to his effecting some arrangement whereby the religious might go to the kingdom of China to preach the law of God, the father custodian offering himself as one of these. They stated that, if leave were not given them, they would go without it, on the first occasion that offered, relying on that given them by their superiors and by God to work for the salvation of their neighbors. Neither all this argument, nor the example of the excellent spirit of the recently-christianized Chinese, was sufficient to persuade the governor; on the contrary he clung obstinately to his former opinion, answering them that it was still too early, because our friendship with the Chinese was but slight; and that already the Augustinians had tried to effect an entrance to China many times, but had been unable to attain their desire—on the contrary, the Chinese who took the latter with them had left them deceitfully on some islands—until the opportunity afforded by the pirate Limahon and the coming of the captain Omoncon. Then the latter had conveyed them, with the good news of the straits to which the pirate was come; and notwithstanding this they were ordered to return from Aucheo without being allowed to remain in the country to preach the holy gospel. And now to make this attempt would give the Chinese opportunity to make daily jests of the Spaniards. Therefore they should wait until God should open the door for this entrance, at such time as His holy will should determine, which could not be much delayed. The father custodian having received the governor's reply, and seeing that he persevered in his obstinacy in not seeking means whereby they could effect their desired entrance upon the mainland, commenced secret negotiations, with the object of procuring, by all available means, some way of making the journey—even without the said governor's order, if no other way were possible. They set about this at once, for the father custodian and father Fray Estevan Ortiz Ortiz—religious, who with this intention had learned the Chinese language, and could now speak it reasonably well—communicated their desires to a soldier, very devout in his worship, and especially well inclined toward them, namely, Juan Diaz Pardo. This man had several times manifested and declared to them his great desire to perform some service for God, even at the risk of his life. He approved their desire, promising to accompany them until death. Being thus agreed, they all went to discuss the matter with a Chinese captain, then at the port with a vessel, who had come to their convent many times to question them about God and heaven, and who showed signs of an excellent understanding, seemingly consenting to everything with expressions of great pleasure and delight. They imparted their desire to him, beseeching him to lend his aid for its successful issue. He offered his aid, and promised to take them to China, on condition that they would give him some presents for his sailors. The soldier, Juan Diaz Pardo, promised him everything that he wanted, giving him a few reals then and there as a token of good earnest. In order that this might be done without the governor or anyone else perceiving it, it was agreed that the captain should take his departure hastily, going to the port of Bindoro, twenty leagues distant from Manila, and there he should await them. He was to take with him the above-mentioned baptized Chinese. The captain used all haste, and left for the port agreed upon. Within a few days he was followed by the father custodian and his associate, and their friend the soldier. But, at their arrival, they found the Chinese captain had reached a new determination, and neither gifts nor petitions could persuade him to fulfil his promises in Manila. On the contrary, he returned them the earnest-money that he had received, and absolutely refused to take them; for he knew that, if he did, he would lose his life and property. Seeing this, the recently-baptized Chinese religious wept bitterly in his indignation and sorrow, because the devil had changed that captain's heart, so that the holy gospel might not be preached in that kingdom. The father custodian consoled him, and resolved to return to Manila and to await another occasion, which they did. After they had spent several days there, it happened that the governor summoned the father custodian one day, and asked him for a friar to send to the Cagayan River, whither he had but a few days before sent certain Spaniards to form a colony. The custodian said that he would give him a friar, and that he himself would accompany the latter as far as the province of Illocos whither he was going to visit the missions; thence he would despatch him to the Cagayan River, as his Excellency ordered. The father custodian asked as companions, for a guard during the journey, Sergeant Francisco de Duenas and the soldier Juan Diaz Pardo (their friend, as above said), intending to go from there to China, as was done, and as will be told in the following. The governor, wishing to please him, granted this request, and the father custodian set out in haste, taking with him the above-named soldiers and one religious as associate, by name Fray Augustin de Tordesillas [31]—he who afterward related from memory what had happened to them in China, whence has been taken this little relation.

They arrived at Illocos, where father Fray Juan Baptista [32] and father Fray Sebastian de San Fracisco, of their own order, were busied in instructing the natives. This was on the fourth of June. The next day they held a council, at which it was unanimously resolved that all there should venture themselves to go to China to convert those pagans, or else die in the attempt. Therefore it was decided to approach another soldier likewise of their company, named Pedro de Villaroel. They told him—without declaring their own intention, so that he might not disclose it—that, if he wished to accompany them and the two other soldiers, who were about to go together upon a matter of great service to God, and the gain of many souls, he should say so, and without asking whither, or to what end, because this could not be told until due time. He answered immediately that he would accompany them willingly, and would not abandon them until death. Thereupon they all, with peculiar gladness, betook themselves to the vessel in which the father custodian and his associate, and the two other soldiers, had come thither from Manila. This was a fairly good fragata, although supplied with but few and indifferent sailors. After all had embarked and had stowed away what could be collected in the short time at their disposal, for sustenance while on the way, they set sail on that very day, the twelfth of the same month of June, after saying mass and beseeching God to direct their voyage for His holy service. They set sail Friday morning, and, although they attempted to leave the port, this was impossible, for the sea was running high and pounding so furiously upon the shoals, that they, persisting in the effort to offset it, were in danger of being wrecked. Therefore they returned, very sad at heart, to the harbor, and there they remained that day.

[The remainder of the second book (chaps. ii-xv) treats of the voyage of the Franciscans to China, their stay in that country, and their return to Manila. They are forced to return to the harbor for the second time on account of contrary weather, which so affects one of the priests, Estevan Ortiz, "that no entreaties availed to persuade him to finish the voyage they had undertaken. On the contrary he answers that he will tempt God no further, since these signs that they have seen are sufficient to prove that it is His holy will that they shall not make the journey at that time." On the fifteenth of June, however, the little band of three priests, three soldiers, and a Chinese lad (as interpreter) taken in the siege of Limahon, set sail from llocos, fearful of pursuit by the governor. Reaching the Chinese coast, they go ashore near Canton, kneel down, and "with great devotion, chanted the Te Deum laudamus, giving thanks to God who had brought them so miraculously to the kingdom of China." They receive the freedom of the city after various investigations, the Chinese officials believing the false stories of shipwreck that the interpreters tell for their own benefit. The Portuguese at Macao fail in their attempt to turn the Chinese against the Spaniards. Hunger forces them to beg their food in the streets of Canton; but the officials, on hearing this, order that provision be made for them from the royal revenues. By order of the viceroy, they journey to Aucheo, but are speedily ordered to return to Canton, to await a Portuguese vessel, that they may be sent from the kingdom. On leaving China the little party separate into two divisions, the father custodian and one other going to Macao, that they may there learn the Chinese language thoroughly, while the other two return to Manila, which is reached February 2, 1580 "where they were received by the governor and the rest with great joy, and their fault in having departed without leave was pardoned." The father custodian reports from Macao a rich harvest field in Cochin China.]

[The first ten chapters of the "Itinerary" [33] treat of the departure from Spain of the Franciscans (among whom was Father Martin Ignacio), in 1580, their arrival in New Spain, and matters relating to the New World. The voyage is by way of the Canaries, of which a brief description is given; thence to San Domingo or Espanola, passing on the way the island Desseada, or "land desired," and its neighboring islands—among the latter La Dominica, inhabited by the cannibal Caribs—and later Puerto Rico. The island of Espanola is described, according to the knowledge of that day; and it is stated that therein "were, on the landing of the [first] Spaniards, three millions of native Indians, of whom only two hundred remain; and most of these are the half-breed children of Spaniards and Indian women, or of negroes and Indian women." The journey continues by way of the intervening islands to Cuba, and thence to Mexico. This wonderful country is described briefly, with allusions to its history, social and economic conditions, etc. A digression is made to relate the discovery and first exploration of the province called New Mexico, one of the fifteen new provinces discovered from Mexico. The account of the voyage to the Philippines follows.]



Departure from the city of Mexico, and journey to the port of Acapulco on the Southern Sea, whence they embark for the Filipinas Islands. The island of the Ladrones is passed, and the condition and rites of the people there are noted. Chapter XI.

From the City of Mexico they set out to embark at the port of Acapulco, a place located on the Southern Sea, in nineteen degrees of elevation of the pole, and lying ninety leagues from the City of Mexico, this entire distance being settled with many villages of Indians and Spaniards. At this port they embarked, taking a southeast course until they reached an altitude of twelve and one-half degrees. They did this in order to find the favorable winds (which in truth they found there), those called by sailors brizas—which are so favorable and steady, that, even in the months of November, December, and January, there is seldom any necessity for touching their sails. From this arises the so easy navigation through this sea. From this fact, and from the few storms here, this sea has been called the Mar de Damas ["Sea of Ladies"]. A westerly course is taken, following the sun always, upon setting out from our hemisphere. Journeying through this Southern Sea for forty days more or less, without seeing land, at the end of that time, the islands of Velas ["Sails"], otherwise called the Ladrones, are sighted, which, seven or eight in number, extend north and south. They are inhabited by many people, as we shall now relate.

