they appeared to act sincerely, and gave evidence of being tractable and living in peace and justice. The troops returned, and thereupon the pacified ones, and those who still remained to be reduced, came down from the mountains to the highways, robbed, murdered, and committed innumerable injuries. Therefore I determined to lay a heavier hand upon them, and to bring them to open warfare, if that could be done conscientiously, after consulting with the religious orders, and after I had made inquiries concerning the damages, treacheries, uprisings, and crimes of the Cambales, and the reasons and causes therefor.
All the religious orders concurred in the opinion that war by fire and sword was justifiable, as is evident by the original opinions which I send herewith to your Majesty. In conformity therewith I resolved to strike the blow at once by sending troops with six captains. Under each captain was a troop of twenty Spanish soldiers and five or six hundred Indians—Pampangos, who were willing to go to war, and gave much assistance, because of the damages received by them from the Cambales. They approached that country, which had never before been entered, by six routes; and although they were troubled by the roughness of the roads and the large brambles, they hid themselves and destroyed all the food and the crops which were either harvested or growing. In that region those whom they killed and took captive amount, men and women, to more than two thousand five hundred; and from the men taken the captains and soldiers gave me about four hundred Sambales. I have utilized them for your Majesty's service on the galleys, where they are learning to row. Many have been reduced by famine, and have formed settlements where they were ordered to do so. As it was the rainy season, and the troops were dying, I commanded them to withdraw, leaving garrisons at convenient points, and well provisioned, in order that they might overrun the country and destroy their rice and grain. I believe that, because of this, these people will not revolt again nor raise any disturbance. On the contrary, I think that in due time they will be pacified thoroughly. The relation of what was done, accompanies this letter.
All of Cagayan has been as quiet as Manila for many days and months. Tributes are being collected from the encomiendas that remained to be pacified and subdued. A memorandum of encomiendas and villages explored lately, with an account of the discovery of Tuy, accompanies this letter.
I enclose, with the duplicate, also the relation of the late exploration of Tuy, in which I stated that my son Don Luis would remain there, in order to make another entrance of not less importance, of which I had a reliable report and account. It happened that, having gone upon this errand, and having arrived with the soldiers that he was taking to the province of Ylocos, through which he had to pass, he was taken ill, in the month of October, with attacks of fever. This sickness was very severe, and he came here to be treated; and, although he is doing well, he has not entirely recovered his strength. Almost all the soldiers fell sick at the same time, as that district is at that season very unhealthful. Captain Don Alonso de Sotomayor died, as well as some of the soldiers there. Others were brought to the city sick, and so the expedition had to be abandoned until a more favorable opportunity.
On account of these expeditions and pacifications, and because their country is not very healthful (and particularly so this year), both for Spaniards and Indians, a number of the soldiers have died, so that, from the total of four hundred, I have but two hundred left. And although this fort, in its present condition, can be defended by a much smaller force than formerly, yet without it, there would be no safe position. Since Espana is at such a distance, when reenforcements arrive half of the former troops will have died. If in any one year (as has happened) there should fail to be a ship from Castilla, it is pitiful to see the state of this land. Moreover—as I report elsewhere to your Majesty, and send papers thereon—for the new danger from hostile Japanese, against which I am guarding, I need troops, in order to defend a land so destitute and far away that it cannot expect succor in time of necessity. Although I have sent earnest petition therefor to Mexico, I think that they will neglect my request, just as they do everything else, unless they see an order from your Majesty I beseech your Majesty to have compassion for this new plant of the faith of Jesus Christ, which costs your Majesty and your subjects so dearly to establish and preserve. May your Majesty grant me grace and send me troops, and let those who come be from those realms of Castilla—a matter of moment and importance—and not the creoles or exiles from Mexico. I should also be provided with ammunition, arms, and men to cast artillery. An order should be sent to Mexico to supply me with money, to meet the needs and contingencies. I trust in our Lord, and in the excellent arrangement and plan that this city is assuming, that if there are supplied barely sufficient troops to defend a town of this size, your Majesty need not fear all Xapon, nor any other more powerful enemy that might attack us. This I discuss at greater length elsewhere; but here I only remind your Majesty of the completion of this fort, and the necessity of troops therein, as also of the workmen and their wages for which, in my former letters, I have petitioned your Majesty.
