The governor persisted in his determination to carry out the expedition to Camboja, and at the beginning of this year despatched one ship and two junks, with men, artillery, and ammunition, under command of Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato. Thus far we have received no word whatever from them. The governor is sending the document referring thereto; and, although it is rumored that but few troops were taken by them, in fact two hundred men left this city, and artifice was used, in order that the real number should not appear at the departure. They had, in truth, gone ahead some days earlier and awaited the vessels outside.

At the same time, he sent another expedition to China; but as those who set out returned here, it seems as if God had, for the present, closed the door for that voyage; and so it stands.

This year so many Chinese have come under pretext of trading, that we have been very cautious, and suspicious of an uprising. For by these expeditions we have been left so greatly in need of troops, that there was good cause to be fearful and on the watch. I undertook to put the Chinese out of the country, and by this time more than twelve thousand have embarked. About as many more remain, and much diligence is being observed. They are a people with whom one must live with much watchfulness and caution, of which but little has hitherto been exercised. The city has been cut down in size, extending from the border of the fort and royal house by the garrison, furnishing a retreat in case of necessity for the few people here and the women and children. In fact the whole change is only setting the city aright; for the fortifications were wrongly planned from the beginning.

Your Majesty's exchequer has suffered so much damage and loss by the mismanagement of the officials, that, although various gentle means were taken to relieve and repair it, they were of no effect. Consequently, when the governor saw himself so hard pressed, he commenced to investigate the accounts; and the officers are suspended from the exercise of their duties until the state of their offices shall be ascertained. They are alike in their bitter enmities and difficulties with one another, making the despatch of the matter impossible. The papers are sent in order that your Majesty may see what has been done, and the condition of affairs here at present, which if investigated thoroughly will be found to contain other things of much moment in the matter. Your Majesty will decree in everything what will be most expedient for your service. I assure your Majesty that had any other means been found of dealing with the said officials besides the one used, until your Majesty should be advised thereof, this final measure would not have been taken—which was necessary, since no other effectual means were at hand.

Your Majesty has yet in this kingdom a revenue amply sufficient for all the expenses thereof, if it be administered with fidelity and care, and if many present superfluous expenses be suppressed. There are not more than a hundred paid soldiers in camp, and six captains of infantry and their officers draw salaries. The forts are without garrisons; but for more than a year the wardens thereof have been improperly drawing salaries. Your Majesty has no galleys whatever, and there is one commander, who, though unemployed, draws a yearly salary of eight hundred pesos; and there are many officers who get a salary in the same manner. There are many garrisons of soldiers, sailors, artillerymen, and others in various capacities who draw pay from your Majesty's exchequer; and they are of no service, nor will they ever in their lives be of any use, except as servants and attendants upon the officers and other persons, who pay them from your Majesty's revenues. In this way much of your Majesty's revenue is being spent and wasted. It would be necessary to institute a reform, and to make many investigations of the accounts of your Majesty's debtors and the collectors of your Majesty's revenue, in order to regain much property which is lost. Every day more will be wasted unless your Majesty orders a speedy remedy, with punishment of the guilty, which shall serve as a warning for the future. In the meanwhile much suffering will be felt here, as at present; and even a large part of your Majesty's estate in Nueva Espana will not suffice to meet the needs here.

There are very few in these islands capable of handling the arquebus, although they used to be the best and most skilful soldiers in the Yndias. The cause of this is that they have so devoted themselves to trade that they have no desire for anything else. Nevertheless, your Majesty ordered, in the instructions given to Gomez Perez, when he came here to govern, that those who drew pay from your Majesty as fighting men should not be allowed to trade. Afterward in a clause of the letter of January, 1593, replying to another of his, your Majesty ordered the same thing. This has not been complied with, however, and as the captains and higher officers are rich and rewarded by their salaries and grants, it is not just that they be merchants, as is the case. They are so diverted from military exercise that they are as useless as if they were in Toledo; and elsewhere they engross, by their large shipments, the space required for the merchandise and freight of the citizens. Your Majesty therefore spends the revenue on them and their soldiers uselessly; and it is necessary that this be corrected, in order that affairs may return to their normal condition.

The city was sufficiently supplied with public endowments, because in addition to what the governor held, he made a grant to it, in the name of your Majesty, of the shops and rents of a new parian, which had been built after my arrival for the Chinese, outside the walls, on the border of Sant Gabriel. Consequently there comes in from the property more than four thousand pesos annually, which is fully sufficient for necessary expenses, and in the future should be used for public buildings, which are needed. None such have ever been attempted, except the wall and fortifications which were built by the governor Gomez Perez. In respect to the traffic of the citizens of these islands and the administration of their commerce, your Majesty made suitable provisions by a decree of the same month of January, ninety-three. This is as is necessary; and since the returns from all the merchandise from Nueva Spana come to them without limitation, there is left them no just ground for complaint. When I came here I found that, although the said decree is so precise, the execution of it was so far forgotten here that, when I took steps for its observance, it was ill received, as will appear by the accompanying reports thereof. Nevertheless, the execution of the decree will be attended to on my part, until your Majesty may decree otherwise. There is no doubt that by this is decreed what is expedient for this kingdom; and if the officials took proper care to execute your Majesty's orders, these difficulties would be obviated. But, as I have before written, it is not done with due exactness.