Islands of Velas, or Ladrones. These islands lie in twelve degrees of latitude. Opinions differ as to the distance in leagues between them and the port of Acapulco, for up to the present no one has been enabled to ascertain it with certainty, by navigation from east to west, and no one has been able to measure the degrees. Some assert the distance of this voyage to be one thousand seven hundred leagues, others one thousand eight hundred. The opinion of the former is held to be more nearly correct. All of these islands are inhabited by light-complexioned people, of pleasing and regular features, like those of Europe; although in their bodies they do not resemble the latter—for they are as large as giants, and of so great strength, that it has actually happened that one of them, while standing on the ground, has laid hold of two Spaniards of good stature, seizing each of them by one foot with his hands, and lifting them thus as easily as if they were two children. Both men and women are naked from head to foot, although some of the women wear bits of deerskin of about one-half a vara in length, tied about the waist, for decency's sake; but those who wear them are very few compared with those who do not. The weapons used by them consist of slings, and darts hardened by fire, both of which they throw very deftly. They live on fish, which they catch alongshore, and on wild beasts, which they kill in the mountains, pursuing them afoot. There is in these islands the strangest custom ever seen or heard of anywhere. A time-limit is imposed for the youth to marry, in accordance with their custom; and during all this period they are allowed to enter freely into the houses of the married, and to remain with the women, without receiving any punishment therefor, even if the very husbands of the women should see it. These youths carry a club in the hand, and when one enters the house of married people, he leaves this club at the door, in such a position that those arriving may easily see it. This is a sign that no one may enter until the club is taken away, although it be the husband himself. They observe this custom with so great strictness, that if any one should violate it, all the others would immediately put him to death. None of these islands has a king, or recognized ruler, to whom the rest are subject; therefore each person lives to suit himself. Between the inhabitants of certain of the islands a state of hostility prevails, whenever occasion offers, as happened while Spaniards were in the port of the said island. At the point where the Spaniards anchored, as many as two hundred small boats filled with natives came to the ships to sell fowls, cocoa-nuts, potatoes, and other products of those islands, and to buy in exchange things carried by our men—especially iron, of which they were particularly fond, and glass articles, and other trifles. There was a great contest to see which of the canoes would reach the ship first, and their occupants came to blows, wounding each other as savagely as wild beasts, so that many died in the presence of our men. The matter was not settled until, for the sake of peace, an agreement was made among them, with many outcries that those from one island should do their buying on the port side of the vessel, and those from another island, on the starboard side. Thereupon they subsided, and bought and sold to their hearts' content. Then in payment for this good treatment, when they took their departure from us, they hurled their darts at the ship, wounding a number of men who were on deck. But they did not boast of this, for our men instantly repaid their daring with some shots from their arquebuses.

These people esteem iron more highly than silver or gold. They give in exchange for it, fruits, yams, sweet potatoes, fish, rice, ginger, fowls, and many fine and well-woven mats, and all for almost nothing. These islands are extremely healthful and fertile, and will be very easy to win over to the faith of Christ, if, on the passage of the vessels to Manila a few religious, together with some soldiers for protection, should be left there until the next year. [34] This would cost but a moderate sum.

Their rites and ceremonies are not known yet, because no one understands their speech; and it has not been possible to learn it, since no one has been in these islands longer than while passing. According to all appearances, their language is easy to understand, for it is pronounced very distinctly. Their word for ginger is asno; and for "Take away that arquebus," they say, arrepeque. They have no nasal or guttural words. It is understood, from some signs that we saw them make, that they are all pagans; and that they worship idols and the devil, to whom they sacrifice the booty obtained from their neighbors in war. It is believed that they originated from the Tartars, from certain peculiarities found among them which correspond to those found in that people.

These islands extend north and south with the land of Labrador, which lies near Terra-nova [Newfoundland], and are not a great distance from Japon. [35] It is quite safe to say that they have intercourse with the Tartars, and that they buy iron to sell it to the latter. The Spaniards who passed these islands called them the islands of Ladrones ["Thieves"]; for in sober truth all these people are thieves, and very bold ones, very deft in stealing; and in this science they might instruct the Gitanos [gypsies], who wander through Europe. In verification of this, I will recount an occurrence witnessed by many Spaniards, one which caused much wonder. While a sailor was stationed, by the order of the captain, on the port side of the ship, with orders to allow none to come aboard, and while he, sword in hand, was absent-mindedly looking at some of the canoes of the islanders—a sort of little boat all made of one piece, in which they sail—one of the natives plunged under the water and swam to where he was, quite unconscious of anything of the sort, and without his seeing it, snatched the sword from his hand and swam back with it. At the cry of the sailor, proclaiming the trick practiced on him by the islander, several soldiers with their arquebuses were stationed to shoot the native when he should emerge from the water. The islander on seeing this emerged from the water, holding up his hands, and making signs that he had nothing in them. For this reason those who were on the point of shooting him refrained. After a few moments of rest, the native dived once more, and swam under water, until out of range of the arquebuses—where, assured of safety, he took the sword from between his legs where he had hidden it, and commenced to make passes with it, jeering the while at our men whom he had deceived so easily. This theft, as well as many very adroit ones that they committed, has given these people the name of Ladrones, and is the reason for calling all the islands inhabited by them by the same name. This appellation is easily pardoned as long as they find opportunity to exercise their evil inclinations.



Departure from the Ladrones Islands and arrival at those of Luzon, or, as they are called also, Filipinas; and the relation of some peculiarities of those islands. Chapter XII.

Island of Luzon, and city of Manila. Navigating almost two hundred leagues west of the Ladrones Islands, to the channel called Espiritu Santo, one enters the archipelago, which consists of innumerable islands, [36] almost all inhabited by natives, and many of them conquered by the Spaniards, through either war or friendship. After sailing for eighty leagues, one reaches the city of Manila, located on the island of Luzon. Here the governor of all the said islands, and his Majesty's officials, reside generally; and here is the bishop and the cathedral church. This city lies in fourteen and one-fourth degrees. About it lie many islands, which no one has yet succeeded in numbering. They all extend northwest and southwest [sic] and north and south, so that in one direction they reach to the strait of Sincapura [Singapore], twenty-five leagues' distance from Malaca, and at the other almost to the Malucos and other islands, where a fabulous amount of cloves, pepper, and ginger is gathered, for there are whole mountains of these spices. The first to discover these islands were Spaniards, who went thither with the famous Magallanes, but did not conquer them, for they were more experienced in navigation than in conquest. Therefore after passing the strait (which to this day bears his [Magallanes's] surname), they arrived at the island of Zubu, where they baptized a number of the natives. Afterward at a banquet, those same islanders killed Magallanes and forty of his companions. On account of this Sebastian de Guetaria [Elcano], a native of Vizcaya, in order to escape with his life, embarked in one of the vessels remaining from the voyage—afterward known as the "Vitoria"—and with it and a very few of the crew who aided him, arrived, with God's help, at Sevilla. Thus they circumnavigated the world, from east to west, an event which caused universal wonder, and especially to the Emperor Carlos the Fifth, our sovereign. After the latter had bestowed great favors upon Sebastian de Guetaria, he ordered a new fleet to be prepared, to seek those islands anew, and to explore that new world. As soon as this fleet was in readiness to sail, which was very soon, a certain Villalobos was appointed as general of the entire fleet, and was ordered to sail by way of Nueva Espana. This Villalobos reached the Malucos Islands, those of Terrenate, and others near by, which had been sold by the above-named emperor to the crown of Portugal.

In these islands they had many wars, because of the Portuguese; and seeing their feeble means of resistance, and how ill-prepared they were to prosecute the conquest, they gave it up. Most of them accompanied the above-mentioned Portuguese to Portuguese India, whence they were sent, half prisoners, to the king of Portugal himself, as men who had committed crimes, and had entered his islands without his permission. He not only did them no harm, but gave them excellent treatment, sending them to their native country, Castilla, besides providing them fully with the things necessary for their journey. Some years after that, King Don Felipe, our sovereign, with the desire to prosecute this discovery, attempted so earnestly by the emperor his father, sent an order to Don Luys de Velasco, his viceroy in Nueva Espana, to prepare a fleet and crew for the rediscovery of the above-named islands. He was ordered to despatch in this fleet, as governor of everything discovered, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. All was carried out in obedience to his Majesty's orders, and the discovery was made in the manner recounted at length in the first relation of the entrance of the Augustinian fathers into China.

These islands were formerly subject to the king of China, until he relinquished them all voluntarily, for the reasons expressed above in the first part of this history. The Spaniards, therefore, at their arrival found them without ruler or seignior to whom they might render obedience. In each one of the islands, he who had most power and followers acted as ruler. And because there were many equally powerful, there was occasion for continual civil wars, without any heed to nature, or to kindred, or to any other obligation, just as if they were unreasoning animals—destroying, killing, and capturing one another. This aided and favored our Spaniards to conquer the land so easily for his Majesty.