By a decree which I have received here from your Majesty, I am ordered to make inquiries as to whether there is quicksilver here, or if it can be brought from the Chinese realms and taken to Mexico, and at what price. I will say that I have dealt with these Chinese, and they are so distrustful that unless the money is given them beforehand, they will not bring the goods the following year. It is true, nevertheless, that they guarantee the fulfilment of their commission. They ask one hundred ducats for a pico of quicksilver, the equivalent of one hundred and thirty Castilian libras. If this price is satisfactory, will your Majesty order as suits your royal pleasure; for they can bring from their land whatever quantity is desired. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for many long years, with increase of better kingdoms and seigniories, as is needed for Christendom. At Manila, May xxxi, 1592.
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
Rules for the Manila Hospital
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands and districts of the West, for the king, our sovereign. Inasmuch as it is advisable, for the service of God, to reform certain matters in the royal hospital of this city that require such remedy, and to decide and establish other matters for its better government and service, for the welfare of its poor sick, and for the perpetuity of the said hospital, as it is a work of so great piety and so much needed in this community: Therefore, by this present, he ordained and ordered that the following articles be observed and kept to the letter, as permanent rules and regulations.
1. First, because sick persons are received in the said hospital, who are not of the character and station entitling them to admission, many annoyances result; for some of them are wealthy, and others are servants of certain persons from whom they receive pay and wages. By receiving these persons into the hospital, contrary to right, they occupy the places and beds which more properly should belong to his Majesty's poor soldiers, the workmen of this colony, and the other poor, for whom hospitals are chiefly established. And, that there may be system in this, and that expense to the hospital may be avoided, and so that the expense incurred be for those persons whose due it is, he ordained and ordered that, now and henceforth, the hours for receiving sick persons shall be from six in the morning until five in the afternoon; and that the head chaplain, or his substitute, and the physician or physicians who may be there, and the steward, surgeon, and nurse of the said hospital be present at the entrance and reception of patients. These he ordered and commanded not to receive any sick except workmen or paid soldiers of this colony, paid sailors, and the sick and needy poor; there is no restriction on the admission of such, whether they are servants of the king or not. In case any sick person is received without the previous order and consultation above-mentioned (unless some of the said hospital officials are lawfully prevented), or if the sick person belongs to the classes who ought not to be received, then he who shall have received him shall incur and bear the penalty of paying all the expenses incurred by the hospital for such sick person.
2. Item: It is ordained that, when a sick person is received, his name shall be taken down, with the date and hour of his entrance. He shall come confessed, or shall confess immediately; shall declare whether he is married or single, and whether he has father or mother; and an inventory shall be made of the possessions and clothes that he brings to the hospital—so that, when he comes to leave the hospital, his property and that of the said hospital may be known. And if the property should have to be used for the repose of his soul, or left to any other heir, the same consideration and account must be observed.
3. In order that this be observed with rigor and care, a book of accounts shall be kept, wherein shall be entered, by day and hour, the names of the sick who are received, and the exit of those who leave or die, since all the wealth of the hospital consists in allowances and income.
4. Likewise, in order that there may be greater neatness and order, there shall be a numbered wardrobe, in which shall be kept the clothes of the hospital, and the clean and reserve clothes, respectively—the blankets being kept in one place, the sheets and the other white clothes in another, and the bandages to be used for wounds and sores in another. Great care must be taken in this division; and it is very advisable to keep the clothes and garments of those sick with contagious diseases in a place by themselves. Likewise the clothes and garments of those who enter shall be washed and laid aside with memoranda as to the owner of each garment, so that if he recover, it may be returned to him clean and neat; or if he should die and it must be sold, either for the repose of his soul or for the hospital, that it may be in good order and condition.
5. Item: There shall be two porters who shall serve by the week. They shall take oath not to allow anything to be given to any sick person, except by permission of the doctor. The hospital door shall be locked at seven at night, without fail, and cannot be opened.