The reason for calling the islands Western Filipinas. The name Filipinas Islands was given them in honor of his name. The natives were wont to make captives and slaves with great readiness in illegal warfare, and for very slight causes. This God remedied with the coming of our Spaniards. It was usual for a man, with forty or fifty associates, or servants, to attack a village of poor people suddenly, when totally unprepared for such an assault, and, capturing them all, to make them slaves, without other cause or right; these they would keep as slaves for life, or sell them in other islands. And should one loan one or two baskets of rice to another, of the value of one real, stipulating that it should be returned within ten days, should the debtor fail to pay it on the day set, on the next day he had to pay double, and the debt continued to double from day to day, until it grew so large that the debtor was forced to become a slave in order to pay it. The Catholic Majesty, the king our sovereign, has ordered all those enslaved by this and similar means to be freed; but this just order has not been obeyed entirely, for those who should execute it have some interest therein.

All these islands were pagan and idolatrous. They now contain many thousands of baptized persons, upon whom our Lord has had great mercy, sending them the remedy for their souls in so good season; for, had the Spaniards delayed a few years more, all the natives would now be Moors, for already some of that sect in the island of Burneo had gone to these islands to preach their faith, and already many were not far from the worship of the false prophet Mahoma. But his perfidious memory was extirpated easily by the holy gospel of Christ. In all these islands they worshiped the sun, moon, and other secondary causes, certain images of men and women called in their tongue Maganitos, feasts to whom—very sumptuous and abounding in great ceremonies and superstitions—were called Magaduras. Among all of these idols they held one, by name Batala, in most veneration. This reverence they held as a tradition; but they knew not why he was greater than the others, or why he merited more esteem. In certain adjacent islands, called the Illocos, they worshiped the devil, offering him many sacrifices in payment and gratitude for the quantities of gold that he gave them. Now, by the goodness of God, and by the great industry of the Augustinian fathers—the first to go to those districts, and who have toiled and lived in a praiseworthy manner—and by the Franciscan fathers, who went thither ten years after, all these islands, or the majority of them, have received baptism, and are enrolled under the banner of Jesus Christ. Those yet outside the faith are so rather for lack of religious instruction and preachers, than by any repugnance of their own. Last year the Jesuit fathers went thither, and they helped in the work with their wonted labor and zeal. Now many more religious are going, very learned and apostolic men, of the Dominican order, who will work in that vineyard of the Lord with as great earnestness as they display wherever they go.



Account of certain remarkable things seen in these Filipinas Islands. Chapter XIII.

The inhabitants of these islands were accustomed to celebrate their feasts above mentioned, and to sacrifice to their idols, at the order of certain witches, called in their own speech Holgoi. These witches were held in as great esteem among them as are priests among Christians. They talked quite commonly with the devil, and many times publicly; and they worked many devilish witcheries, by word and deed. The devil himself, beyond any doubt, took possession of them, and then they answered to all questions, although often they lied, or told things capable of many interpretations and different meanings. Likewise they were wont to cast lots, as has been related in the first part of this history. They were so superstitious that if they commenced any voyage, and at its beginning happened to see a crocodile, lizard, or any other reptile, which they recognized as an ill omen, they discontinued their journey, whatever its importance, and returned home, saying that the sky was not propitious to that journey. The evangelical law, as above stated, has driven away all these falsities, to which the devil had persuaded them. Now there are many monasteries of religious established in their midst, of the orders of St. Augustine, St. Francis, and the Society of Jesus. Current report declares that the number of souls converted and baptized in these islands exceeds four hundred thousand—which, although a great number, is but little in comparison with those still remaining. The rest fail to become Christians, as I have declared, through lack of religious workers; for although his Majesty continues to send them, taking no account of the great expense incurred therein, the islands are so many (and more are being discovered daily) and so distant that it has been impossible to send the necessary aid to all of them. The natives who are baptized receive the faith with avidity and are excellent Christians; and they will be even better, if aided with good examples, as is incumbent upon those who have been Christians for so long. But the actions of some of them make them so hated by the natives that the latter do not wish even to see their pictures.

A remarkable thing. For proof of this assertion, and in order to induce those in authority to remedy this condition of affairs, I will relate here a strange but well authenticated occurrence in these islands, and a thing thoroughly well known in them all. In this particular island one of the chief inhabitants died a few days after his baptism. At his death he was very contrite for the sins that he had committed against God before and after his baptism. Afterward he appeared, by divine permission, to many persons of that island, whom he persuaded by forcible reasoning to receive baptism immediately, declaring to them, as one who had experienced it, the reward of celestial bliss, which, without any doubt, would be granted through baptism, and by living thereafter in conformity to the commandments of Christ. For this purpose he declared and asserted to them that, as soon as he had died, angels had carried him to glory, where only delight and happiness reigned, which arose solely from the sight of God. No one entered, or could enter that place, unless he were baptized according to the preaching of the Castilians. Of these latter, and of others like them, there was an infinite number there. Therefore, if they wished to share in the enjoyment of those blessings and delights, they must be baptized first, and afterward observe the commandments preached by the fathers among the Castilians. Thereupon he vanished instantly, and they began to discuss what they had heard. On account of it, some were baptized immediately, but others delayed, saying that because there were Castilian soldiers in glory, they did not care to go there, for they did not wish their company. All this injury can arise from one impious man, who presents one bad example. Such a man, wheresoever he might be, and especially in those islands, should be reprimanded and punished severely by good people.

When first discovered, these islands were reported as unhealthful, but later experience has shown the contrary. The land is exceedingly fertile, producing rice and grain in abundance, and goats, fowls, deer, buffaloes, and cows, with many swine, whose flesh is as good and savory as is the mutton of Espana. There are many civet-cats. An infinite number of fruits are found, all very good and well flavored; and honey and fish in abundance. Everything is sold so cheaply, that it is all but given away. The islands yield much cinnamon; and although there is no olive oil but that brought from Nueva Espana, much oil is made from ajonjoli [Sesamum orientale] and flaxseed which is commonly used in that country, so that the olive oil is not missed. Saffron, cloves, pepper, nutmegs, and many drugs are produced, besides abundance of cotton and silk of all colors, great quantities of which are carried thither annually by Chinese merchants. More than twenty ships arrive in those ports, laden with the above-mentioned cloths of various colors; with earthenware, powder, saltpeter, iron, steel, quantities of quicksilver, bronze, and copper; wheat-flour, nuts, chestnuts, biscuits, and dates; linen cloth; escritoires worked in many colors, head-dresses, and thin cloths for veils [buratos, espumillas]; water-jugs, made of tin; lace edging, silk fringe, and gold thread, drawn in a manner never seen in Christendom; and many other rare articles—and all, as I have said, very cheap. The products of the islands themselves are sold also quite cheaply; for four arrobas of palm wine—which, in the absence of grape wine, is found to be of excellent quality—can be obtained for four reals; twelve fanegas of rice for eight reals; three hens for one; one whole hog for eight; one buffalo for four; one deer for two, but it must be very fat and large; four arrobas of sugar for six; one jar of ajonjoli oil for three; two baskets of saffron for two; six libras of pepper or of cloves for one; two hundred nutmegs for one; one arroba of cinnamon for six; one quintal of iron or steel for ten; thirty fine porcelain dishes for four; and everything else may be bought at like prices.

A remarkable and exceedingly useful tree. Among the remarkable things seen by our people in those islands, and in the kingdom of China, and in other districts where Spaniards have gone—one that has most caused wonder and fixed itself in the memory—is a tree called commonly the cocoa-palm. It is different from the date-palm, and with great reason, for it is a plant so useful and mysterious, that for instance, a ship has come to these islands, and not only the ship but everything in it—the merchandise, and the ropes, cordage, sails, masts, and nails—was made of this wood; its merchandise consisted of cloth, made from the bark with great dexterity and cunning. Even the food for the crew of thirty men, and their water, came from this tree. The merchants in the ship testified that throughout the entire island of Maldivia, whence they had come, no other food was gathered, nor is there any other food there, except that furnished by this tree. Houses with their roofs are made also from it. The fruit yields a very palatable and wholesome kernel, whose taste resembles green hazelnuts. By cutting the branch where the cocoa-nut grows—this nut is the principal fruit, and each one contains, as a rule, one cuartillo of the sweetest and most delicious water—all that substance flows down into the trunk of the tree. This is tapped with an auger, and all the liquid is collected from the hole. A great quantity is obtained, which, mixed with other ingredients, makes an excellent wine. This wine is drunk throughout the islands, and in the kingdom of China. From the water alone, vinegar is made, and from the kernel, as I have said, a very healing oil, and a milk resembling that of almonds, and very palatable honey and sugar. The palm possesses the above qualities, together with many other virtues. I have told them in part, because it is so remarkable a thing, and a cause of wonder to all who go to those districts. I leave the rest unsaid, not to be prolix.

Near the city of Manila, on the other side of the river, is a town of baptized Chinese who have taken up residence there to enjoy the liberty of the gospel. There are many mechanics among them, such as cobblers, tailors, silversmiths, blacksmiths, and other artisans, besides a number of merchants.



[The remaining chapters (XIV-XXVII) of the "Itinerary" treat of the departure from Cavite for China of seven descalced Franciscans, three other Spaniards and six natives, on June 21, 1582; their reception in China; their journeys in that land; their imprisonment, the passing of the death sentence upon them, and their deliverance through the agency of a Portuguese. A further description of China follows, including observations on "the famous wall of the kingdom of China, which is five hundred leagues long," counting in the mountain between China proper and Tartary. "The sea-coast of this kingdom is the longest and best in the world." Its fauna, land products, and means of defense and offense receive attention. Certain rites and ceremonies, social and economic conditions, and characteristics of the people, are mentioned briefly. The islands of Japan are also described, and the origin of the Japanese touched upon: as well as portions of the history of the people, their religion, and missionary efforts among them. Mention is made of an island of Amazons, the existence of which Mendoza doubts. En route to Lisbon, Father Ignacio and his companions pass from Macao to Malaca, the famous trading port of the East Indies. Slight descriptions of the various kingdoms of the East India district are given, including Cochinchina, Cambodia, and Siam, "the mother of idolatry." Thence the return is made via the Cape of Good Hope, the distance comprehended in the circumnavigation being reckoned by Father Ignacio at nine thousand and forty leagues.]



Documents of 1586

Memorial to the Council, by citizens of the Filipinas Islands. Santiago de Vera, and others; [July 26].

Letter to Felipe II. Alfonso de Chaves, and others; June 24.

Letter from the Manila cabildo to Felipe II. Andres de Villanueva, and others; June 25.

Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeno; June 25.

Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; June 26.

Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others; June 26.

Letter to Felipe II. Pedro de Rojas; June 30.

Letter to Felipe II. Juan de Moron; June 30.

Measures regarding trade with China. Felipe II, and others; June 17-November 15.

Brief erecting Franciscan province of the Philippines. Sixtus V; November 15.

Sources: All these documents, except in two cases, are obtained from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla. The first document is taken in part from another copy which is preserved in the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid; and the papal brief is translated from the text given in Hernaez's Coleccion de Bulas.

Translations: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson, Emma Helen Blair, and Robert W. Haight (of the University of Wisconsin); the second, sixth and ninth, by Arthur B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the seventh, by Robert W. Haight; the papal brief, by Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College; the remainder, by James A. Robertson.



Memorial to the Council

Memorandum of the Various Points Presented by the General Junta of Manila to the Council, So That in Regard to Each the Most Advisable Reform May Be Instituted

(In the first general junta ["assembly"], held in the royal buildings, three conclusions were reached: First, the requirements of the country and the necessity for this journey; second, the person who should make the journey; third, the necessity for convening other assemblies in order to treat more clearly and more specifically the matters which needed attention in detail. As the president and auditors could not be absent from their regular occupations, it was decided that thereafter should assemble for this purpose the bishop of the islands with one or two prebends to represent the cabildo of the church; one of the officials of the royal exchequer; the mariscal of Bonbon; the master-of-camp, with two other captains, in behalf of the military; two regidors with two other citizens, representing the cabildo and city, and some procuradors from other towns of the island; the three superiors of the religious communities; and other religious men therefrom, who are learned, seniors in their houses, and men of experience in the affairs of the country. The president, auditors, and fiscal should be present at those times and hours when, as often happened, they were free from official duties. With the persons thus chosen, these assemblies and conferences were held for many days, and the proceedings were conducted with great care and deliberation. The following brief summaries of their conclusions were made, furnishing a more clear and intelligible review of these to the father [Alonso Sanchez] already mentioned and appointed, that he might carry these notes with him and thus give further information to his Majesty.) [37]



Chapter first. Of what concerns the spiritual affairs of Manila and the Filipinas

1. That the cathedral of Manila is constructed of wood and straw, and has nothing for other buildings or for ornaments. [38] First: It was declared and resolved that his Majesty should be informed that the cathedral of these islands has no buildings, ornaments, or suitable equipment for divine worship; nor has it any income or contributions for these purposes, or for sacristan, verger, or other necessary assistants. And being built of wood and straw, as it is, and so poor, weatherbeaten, and deprived of necessities, it is a reproach and a cause of loss to our faith and Christian religion, and to our state and the men who rule the state, and even to the majesty and greatness of its king and sovereign—since we are in the gaze of so many pagans (both natives and foreigners), who come here from many regions, especially China, and who see and take note of this.

2. That nothing is paid to the bishop and prebendaries from the royal treasury, or from tithes. Second: Inasmuch as, on the one hand, the tithes are not paid, nor, on the other, has the royal treasury at Manila the wherewithal to pay the bishop or prebendaries, or provide for curates or the said helpers, they cannot exist and live as their station demands; and neither in their houses and persons, nor in the service of the church and the methodical arrangements of the hours, [39] do they or can they observe, nor do they feel obliged to observe, the decorum due in all these matters—from which results the said diminution and loss of souls. The person who goes for this purpose will relate what he knows of this matter, besides what is here set down.

3. That the prebendaries be supplied with the necessaries of life, or be exchanged for curates. Third: It was resolved that, if the tithes were not paid, whether his Majesty ordered it or not, this evil should be remedied—as can be done, and is necessary—by another method. His Majesty should order that the prebendaries be removed, or that no more be appointed; for they cannot live decently, or meet their obligations. If this shall be done, they can be exchanged for one curate and two or three beneficed priests, all with obligation to look after the souls of the Spaniards and soldiers of this city, as well as of the many Indian servants, workmen, and laborers who serve them, as now very little attention is paid to all these.

4. The Spanish hospital is very poor, and there are many sick. Fourth: His Majesty should be informed that the hospital, established here in his name, has no money with which to help the many soldiers, sailors, and other poor persons who, engaged in service and labors for the king and those usual in this country, fall sick, and die in sadness and affliction. His Majesty should provide money for a building, beds, food, medicine, attendants, and other necessities, bringing from Nueva Espana medicines and clothing; and in the islands be granted, for its income and expenses, another additional encomienda of one thousand Indians—which, with the one it has now, will be worth six hundred pesos of eight reals each.

5. That some income be granted to the hospital for the Indians. Fifth: His Majesty is to be informed that there is another hospital for the Indians, which is in the same or greater poverty, and that there is no less necessity and obligation for aiding it—both because the Indians are the ones who sustain it entirely by their products, toils, and tributes; and because many or all of those who go to the hospital fall sick from the hardships that they undergo in the service of the royal affairs, and for the establishment and conservation of these islands.

6. That there is great need of religious; and that no new religious order come. Sixth: This declares to his Majesty the great need for instruction, and that his royal conscience is not lightened, for our lack of ministers, and on account of the many people who are dying without baptism, and the many without conversion, and the many islands and provinces that cannot be pacified because of this lack. We ask that his Majesty give imperative orders that religious be sent who belong to the three orders now here, and that no other new orders come here; and that they should come appointed for these islands, and for no other district.

7. That, in order that instruction may be furnished, something be added to the tributes. Seventh: In order that instruction may be provided—not only where there is none, but also where there is some, but not sufficient—his Majesty should cause something to be added to the tributes, and the rates of taxation to be cleared up; for now they are very much confused, and give rise to many quite serious scruples. And the tributes should be assigned in terms of Castilian reals, for hitherto they have generally been collected by the standard of eight reals, and they could be raised to ten reals, provided that it be not permitted to compel the Indians to pay in any assigned article; but that they be allowed to pay in money, if they have it, or if they wish to give it, or in any other sort of their products or means of gain, or as these shall have value.

8. That tithes be paid, as is the custom in Mejico. Eighth: In order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable, it should be announced that the encomenderos shall pay the tithes; and therefore they desire, and request his Majesty to have these paid according to the custom and manner of Mexico—for, as until now there have been no bishop, curates, or system in government, and no church, these have not been paid. And now, although to many it appears just, and they would do it, many more refuse to do it; and thus, between them both, nothing is done.



Chapter second. Of matters pertaining to the city of Manila

1. That public property be given to the city of Manila. First: It should be suggested to his Majesty that he cause some public property to be granted to this city, for all its affairs, of peace and of war, of government, conservation, and defense, and for suits that may arise in defense of it and its increase; and that, for this purpose, he cause that some Indians be given to it, or something from the duties, or the warehouses or shops, which, on account of the Chinese and other traders, could be applied to the public property of the said city.

2. That the three per cent duty imposed by Don Rronquillo, be not paid. Second: His Majesty should order that the three per cent duty, imposed by Don Goncalo Ronquillo, be not paid in this city, because of the extreme newness and poverty of this country; and because the citizens assist in many other matters that its newness demands, and these duties cannot assist at all in increasing and enriching the settlement and country.

3. That no duties, especially on food and supplies, be paid at any port in these islands. Third: We ask that none of those coming from outside to the port or ports of these islands—as Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese, Burneans, or any others—shall pay any duties, especially on food, supplies, and materials therefor, so that the country may be advantaged and enriched; and because on account of these duties, the Chinese experience many annoyances, and the frequency of their coming is hindered; and since thus result the inconveniences which, as his Majesty orders by a decree, should not be allowed to occur. Of everything else connected with this matter, the person who is going on this business will give information in detail, and as is required.