6. Item: There shall be an apothecary shop inside the said hospital, so that medicines can be furnished to the sick more easily and at less cost; and the apothecary shall not give or hand out any medicines except by order of the physician, either on his own account or that of the said hospital.
7. Item: The head chaplain or another (his substitute) shall always sleep in the hospital, in order to administer the sacraments to the sick.
8. Item: The nurse shall have two deputies for service, so that watch may be kept in turn through the quarters of the night, and attention given to the service and sudden needs of the sick. For this purpose it is ordered that the chaplain, as above stated, and the nurse, steward, apothecary, and all the servants, shall always sleep in the hospital.
9. Item: No person connected with the hospital shall keep swine or have other means of gain in the hospital.
10. Item: A book shall be kept, in which shall be set down the alms given by charitable persons to the hospital, whether in money, clothes, and food, or other things.
11. The food of the sick shall be received and placed under the head of ordinary expense of the hospital; and at mealtimes, the physician shall be present at the distribution of food to the sick, in order to see that his orders are observed; and the steward likewise, if not lawfully prevented.
12. Item: Those who are sick of contagious diseases shall be treated separately, and their service of beds and clothes and their food shall be kept separate from those of the other sick; and much care shall be taken in this.
13. Item: A book shall be kept wherein to enter the income of the hospital, whether from tributes and annual pensions, or from other sources of income or profit possessed by the hospital. Likewise there shall be a book for the entry of alms and legacies bequeathed to the hospital by the dying, as well as those collected and sent to it by charitable persons, in either money or fowls, or anything else, so that the steward in whose care they shall be placed may have them all credited in the said book, and so that there may be a full account of everything. There shall also be another book in which to enter the clothing, beds, ornaments, and other furniture acquired by the hospital; and it shall be kept by the person in whose charge they are. There shall be another book in which to enter the names of the sick, with the day, month, and year of their entrance; and the deaths and the departures, also with the date. Likewise there shall be another book of the allowances, wages, and pay spent in the hospital, both of its sick and of its officials, entering therein the tickets of admission of the sick.
[Endorsed: "Rules of the Manila hospital."]
Expedition to Tuy
When we went upon this expedition to Tuy, the Indians surrendered of their own free will, and no blood was shed, solely through the efforts of two religious who accompanied Don Luys. Then they gave only their tribute of recognition in beads and a trifle of adulterated gold. And so that it might not appear that the tribute was to be collected immediately, they were given one year's respite, within which the Spaniards would return to collect it. They bound themselves to pay it. In order not to break faith, we shall not return there until the time limit has expired; and, even then, I shall see to it that when we return they shall not be oppressed in any way, in order to compel them to give the whole tribute. They shall give only what they are willing to, because we have furnished them no instruction; nor have we effected a settlement, as I expected—because of the few people we have, on account of the death of many of them, and because I am deliberating whether I should make a settlement in Tuy itself, as it is the capital, or at place thirty or forty leagues from Cagayan, up the river, opposite Tuy, and midway between Cagayan and Tuy. This year we shall go thither, and and I hope, with God's help, to found the settlement and attain the success that is desirable. As I had to encounter the Zambales, who were attacking me, everything could not be done. The land there is very fertile, and the climate more temperate than this. The Indians are robust, intelligent, and energetic. All the houses are large and quite well constructed. The villages contain about five hundred or more inhabitants. Two crops of rice are gathered, one being irrigated, and the other allowed to grow by itself. The land contains deer, buffaloes, swine, goats, poultry, anise, ginger, cotton, and many wild fruits. The people display more politeness and good manners than all the others. They have places set apart where they discuss public matters. They say that public affairs must not be discussed in the houses with women. When asked if they had enemies, they answered, "Yes, we would have them if we would leave our land to commit depredations. But we are not like you Castilians, who rob everywhere." They recognize no king among themselves, nor any other sovereignty than to have a chief in each village, who is over all, and whom all of that one village alone recognize. I trust, God helping, that this plan may be fully carried out this year. Sealed at Manila, June 1, 1592.