4. That the inhabitants of the Filipinas pay no duty in Acapulco or anywhere else; and that no freight duty be paid. Fourth: His Majesty should order that, just as, on all the goods sent to Mexico from that city (Sevilla—Madrid MS.), no duty is paid on the first sale, so on goods sent to Acapulco or other places from these islands, none be paid; for there are more reasons and causes for such exemption in this country than there. We ask that, likewise, the freight duty of twelve pesos per tonelada, imposed by Don Goncalo Ronquillo on the goods of citizens of these islands, be not collected at Acapulco.

5. That the concession of paying the tenth only, instead of the fifth, on gold, be continued. Fifth: The tenth now paid by Spaniards on gold instead of the fifth, conceded to them by his Majesty, should be perpetual, or continued as long as possible, for the same reason—the increase and augmentation of the country and the Christian religion.

6. That the offices and encomiendas assigned be to the old citizens and soldiers. Sixth: The offices assigned by the governor of these islands should be given to the old citizens of these islands who merit it, who shall have been resident therein at least three years and are citizens of them. The same should be understood in regard to the encomiendas that his Majesty orders to be given to the soldiers, and they should have resided here in actual military service and duty—for they suffer great hardships in gaining and pacifying the land, and afterward support it in its greater necessities and advancement; and always the encomiendas should be given to those among them who have most deserved these grants, paying attention to their length of service, along with the other considerations of greater or less services or benefits to the country. Nor should they be given to the servants, brothers, relatives, followers, or persons recommended, whom the governors bring hither with them of late—who have not rendered any service to the country, and do no more than to enjoy the sweat of the natives—but to the old Spanish inhabitants, who have suffered the toil, and now should reap the reward. We urge that his Majesty rigorously enforce this upon the governors; for it is this which has most afflicted and ruined this country—because, as (those who have done nothing for it enjoy the reward—Madrid MS.) those who have served it are dissatisfied and desperate, neither they nor any one else who could do much will exert themselves, because they are without hope.

7. That commissions and means of advancement be assigned to those have worked in this country. Seventh: The same course should be observed in all the commissions and means of gain on land and sea, and especially in the appointments of masters and officers of vessels, and in everything else—since, besides preserving equity and avoiding wrongs, this recompenses those who have toiled, gives hope to those present, allures the absent, and peoples, conserves, and betters the country. They [the Council] should endeavor to be thus generous and conciliatory in this matter, as it is the thing in which there is most injustice, which is most keenly felt, and which causes most harm.

8. That workmen and mechanics in Manila be paid their wages here and not in Mexico. Eighth: His Majesty should order that all workmen and mechanics who serve for pay or wages in this country—such as sailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and any others (who remain and are needed here—Madrid MS.)—be paid their wages here, [40] according to contract; that the money for this be provided from the royal treasury of Mexico, since the treasury here has but little; that what is to be given them there be paid here, as it will be of much more value to them, and will be the occasion of increasing the population of this country by those who will have trades, and will remain with hope, and do more and better work in every way.

9. That there should be a ship-purveyor in Manila. Ninth: That in place of the other third royal official of former days, his Majesty appoint a ship-purveyor (who should not be a royal official), because the two officials of the royal exchequer cannot at present attend to this matter, which entails much work, along with the other things to which they generally attend. With this appointment the ships will be despatched better, and more punctually, and at less expense; for they can be kept in better equipment, and their condition known with exactness—and not as now, when this is not known, nor are they able to attend to all things.

10. That there should be no commissary of the Inquisition. Tenth: We ask that at present there be no commissary of the Inquisition in this city or these islands, as they are so new, and have so few inhabitants, and are so far from Mexico. For a commissary so far away, and in a matter of so great import and weight for the honor, property, and lives of men might cause so many wrongs; and many times it might happen in cases that, after all this expense, they will be set free in Mexico. The person who is going [for us to Spain] should give information on all these points. We recommend that this matter be left with the bishop for the present; or, at least, that one of the dignitaries with the bishop act as inquisitor, and that there be no commissary.



Chapter third. Of the traffic of these islands, on which likewise depends their increase and conservation

1. That no consignments of money be sent to the Filipinas from Mexico. First: It should be related to his Majesty that one of the things that has ruined this country is the great consignments of money that wealthy persons resident in Mexico send here. These give rise to two wrongs: the first, that they advance the price on all Chinese merchandise, so that the poor and common people of the islands cannot buy those goods, or only at very high prices; the second, that, since the shipments of goods [to Mexico] are many and large, and the vessels few—at times (nearly always, in fact) not more than one—and, because of the great amount of ship stores required for so long a course, and the difficulty of the voyage, these vessels go but lightly laden, the citizens and common people cannot export any goods. We ask that his Majesty ordain and confirm what has been ordained here by his royal Audiencia—namely, that neither shall such consignments be sent from Mexico, nor shall Mexican factors or trading companies come hither from that country; but that only the citizens of these islands be allowed to buy and export to Mexico the products of this land and foreign products. If any other person wish to do this, he should be obliged to become a citizen and reside here at least for three years; and he should trade with none but his own property, under severe penalties. These should include the confiscation of both such goods and his personal property, in addition to which he should not be allowed to carry any wealth to Mexico; nor from there shall the money be brought which now the Chinese take, so that their goods may be bought more cheaply, and with the products of this land.

2. That purchases be not made from the Chinese, at retail, but by wholesale. Second: We desire that, now and henceforth, neither the Chinese nor other foreign vessels shall sell at retail, as is the custom at present, nor shall the inhabitants of this city be allowed to purchase in public or in secret, under severe penalties. We ask that, for the purchase of these goods at wholesale, there be appointed and chosen persons, so many and such as the affair requires, so that they alone may buy at wholesale all the goods brought by the Chinese vessels, and afterward apportion them to the Spanish citizens, the Chinese, and the Indians, by a just and fair distribution, at the rate of the prices paid for them, plus the other incidental expenses required. If his Majesty order and confirm this, the prices shall be determined and established by the governor and persons whom his Lordship shall appoint.

3. That there be no Chinese hucksters in Manila. Third: From the above follows another very important matter—namely, that all the Chinese merchants and hucksters should not remain here to hoard and retail the goods, as well as for the many other losses, and the lack of supplies that they cause in the city and land, and the secret sins and witchcrafts that they teach, of which the father will give a detailed account. Moreover, the shops which they had and which are necessary for retail articles should, in the course of the year, be taken by the Spaniards, so that the advantage may remain on our side, and so that there maybe opportunity for Spanish citizenship and settlement. This cannot increase without such action, since there are so many Chinese here; and it is desirable for many other advantages which will be attained here. Outside the city there should remain, of the Chinese, only the Christians and certain other old inhabitants, who do not come and go, and are not wholly hucksters, but workmen—mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, and farmers—and others who trade in food supplies, who, collecting the food in the villages of the Indians, bring it to this city.

4. That the Portuguese shall not trade with Mexico or Peru. Fourth: The Portuguese should be forbidden, for the present, to make a voyage to or traffic with Peru or Nueba Espana; for this country will be ruined, while that city (Sevilla—Madrid MS.) will lose the duties on the voyages and goods, and the Portuguese will take the silver to China, East India (Cion, and Sunda—Madrid MS.) and other foreign kingdoms.

5. That the inhabitants of the islands may trade with Piru or any other country. Fifth: We ask that the inhabitants of these islands may make voyages to Japon, Macan, and all other kingdoms and posts, whether Portuguese or pagan, that admit our trade.

6. That the Audiencia be abolished, or paid from Mexico. Sixth: The citizens of this city and of these islands are very few and poor to carry so great a burden as the royal Audiencia, and the numerous expenses caused and incurred by its officials; accordingly if there are any reasons why the Audiencia should remain, his Majesty should allow their salaries to be paid from the treasury of Mexico. The father will inform his Majesty of the arguments on both sides, according to the detailed memoranda and the discussions and opinions expressed here. His Majesty will take what action he deems suitable.



Chapter fourth. Of other matters on which depend the establishment and increase of this state and kingdom

1. That farming and stock raising be encouraged. First: It should be brought to his Majesty's attention that, up to this time, this country has had no adequate means of support—whether in estates, farming, stock-raising, or anything else that sustains and enriches countries; but that its first settlers came only to conquer and subdue what little there is, and that afterward all thought and care were transferred to traffic and gain. On this account all the country has remained uncultivated and unsettled; and it is necessary that an earnest effort be made to maintain what we now hold. To this end his Majesty should undertake to send every year from Castilla, Nueba Espana, or elsewhere, eight or ten married farmers with daughters; his Majesty should pay the expenses of their voyage and settlement here, and provide here their houses and farm implements, and grant them other favors; and for this should issue very particular commands. He should be told that there are so extensive and so fertile lands, with abundance of wood and iron; and that there are many workmen and much game, and everything else needed by farmers.