Two Letters from Dasmarinas to Felipe II
Sire:
Immediately upon my arrival last year, I wrote your Majesty what I observed in the disposition of the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas, my counselor—in the little while in which I could study him—that he was very fond of his own opinion, and of meddling with what did not concern him. This resulted from his office, since he wished to reduce everything pertaining to war and administration to justice. I also stated that he considered his commission and mine as identical, with no distinction between them; and that I thought him moved by and wedded to his opinion. Now that by intercourse with him, I know him better, I am able, in accordance with what I owe your Majesty's service, again to [break in the original MS.] he is indeed so sure and certain of his opinion that it appears to him that with four courses at Salamanca [[break in MS.] other letters or judicature but his; and that he knows everything, and others nothing. Regarding this, he uses very free and disrespectful language, shutting himself up in his resolution, from which there is no drawing him. And hence there happened to me one day with him what your Majesty will see by the enclosed investigation, [34] which I send, only that your Majesty may know what passed, and the liberty with which he talks and acts. It is not a new thing, since he antagonized and quarreled with President Sanctiago de Vera, as is evident by the investigation I send thereof; he certainly has very little fondness for peace, and is inclined to disputes and arguments. As the royal Audiencia was here so haughty and domineering, he retains that authority and harshness, with which he tries to reduce all others as his vassals. In the matters of justice that he discusses, he is unable to be impartial, but is in many matters very biased. This is because of his trading and trafficking, which the president and all the auditors carried on from the time of their arrival—and with so great avidity, trying to secure it all to themselves, that I find no rich men here beside them. This is the reason why Rojas (as I inform your Majesty in a separate letter) and the auditors opposed the pancada, [35] in order that the consignments of money sent by them to China for merchandise might not be known—which, at last, have come to light. Moreover, as they were unwilling to pay, on the present shipment to Espana, the two per cent that I levied as a tax for the wall, they opposed it; and they stirred up on both questions the bishop and friars. I inform your Majesty of these things in another letter, and of the manner in which I have cleared up all doubts regarding them, and ascertained the investments of the present year, as appears by the accompanying paper. If the matter of inspection and the residencia held here had fallen to my order and commission, as it fell to that of the viceroy of Nueva Espana, I would have proved to your Majesty the investments of past years. I wish to say but two things, pertaining to your Majesty's service, and which I ought to say. One is that the licentiate Rrojas, in this country, where he is so busied with these means of gain, is so puffed up with the authority and name of auditor, and with his other abilities, that I believe that he will not serve your Majesty so well in this country as in another, where these opportunities are wanting. The other thing is that I do not consider it fitting to the royal service of your Majesty to give a man who should have served your Majesty in a similar place here, anything in Mexico; for as such men go delighted with their interests and gains from trade here, they are fettered and biased by their relations with the trade of this country, which always [break in MS.] objects and profits, and not in accord with the common welfare and perpetuity of these islands. In both of these matters your Majesty will determine what is most important for your royal service. May our Lord preserve and prosper your Majesty for many long years, as Christendom has need.
Manila, June vi, 1592. [36]
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
[Addressed: "To the king, our sovereign."]
[Endorsed: "To His Majesty, 1592. Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. June 6." "A place has already been given him as alcalde of Mexico, although the matters reported in this letter are not remedied thereby."]