2. That the farmers and settlers be exempt from all taxes for a certain period. Second: All coming to settle and cultivate the soil should be exempt for the present from tithes, pecho, [41] and any other tax—with assurance and agreement that for the future, for such period as his Majesty may consider advisable, they shall incur no molestation from the collector of tithes; and that each be furnished the assurance of exemption which shall be necessary with the church and other persons.

3. That the Spaniards and Indians of the farms be exempt from war and other personal labor. Third: They, and all the Indians who aid them or accompany them to their farms, should be exempt from war or other personal labor in boats or on buildings, or anything else that might hinder or fatigue them.

4. That those coming as farmers be not allowed to change their occupation. Fourth: His Majesty should order that those coming for this purpose shall not change or be transferred to any other pursuit or means of gain; but that they be compelled to do the work for which the above-mentioned, and what else shall appear necessary, is given, so that they may be forced to it with good reason. Therefore, those who shall be sent should be of humble and low estate, and only fit for and accustomed to this work.

5. That the Indians accompany our farmers and learn farming. Fifth: The Indian chiefs and timaguas should be ordered to associate themselves with our farmers by just contracts and division, so that they may grow to like and learn our method of farming, and that the Spaniards may have someone to furnish them with people and other necessary aids—since these Indians are sagacious and know how to look out for themselves with the farmers, especially if the latter be simple people, as above stated.

6. That many cattle and horses be brought from China and Japon, and that buffaloes be domesticated. Sixth: His Majesty should give imperative orders that an effort be made to have many horses and cattle brought from China and Japon; and that these farmers and the Indian chiefs and villages, be ordered to domesticate and breed buffaloes. By these means they may have the animals which are necessary to cultivate the land, for their other work, and for food.

7. That the encomiendas be granted with the obligation to cultivate them. Seventh: His Majesty should order that, now and henceforth, the encomiendas be granted under this obligation and charge, namely, that the encomendero shall cultivate a portion of the land, and cause it to be cultivated, and shall induce the said Indians and Spaniards to do the same; that the governors attend to this with vigilance, and that they require from the encomenderos a certain number of animals, or so much cultivated land, or produce—either by themselves, or in company with the said chiefs and farmers.

8. That dowries be established here, so that some women may be married every year. Eighth: For a larger and better settlement and increase, his Majesty should provide for this land dowries and alms—amounting to four hundred or five hundred pesos, or thereabout, as may seem advisable to his Majesty—so that every year ten, fifteen, or twenty women, brought from Espana, may be married to the common people of these islands, such as soldiers and others, that thus the country may secure an increase of population—which it has not at present, for lack of women and marriages.

9. That there be dowries so that Indian women may be married to poor Spaniards. Ninth: His Majesty should assign other and lesser dowries, so that the Indian women may be married to poor Spaniards (soldiers and sailors) of the lower rank. In both these ways the country may be increased, in these regions so remote and so lacking in people.

10. That offices be not sold. Tenth: His Majesty should know that it has been proposed and intended here to have all the offices sold; and, if his Majesty desire this increase, it is all the more important not only that he should order that no more be sold, but that even, if possible, those offices which were sold should be bought back. All the offices should be given to those who come here, and remain in lands so remote and of so few advantages. The offices include those of secretaries, notaries, alguazils, clerks of records, assayer, and any others whatever. No persons should come with appointments from Espana, but appointments should be made here, as stated in chapter second, sections 6 and 7.

11. That the encomiendas be of such extent that they may provide the taxes for tithes, instruction, and other expenses. Eleventh: We ask that, so far as the disposal of the land and the settlement of the Indians allow, no encomiendas of less than eight hundred or one thousand Indians be allotted, in order that there may be sufficient for the instruction, tithes, and other expenses—which cannot be covered in encomiendas of five hundred tributes, but which are necessary. His Majesty should grant permission that those who possess but few Indians may, if they so desire, dispose of and sell them to another and neighboring encomendero, in order that a larger encomienda may be formed; at present, this cannot be done.



Chapter fifth. Of some matters pertaining to the Indians

1. That the Indians should not pay the tenth on gold, either new or old. First: His Majesty should grant this grace and exemption to the Indians—namely, that for certain years they shall not pay the tenth of their gold; for with this concession they would better conform to the law, and would have gold in greater abundance, and openly and above-board; for now they dig but little of it, and hide most of that, in order to sell it to other nations. Although it has been ordained that the old gold be not taxed the tenth, yet, on the pretext of its being new, they tax it all, without the knowledge of the governor. This evil cannot be remedied among the alcaldes-mayor or other Spaniards who are concerned in the matter; nor do even the governors care greatly about it, or remedy it.

2. That, in the suits of the Indians, the process be summary. Second: In their law-suits, proceedings should not be conducted with such preparation, and so great expenses and long terms, as are usual among the Spaniards in a European chancilleria; but they should be summary, and only sufficient records be kept to give evidence, so that, in the future, no new suit can be instituted on the same ground. In regard to this the father will relate our difficulties, past and present and to come; and what the officers of justice do with the Indians—and the same as regards the ecclesiastics. The Indians should not be condemned to pay money fines, either for municipal purposes, or for charitable institutions; but other penalties in use among the Indians should be imposed, such as lashes, service in the hospitals, and other labors.

3. That the collection of tributes by force, and without any instruction being given to the Indians, excites and disturbs the country. Third: His Majesty should be informed of what has occurred in the collection of tributes from the disaffected or never-pacified encomiendas, and of how little heed is paid to his ordinances; and he should order them to be executed. Such Indians should not be compelled to submit; nor should all the tribute be collected from them, but only something as recognition, since they receive no benefit, nor know why it is demanded. Thus they regard it as a theft, and us as robbers. Severe penalties should be imposed on those who by only collecting the tribute each year and returning to this city, or by sending soldiers to do it as above stated (disturb the country and—Madrid MS.) render it impossible that the country can ever be pacified. For this reason many districts of these islands are disaffected, and must be subdued, as Burney, Maluco, Mindanao, and others near them. The same should be understood also in regard to the encomiendas allotted to the royal crown. This matter needs serious attention and correction.

4. The difficulty of furnishing instruction in some of the pacified islands. Fourth: His Majesty should be informed how little instruction is given in these islands, the difficulty of many [encomenderos] in furnishing it, and the much greater difficulty which arises from the topography of the country—because it is all islands, and several, or many, of them are so small that they do not allow an entire encomienda, since three hundred, four hundred, or five hundred tributes are not sufficient for the expenses of an encomienda; and many of these have only one hundred or two hundred tributes. To this difficulty is added the burden and danger of the voyage, the heat and rains, and the poor roads of the country. In regard to this matter should be stated whatever remains to be told; also the remedy that may be applied by adding to the tributes, and by making some islands dependent upon others, as his Majesty may deem best.

5. That a protector of the Indians, with a salary, be appointed, who shall not be the royal fiscal. Fifth: A protector of the Indians should be appointed, a Christian man, and with authority to defend them, and prosecute their suits. In order to avoid the losses and expenses generally caused to the Indians by protectors, because of their being common men, he should have a good salary; and the royal fiscal should not be the protector, because in his duties more cases against the Indians than in their defense necessarily arise, and he cannot neglect to prosecute them. Therefore it is advisable that the two offices be not merged in one person; and that the said protector be authorized to prosecute, even to the deprivation of encomiendas or other penalties, pecuniary or personal; that he have a voice and vote in the cabildo, both actively and passively; that he take precedence of the regidors and alguazil-mayor, and sit with the advocates and not with the prosecutors; that he be not an encomendero, and that the alcaiceria [i.e., silk-market], and the care of the Chinese residing in Manila, be annexed to his office.



Chapter sixth. Of matters pertaining to the soldiers

1. The serious troubles and annoyances which result from the soldiers not being paid. First: His Majesty should be informed that the country is not settled or pacified, because it is poorly governed and has so small a military force. There is lack of men, and even the few that we have serve with no pay or means of gain, but with many hardships and dangers, and in extreme poverty and desolation, and worse than captivity, since they are forced to service without any pay or support. From this ensue many evils. The first is, that they do nothing, and they cannot and even will not do anything voluntarily; and in this alone they are lacking in natural loyalty and fidelity to their king. Second: They go—poor, despised, disgraced, sick, and needy—to serve masters who are often mean, and persons who, although just to others, sometimes give these men no compensation. With such hardships, sorrows, and famine, and but few delicacies or provisions for their illnesses, many of them die, and that in great wretchedness. Third: They try to escape, as often as they can—now to Macan or to Malaca, sometimes to Maluco, but most commonly to Nueva Espana—under a thousand pretexts and excuses of being married, or sick, or bound to religion, and others. Fourth: On this account, the country has so bad a reputation in Mexico and in the other countries whence they might come, that no one of worth comes, but only very mean and worthless beggars, and destitute, shiftless, and useless fellows; and it would matter very little, and would even be better, if they did not come. Fifth: It is a pitiable thing to see men of rank and quality, and gentlemen, who have come for private opportunities and objects, poor, ill-clad, without shelter, service, or food, and needy, enduring great hunger and shame for the sake of supplying these needs—in the same day dining at one house and supping at another. Sixth: On this account, the captains and commanders neither dare nor can order anything freely, nor are the soldiers willing to obey; and therefore, not only is nothing accomplished, but there remains neither military order, nor respect for superiors, nor organization. Seventh: They have no weapons, or, if they have them, they are compelled to pawn or sell them for clothing and food. Eighth: On this account, many of them are almost forced to inflict injuries on the natives of the country in order to get food, and others to live with native women for the same reason. From all of these follows the ninth and greatest evil of all—namely, that the little that has been conquered has been so weakened that it is not growing, and shows no sign of future growth; and nearly all the rest is so disaffected, and without our having any opportunity or power to hold it, that not only will it remain as now, but it is even feared that the little already conquered will be ruined—especially as, besides the foe at home, there are so many surrounding enemies, those of Japon, China, Cian, Patan, Jabas, Burney, and Maluco, and other innumerable peoples. All this is in the utmost need of remedy, so that this Spanish state may not be destroyed, and so many souls of the natives lost, and the glory of their Creator and the knowledge of Jesus Christ effaced and forgotten. Nor should the enlargement of so great lands and kingdoms, for so much gain, honor, and renown of our Catholic sovereigns and of their faithful vassals, the Spanish nation, be neglected.

2. The great importance of paying the soldiers. Second: All this will be remedied, provided that his Majesty order that, inasmuch as there is an evident and imperative need here for troops, and for their participation, as now, in the exercise and labors of war—conquering, pacifying, conserving, controlling, and anticipating dangers; carrying the responsibilities of presidios [i.e., fortified towns], garrisons, and sentries; and enduring other duties and hardships, greater in this country than in any other—they be granted what is just and necessary, either from the treasury of Mexico or of some other country, or in such manner and method as his Majesty may consider better; and that the pay be the ordinary rate that is paid in the Yndias—or, if he chooses, even less. This will not only put an end to the said evils and annoyances, but will give rise to so great blessings; since the country will be quiet and settled, and there will be continual necessity for subduing and converting more lands, and conquering all of the neighboring islands and kingdoms. These will have the fear and respect that they ought to have for the power and might of his Majesty, and for the Spanish people—of which much has been lost and little gained of late years, because we have been so shut in and abandoned.

3. That three hundred and fifty soldiers with six captains, six standard-bearers, sergeants, and corporals are sufficient for that country. Third: For the above object, it will be sufficient that his Majesty maintain here three hundred or three hundred and fifty soldiers, with six captains, six standard-bearers, six sergeants, and twelve corporals, well drilled and equipped. This can be done in the Yndias at the price of fifteen pesos [to each soldier], and to the captains fifty, to the standard-bearer twenty-five, and one thousand pesos of additional pay, to be distributed annually at the will of the general.

4. That the soldiers should have no other duty or occupation. Fourth: We recommend that any one of the soldiers, on receiving an encomienda or other appointment, shall draw no more pay; and that while he draws pay, he shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, under severe penalties—for this lure and anxiety is the destruction of soldiers; it lessens and intimidates their resolution, and occupies them and distracts them from their proper aim, which is so necessary for the safety and increase of this land and of Christendom.

5. That the soldiers shall not be servants of the governors or others. Fifth: We recommend that no servants of the governors, captains royal officials or others, may be provided from any garrison of soldiers; but that all the latter be soldiers only, with the occupation and exercise of arms, or of what pertains thereto.

6. That the exemptions of soldiers be observed. Sixth: The exemptions from arrest for debts incurred while a soldier, or from executions on weapons, horse, or anything else necessary and proper to the soldier, should be maintained.

7. That the captains and commanders enjoy their privileges. Seventh: The captains and commanders should be protected in their privileges, by which they have ordinary power and authority to govern and punish the soldiers, and in all matters pertaining to the soldiery; and these powers should be granted to and exercised by them.

8. That the governor and captain-general have a guard of twenty-four halberdiers. Eighth: Twenty-four halberdiers should be given to the governor and captain-general, to guard his person and maintain his authority, as do those of the captain of Malaca; for it is only by such display that due respect is inspired in the natives and foreigners, and their minds kept from planning revolts and treasons. It also confers authority upon the person of him who represents the person of our king, and increases the honor and reverence paid to him. To these guards should be given each month, from the royal exchequer, eight pesos and three fanegas of rice; and to the captain of the guard, twenty-five pesos.

9. That those coming from Mexico be soldiers, and not boys, or pages of the captains. Ninth: His Majesty should order great caution to be employed as to who come from Nueba Espana, assigned and at his cost, that they be soldiers and bear arms: for those who generally come now are only young lads, mestizos, and even some full-blooded Indians, and these without weapons; and many others are pages and servants of the captains and other persons, who—they and their masters—under the name of soldiers draw the pay.



Chapter seven. Of the forts and presidios needed in this country

1. That Manila should be walled, and the ease with which this can be accomplished. First: His Majesty should be informed of the ease and cheapness with which stone buildings are made and can be made. He should urgently and imperatively order that this city of Manila be enclosed with stone, on the side where that is needed, and on the other sides with water; that the fort be built where it shall be determined by the advice of all; and that a tower be erected on the point at the junction of the river and sea. The part where a wall is necessary is very little, extending from the beach to a marsh of the river—about sixty brazas; but it will never be done, unless his Majesty so order.

2. That until forts are built, the country will not be settled. Second: Having this and the garrison for the fort, not only will the city be secure from the perils that have hitherto menaced it, and its present dangers from revolts; but the natives (like the Chinese and foreigners—Madrid MS.) and the Chinese, the foreigners, and all others, will cease to devour it, and will despair of our having to depart or perish, as they may desire, and of their hopes and designs (which they continually cherish—Madrid MS.) of expelling or putting an end to us. With this stronghold, the whole country will be greatly quieted, and the neighboring peoples will be afraid and have less inclination to resist, or resolution to attack the city. Occasion will not then be given for either natives or foreigners to regard us as so barbarous and not able to govern—which they impute to the weakness and negligence of our king, when they see, as now, everything here so unprotected, with but one small wooden fort, dilapidated and liable to be burned easily in one hour, and, in another part of the city, part of a small tower begun with small stones (and, although belonging to an estate of the country, it remains unfinished—Madrid MS.), and that the city is, at the very least, in a ruinous state.

3. Five dangers that are feared from revolt, and their remedy. Third: There are five dangers to be feared from revolts or invasions. The first is from the natives, who are numerous, heavily oppressed, and but thinly settled; the second, from the Chinese, of whom four or five thousand reside here, and have ingress and egress. The third is from the Japanese, who make a descent almost every year, and, it is said, with the intent of colonizing Lucon; the fourth from the inhabitants of Maluco and Burney, who are infuriated and irritated, and have quite lost their fear of us, having driven us twice from their lands; and it is feared lest they unite, as they have threatened, in order to drive us from our own. The fifth is from the English, who were in Maluco and noted our weakness (who, when in Maluco, had information of the weakness of Manila—Madrid MS.). A fort is needed in Ylocos or Cagayan, as a defense against the Japanese and Chinese robbers; another in Cebu, against Burney and the Malucos; another in Panpanga, against the Canvales, or rebels. These with the fort of Manila will give security, and at a very slight cost to his Majesty, more than to order it, for materials are abundant, and almost all the natives are workmen.

4. That there should be ships to ensure the safety of the islands. Fourth: Besides these presidios, there should be some coasting galleys or fragatas, to make the coasts secure, and ward off the invasions of the Japanese. They (are accustomed to come every year, chiefly to the region of Cagayan and Ylocos, to—Madrid MS.) rob and kill many natives, and seize the Chinese vessels that bring us food and goods, so that much is lost, and commerce and plenty hindered. They also cause the Chinese, returning from Manila to their country, not to take the usual route; and they harm our Indians by sea and land, as they do even now. The fragatas can also protect us against other Chinese and Bornean pirates; and against any other emergencies and dangers, from foreigners or from the natives.

5. That no confidence can be placed in the natives. Fifth: In order that the necessity for these forts and presidios above mentioned may be understood, notification should be given that, with the arrival of Englishmen or any other enemy, it would be necessary for the Spaniards, for lack of these forts, especially in Manila, to seek refuge and be dispersed inland. There, beyond, any doubt, they would all be killed, or run great risk of it, because the Indians of the Philippinas are knaves (very warlike; and the Spaniards and soldiers have so harassed them, on account of having no pay or food, that—Madrid MS.); and as they receive so many wrongs and such ill treatment from the soldiers (who can almost be excused for doing it, by their poverty), if they had such an opportunity, they would kill as many as possible, since even now, without having such occasion for it, they never lose any opportunity, and daily kill Spaniards.