[Accompanying the letter, and on a separate fold of paper, is the following:]
Register of merchandise carried in the ship "Sant Felippe"
I, Juan de Cuellar, notary of mines and registers, certify that, in the galeon "Sant Felippe" now ready to set sail for Nueva Espana, from the port of Cavite, this present year of five hundred and ninety-one, the persons named below are exporting the following bales and boxes of merchandise:
Bales Boxes Don Frai Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the Philippinas, fifteen bales and thirty-three boxes. xv xxxiii
The president Santiago de Vera, with the others contained in his memorandum, sixty bales and twenty-nine boxes. lx xxix
Pedro Herrandez, for the licentiate Rojas, former auditor of the royal Audiencia, and present counselor, etc., nineteen bales and four boxes. xix iiii
The auditor Don Antonio de Rribera Maldonado, fifty-two bales and twenty boxes. lii xx
The licentiate Ayala, fiscal, twenty-seven bales and seventeen boxes. xxvii xvii
The dean of Manila cathedral, in the said vessel and in that of Juan Pablo, thirteen bales and seven boxes. xiii vii
Estevan Gonzales, canon of the said church, five bales and three boxes. v iii
The licentiate Herver del Corral, visitor of the royal Audiencia of Manila, eighteen bales and one box. xviii i
The schoolmaster of the Manila cathedral, six bales. vi
Father Cervantes, ecclesiastic, three bales and six boxes. iii vi
The beneficiary Juan Gutierrez, two boxes. ii
Father Rodrigo de Morales, ecclesiastic, three bales. iii
Father Crisanto de Tamayo, ecclesiastic, two bales. ii
Benito Gutierrez, ecclesiastic, two bales. ii
And in order that this might be evident, I give the present, signed with my name and the usual flourishes. Given in Manila, June four, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
Juan de Cuellar, notary of registers.
Sire:
In another letter I have informed your Majesty of my fears of Japanese enemies. After that letter and packet were closed, and the ships about to leave, it happened that the ambassadors of whom we had advices came here in a ship that made port on the twenty-ninth of May, On the thirty-first, they delivered to me the letter from that king, enclosed in a box of wood one and one-half varas in length and painted white. Inside this was another box of the same proportions, excellently painted, varnished, and polished in black, with some medium-sized gilded iron rings and some large cords of red silk. Within this box was another one painted in various colors—yellow and gold—with its large iron rings and cords of white and violet silk, both covered with damask. In this third box, wrapped in a stout, wide paper, painted and gilded, was the letter, written with Chinese characters in the Japanese language, on stout paper, illumined and gilded with great neatness. The letter is even larger than the sealed bulls from Rroma, on parchment, and is sealed with two painted seals stamped in red. I am not sending the originals, because you have no one who can translate them there; while they will be needed here, perchance, for what must be done to affirm the embassy, and even for objects and matters of importance that we might be able to discuss, by virtue of these letters, with the king of China. Therefore I enclose only one copy of the letter, in accordance with the best and most exact translation that could be made here; and another copy made for me by the emperor himself, by means of an interpreter. Although these two copies differ somewhat, they agree in their essential point, namely, the demand for recognition and obedience, made with the arrogance and barbaric haughtiness that your Majesty will find in them. They also brought, resting in small boxes, a letter from the king's chamberlain (one of the grandees of that kingdom), another from their captain-general and another from the king of Firando; and at other times letters have been written to the governors here. I am also sending the translated copies of these letters, from which your Majesty will see the determination and resolution of that king; and that we are not harboring suspicions, but veritably expect him here by October of this year or the beginning of next. I have assembled the orders, as is due to the respect and name of religion—giving them all needed information, and asking them only whether they thought that it was fitting to answer to this tyrant, and in what form. I did the same with the captains and war-officers of these islands—those of the best judgment—in whom I place the greatest confidence. To these I communicated the matter in all its details; and, after discussing it thoroughly with them, and after they had all consulted together, it was decided that this letter of which I am sending your Majesty a copy, should be written. The said persons affixed their signatures thereto, in token of approbation; and it is in my possession. My purpose in sending a person to Japon, and in answering his letter, is, as your Majesty will see plainly, only to divert his attention and put him off, until the repairs and fortifications and the reenforcements that I am expecting are well assured; and to prevent him from being informed by his ambassador of matters here, so quickly as the latter could inform him. I also plan that, by means of the envoy going from here, I may know and be advised of affairs there, by one way or another. Therefore, when he comes, we shall know it, and be forewarned. Even now this place is in a reasonable state of defense; and I even trust that, God helping, the enemy will find more resistance than his barbarous confidence promises him. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to provide in this what is most advisable for your Majesty's service. And for the future—and because it may arrive late for this emergency, as is expected expected—will your Majesty ordain that Mexico shall furnish what pertains to its part. For, if I ask for troops, they send me twenty men, who die before they arrive here; and none are born here. And if I ask for ammunition, they laugh at me, censure me, and say that I ask impossible things. They retain there the freight money and the duties; and if they should send to this state what is yours, your Majesty would have to spend but little from your royal patrimony. And, just as they forget us in everything, I fear that they will do so in this. Surely it is advisable to send troops here, and to have this matter attended to, well and continuously, from Mexico; for, as long as this state of affairs continues and the fortification goes on, the inhabitants are being punished by greater anxiety; as they cannot see that this is taken as a matter of general course and in earnest, and the fortifications are being continued—which is, I believe, the chief reason why Japon is moved to try to obstruct it Your Majesty will ordain what is most to your service. May our Lord preserve your Majesty many long years, as Christendom requires. Manila, June 11, 1592." [37]
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
[Endorsed: "Manila. To his Majesty. 1592. Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. June 11."]