Chapter eighth. Of the expeditions and pacifications necessary

1. That much can be gained, and many Christians made, at but little cost. First: To his Majesty should be declared the new mode and new circumstances in which we can justly make (and they have been made for several years) expeditions and pacifications in this land. He should know that this may be done with few troops, and at slight cost, and with great facility, and the advantage that will be gained if the troops are paid and under military rule; for the land is so divided into many islands, and between many petty rulers—who quarrel easily among themselves, and ally themselves with us, and maintain themselves with but little of our assistance. In all this, his Majesty has a very extensive equipment for performing great service to our Lord (and doing good to so many souls—Madrid MS.), and in extending the Christian religion and the church, and his royal name, in lands so strange, and broad, and thickly populated.

2. How little establishment has been made in the country. Second: Inasmuch as this pacification can be made justifiably, there is the utmost need for it (even in the very region where the Spaniards reside and travel—Madrid MS.), both for the Spaniards and some Christians, since it is all so disaffected and unsubdued for lack of troops, as above stated, and because they have not the necessary pay. Thus even in the island of Lucon are provinces that have never been conquered, or which, although once subdued, have revolted again—as those called Cagayan, Pangasinan, Playa Onda, Zanbales, Balete, Cataduanes, and others, surrounding and near Manila. These are mixed up with the pacified provinces, and thus it is neither all done nor to be done, for the want of a little system and provision.

3. The obligation to protect those already converted. Third: Not only is it necessary to establish the said equipment and system, but it even appears that his Majesty has an obligation thereto, because of the so great service that he has rendered to God by the conversion of so many souls, who are under his royal protection, who exceed two hundred and fifty thousand in number. By not being able to protect these, they are suffering at present great hardships and wrongs from the disaffected and unpacified natives, who daily attack and kill them, and burn their houses, crops, and palm-trees. On this account, and because they kill also many Spaniards, not only are our present conquests not extended, but they are daily diminished; and there is grave danger, as above stated, of losing them altogether (of the Christian population being exterminated—Madrid MS.).

4. The many peoples that can be pacified now—a thing which it will be impossible to do later. Fourth: Besides the said provinces, which in many places are in revolt, between ourselves and those already converted, are others, which, although not so near in distance or in the disposition of the people, still cannot be called new discoveries, because they are already known and studied. Daily they are becoming more deteriorated and perverted; and it will be necessary for their good and our safety to pacify and rule them—which later will be very difficult or impossible to do. These provinces are Ba[bu]yanes, the island of Hermosa [Formosa], the island of Cavallos, Lequios, the island of Aynao [Hainan], Jabas, Burney, Paraguan, Calamianes, Mindanao, Siao, Maluco, and many others.

5. That the governor be empowered to make expeditions. Fifth: His Majesty is informed that, on account of these conditions in the country, it is here unanimously considered necessary that the governor of Manila should have authority and power to make these expeditions and this pacification at the cost of the royal exchequer, in the most important cases that arise (and are continually arising), if he consult as to the law with the ecclesiastics and lawyers, and, as to the execution of his plans, with captains and with men of experience and conscience. He should also seek counsel in regard to the other important details, in order that the expenses be only those necessary, and such as shall produce results. For lack of this power, in lands so remote, and since he must wait so long for the proceedings of the Council, and a reply from Espana, when the reply comes most important opportunities will have passed, and great difficulties will have resulted; and no matter how important these things may be considered here, seldom is there anyone who pays any attention to anything except his own individual concerns. (As for this country, every one looks after his own interests and enrichment, and there is no longer anyone who will spend a maravedi, even if the country is endangered—Madrid MS.).

6. That the governor may be empowered to entrust expeditions by contract to other Spaniards. Sixth: In order that this may be done more easily, and at less cost, the governor should be permitted to make agreements and contracts with captains, encomenderos, and other persons who wish to cooeperate with the king, to undertake these expeditions at their own expense, or partly so, as may seem most advisable—for there are and will be many persons who, although not able to make them at their own expense, can make them with this aid. And in such contracts the governor should have power to concede and grant, on the part of his Majesty, appointments and titles of governor, adelantado, mariscal, and other honors which are and have been conceded, in the Yndias, to such men.

Chapter ninth. Of other matters common to Indians and Spaniards

1. That his Majesty should aid in atoning for the wrongs inflicted by the first conquerors. First: His Majesty should be informed that, as this country has been recently conquered, the majority of the first conquerors are still alive, who inflicted great injuries in their expeditions; and that as either the Indians on whom they inflicted them, or their heirs, are likewise living, or at least the villages and provinces remain, the confessors refuse to absolve these conquerors unless they pay, each one the whole amount in solidum, or all together unite to pay it. This they can never do, as it is a vast sum, and because many are dead, or gone, or poor, so that those remaining are but few; and an exceeding great sum is assigned to them, which they refuse, or are unable to pay, except with great injury to themselves, and many of them being left poor and in their former condition. They beg that, since these wrongs were inflicted in gaining the country for his Majesty, and as they remain but little or no richer thereby, and because these are damages inflicted in the act of conquest, his Majesty will aid them with a certain sum of money—in order that with what the conquerors are prepared to give, the Indians may be recompensed, and they themselves may be confessed and at peace with themselves and the ecclesiastics; or, at least, that his Majesty write to the pope to grant a bull for the adjustment of this matter. This he may concede, so that each one may comply by paying what wrong he thinks he has done, and not the whole; and they request that what they have restored hitherto at the advice of their confessors for pious works be taken into account (of the total sum of which they are uncertain), especially when an Indian, or his heirs, of those aggrieved is not alive.

2. That many encomenderos do not furnish ministers of instruction. Second: His Majesty should be informed that although certain of the encomenderos, fearful of their consciences, strive to furnish the necessary instruction in their encomiendas, there are others who furnish none (many others who will not furnish any—Madrid MS.), or not the amount necessary, notwithstanding that there are enough ministers (who reside in the encomienda—Madrid MS.). Thus they do not lighten the burdens on the conscience of his Majesty, to whom belongs the country, and to whom it pertains to furnish instruction, and thus to justify the chief argument for collecting the tributes. This requires rigor on the part of his Majesty, in order that the Indians, since all can be and are so assiduously compelled by their encomenderos to pay tribute, may and shall be also instructed; for up to this time there are encomiendas which have been peaceably paying their tributes for fifteen, twenty (twenty-five—Madrid MS.) or more years, without ever having seen a minister or hearing one word about God; and who cannot imagine why they are paying tribute, unless it be by sheer violence. And, in the same way, there are many others, who are disaffected and pay by sheer force of soldiers and arquebuses, and by compulsion, etc. The principal reason for their disaffection is that they have not ministers; for there is nothing that settles and calms the Indians better than the treatment of all alike, and mildness, and an upright life, or at least to see that one has not an evil intention. The ministers also serve as a check on the encomenderos, collectors, and other Spaniards, who go among the Indians, and cause the usual altercations and scandals. And since there is no means besides force, even for the temporal, that his Majesty can use, and so that the pacified may not become disaffected, and that the disaffected may be held in check, severe and forcible measures should be taken to see that this instruction is given them. His Majesty should decide whether the encomenderos (who, in order not to spend money, do not furnish instruction) can collect the entire amount of their tributes, or he should inflict upon them what penalty he deems advisable; and he should decide—if, in order that they may furnish the instruction, it is necessary to increase the tributes somewhat—whether it can be done, as stated.

3. The injuries inflicted in the collection of tributes. Third: His Majesty should be informed of the great lack of system and the confusion existing in the collection of tributes, and the many injuries inflicted on the Indians by the Spaniards and their great opportunity for inflicting them; for, as he who made the assessments in die beginning was not a lawyer (as the first governors were not lawyers—Madrid MS.), nor acquainted with the mischief that could happen later in the collections, he rendered them very confused and vexatious. Although, in its general understanding, and in the usage of the first years, it is seen that the tribute amounted to the value of eight reals, paid in what the Indian possessed and desired to pay, still in certain words and clauses regarding the assessments and the articles which they fix as payment for the tributes—such as cotton cloth, rice, and other products of the country, or three mayces of gold and one fowl—opportunity is given for the lack of system now existing, each one collecting as he pleases, with great offense to the Indians, and harm to the country. For when gold is plentiful, and reals scarce, they ask for reals; when the latter are plentiful, and there is a scarcity of gold, they ask for gold, even when the Indians have to buy it; and when crops are plentiful, they ask for money, but when these are lacking, they ask for produce—such as rice, etc.—even all that the Indians have, and they are compelled to travel great distances to try to buy it at high rates. Thus, where the tribute is eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, on account of the value of the articles that they demand, which they compel the Indians to search for and bring from other districts. Through this the Indians endure so great oppression and distress, that, on this account, several provinces have revolted, and others will not pay, except by force and with much disturbance. All, including the encomenderos themselves, desire that this matter be cleared up; but the royal Audiencia did not care to meddle with it, as it is a matter of tributes, and pertains solely to his Majesty. It is necessary that the tributes be in the standard of Castilian reals, paid in money, or in the produce of the soil, as the Indian has them, and as he chooses, provided that their value remains.