An Embassy from Japan
Letter from the King of Japan
It is more than one thousand years since Japon has been governed by one sovereign. During this period the wars and dissensions among the rulers of the country were so many, that it was impossible to send a letter from one part to the other; until now the Lord of Heaven has willed that the country be united in my time, and that it be reduced to my obedience. In accomplishing this, everything was so favorable to me, that as yet I have lost no battle, but have been victorious in every one for ten years. Likewise I have conquered the island of Lequio, which was not under my sway, and Acoray [Korea]; [38] and even from Eastern Yndia embassies have been sent to me. Now I am about to invade Great China in order to conquer it, for heaven, and not my forces, has promised it to me. I am much surprised that that country of the island of Luzon has not sent me ambassador or messenger, and I was therefore of a mind, on my way to China, to attack Manila with my fleet, were it not that Faranda, a Japanese noble, told me of the good treatment accorded to my vassals, the Japanese traders, who go to those islands from here. When I asked him if the ruler there was my friend, he answered and assured me that, if I should send a letter to the governor, he would send me an ambassador. And should he not do it since I am well established in my kingdom, I am so powerful that I have men who can go to conquer any kingdom whatever. Although this messenger is a man of low rank, I have accredited him, because of the good account he gives. And also, since I am not sending the troops I thought to send, I shall descend, within two months, from where I am now, to Nanguaya, my seaport, where are stationed the forces composing my army; and if an ambassador comes to me there from those islands, and I ascertain that the governor is my friend, I shall lower my banner in token of friendship. If an ambassador is not sent, I shall unfurl my banner [39] and send an army against that country to conquer it with a multitude of men; so that that country will repent at not having sent me an ambassador. In order to become the friend of the Spaniards, I am sending this embassy from Miaco, in the year 19, [sic] from the country of Japon, to the country of Lucon. [40]
[Endorsed: "Copy of the letter from the king of Japon."]
Letter from the Chamberlain, Tiau Kit [41]
Although we have never before had any correspondence, I am writing this present letter in all courtesy. Next year, our great prince, Quampec, [42] is going to make war on China; and unless it renders homage to him, together with all the other kingdoms (notwithstanding their distance from here), and pays him tribute, he will send his soldiers to seize their land. On this account, all the neighboring kingdoms have rendered homage to him and obeyed his commands. Likewise he was thinking of making war on that rich kingdom of yours; but Guantien informed a certain member of the council, who in turn informed Quanpec, that war would be unnecessary, if without it tribute were sent, and that this would certainly be done, if you were advised of the intention of the kingdom and court of Japon. Acting upon this suggestion, I am writing the present letter; let us promptly consult together. I am one of the grandees of the kingdom. Therefore your kingdom can sleep secure, and you need have no fear or hesitation; but discuss all secret matters with him whom I send, who is my confidential man. With all due courtesy. The year 19, Tienchen, [43] the ninth month and eleventh day. From Siaulyuquiu.
The Chamberlain
[Endorsed: "Copy of the chamberlain's letter."]
Letter from Dasmarinas to the Ruler of Japan
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, [44] knight of the order of Santiago, governor and captain-general in these islands, great archipelago, and districts of the West, for the king, our sovereign, Don Phelipe the Second, king of Castilla, Leon, Aragon, the two Sicilies, Jerusalem, Portugal, Navarra, Granada, Cerdena, Corcega, Murcia, Jaen, the Algarves, Aljecira, Jibraltar, the Eastern and Western Yndias, and the islands and mainland of the Ocean Sea; archduke of Austria; duke of Borgona, Bravante, and Milan; count of Abspurg, Flandes, Bretana, Tirol, etc.: to the very exalted and powerful prince and seignior, Quamboc, after all due respect, wishes health and perpetual happiness. Faranda Mango Schiro, a Japanese vassal of yours, [45] and a Christian, arrived in this city, bringing me news of your royal person, at which I rejoiced exceedingly; for, because of your greatness, and the worth and prudence with which the God of heaven has endowed you, I am much affectioned unto you. Some days ago Faranda gave me a letter, which—although it seemed to be in its form and authority, and even in the gravity and style of its language, a document despatched by so great a prince—yet, since the messenger was below the rank and quality requisite to the royal name of him who sends him, and of the one to whom he is sent, and the importance and greatness of the embassy, I have doubted, on the one score; and on the other, because he is a man so common and poor, and coming in an ordinary merchant vessel, which came hither for the purpose of selling provisions and other articles. Because this took so long in coming hither, I have doubted whether these letters were not written by this man himself or by another, for some individual end, so that by this means, he might receive more attention here. Furthermore, as I have no accurate interpreters thoroughly acquainted with both the Japanese and Spanish languages, as has been likewise declared to me by the letter and embassy, I am in doubt also of the true sense and purport of the words of the letter. I think that if the king of Japon wished to write me, he might, since he has in his kingdom the fathers of the Society of Jesus and other Spaniards, send me at least a copy of his letter in my own language, through their medium. I can say with truth that I have not even been able to read or understand in toto the letter or embassy presented me by this man; and therefore, that he may not have practiced any fraud or deceit toward your royal person, or toward me, I have thought it best to detain him here, until I could ascertain the truth and will of the king of Japon, and what are his commands and wishes. And in that doubt, because of what I owe to even the semblance and appearance of a letter and embassy from you, I have observed this respect and courtesy of writing this reply to the small portion of your letter that I understand, which has been no more than Faranda has chosen to interpret for me. Since I am sending the father vicar, Fray Juan Cobo, [46] a man of great virtue and goodness, and of the highest estimation in these islands—from whom, because of his prudence and worth, I seek counsel, and to whom I communicate the most important matters—he will express, in my name, the fullest respect due to your exalted rank. For the honor of the embassy, if it is really one, I give you many thanks, [47] assuring you that I am and will remain your friend; and that, in the name of my king and sovereign, the greatest monarch in the world, I shall rejoice at your well-being and grieve over ill-fortune (which may the King of Heaven keep from you). Let it be taken for granted that I desire your friendship, in the name of my king and sovereign, because of the good reception and hospitality extended by your royal hands to the Spaniards, vassals of my king, who have gone to Japon and Asia by way of Eastern Yndia and these districts; and because the best treatment possible has been extended here to your vassals and will be extended to them with the same love. My king will consider it a favor to be advised if the message brought to me by this man is true. If it is such, then I shall respond to the friendship due so great a prince, without any lack of my duty and obligation to my king and sovereign, to whom I shall immediately give account of this, in order to ascertain what his orders shall be then. I trust that this matter will result quite to the satisfaction of two so great princes as my king and the king of Japon; and that these discussions and conferences in true friendship and alliance may redound to much peace to the universal happiness of the world, and to the glory of omnipotent God, the King of kings. Inasmuch as certain presents have been sent me but lately from Japon, which are of great value, I would wish to have some rare and valuable products of our Espana to send in return; but, since weapons are the articles most esteemed among soldiers, I am sending you with this a dozen of swords and daggers. They are the finest that we have, and you will receive them from me as from a private person who desires your well-being and greatness, with the good will with which they are offered, and as a token of affection. [I send only these, too,] because the bearer of this letter is going only for the purpose of assuring me of what I have stated above, so that we may have the information here that is desired. May our Lord preserve your royal person with great prosperity. Manila, June xi, 1592 years since the birth of our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. |
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