Governor Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas was daily expecting a change in this government and his removal, and owing to this and his mildness of disposition, affairs in general suffer. Although he is a man of good intentions and of much virtue, he is governed in everything by the friars, and particularly by the Dominicans, who are enjoying this favorable opportunity and make use of it to advance their own interests and those of their friends. The youth and inexperience of the governor does not permit of anything else. Now with the news that your Majesty is to send Don Francisco Tello to this government, it seems as if everything would take on new life; for, if there is more delay, it would be at the cost of the service of your Majesty, and the welfare of these islands. Everything has declined greatly from the condition in which matters were left by his father; and although I have done what I could it is but little, on account of my slight and inadequate authority. Nevertheless, some of the most important things have been looked after with more spirit than at first. The people of this land cannot be pleased with everything, for they are fond of liberty; and for this reason there are some complaints. But I endeavor only to further the service of God and of your Majesty, not to consult their tastes or to manage affairs so that they may write to your Majesty in approbation of me. As things have happened, there may be a lack of persons to approve my proceedings; but this does not vex me, because I expect that, with God's help, time will show the truth; and no other reward is needed than to satisfy your Majesty, as is my earnest desire.

The jurisdiction of your Majesty in this kingdom is so hampered by that of the ecclesiastics that on no occasion can we have our own way. As there is no one to withstand them much damage is experienced; and we see ourselves in great troubles and hardships, tied hand and foot, because the ecclesiastics and religious interfere in everything. They rebel against and hinder the accomplishment of your Majesty's commands; and even among themselves they have many dissensions and disagreements. It is a pitiable state of affairs, and even if it were for no other purpose than to moderate these excesses and licenses of powerful persons, it would be best to have here the royal Audiencia, which your Majesty ordered to be suppressed. I beseech your Majesty, as I likewise urged from Nueva Spana, in the report which your Majesty already has, that in case the royal Audiencia is not reestablished, a remedy be provided. There should be someone to oppose the ecclesiastics in a land so far away from the Audiencia of Mexico; for, no matter what question is sent there for decision, at least two years must elapse before despatches can be returned.

The bishop is very much missed in this land by all the ecclesiastics; and it would be very beneficial for the future if he should come this year with the arms sent from Nueva Spana. May God bring them, although they are already late in arriving. If they should fail to come, great need would be felt everywhere. All these islands are now pacified, and the only need is for ministers of the gospel, on account of the many heathen who are without instruction. Many of the Spaniards who people the land and come here for its defense, die here. Thus we are in need, as I have said.

The college [36] founded by the fathers of the Society for the education of Spaniards in this city, at the expense of your Majesty's exchequer, is now closed, by the new contract which was made with Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa regarding the patronage which was given him from this house and college. According to the wish of your Majesty, this work was changed into a college for natives which they wished to found. The same income of one thousand pesos a year has been assigned them, in addition to the fourth of the tribute paid where there is no instruction, and other sums from similar sources. I think it would be well to further this work; for besides the receiving of a good education by the sons of natives, which would strengthen them greatly in the things of the Christian religion and right living, it would be a hidden blessing to have the sons of the principal natives in this college, for our safety is thereby assured on any occasion whatever. The papers in this matter are sent, in order that your Majesty may have provision made according to your pleasure.

At the beginning of this year, a galleon arrived at these islands from Piru, and later a small fragata in its convoy, wherein it appears that Adelantado Alvaro de Mendana had set out from Piru in April of last year to discover the western islands in the Southern Sea. This he did not succeed in doing, and lost his flagship and afterward another fragata. He formed a settlement on another island near Nueva Guinea, where the men quarreled among themselves, and the said adelantado died with many of his people. [37] His wife inherited that settlement, and arrived at these islands in great need and after many hardships, where she married Don Fernando de Castro, cousin of the governor, and returned to Piru with her ship. I am sending your Majesty the report of the matter which has been received, and an account of their voyage and adventures, which are therein stated at greater length.

After such long voyages I am left in very poor health, and with little hope of recovery, on account of the climate of this country. I am very poor and spent, with fewer children than those I brought with me, for they have died on the way. Therefore I strongly desire that your Majesty grant me grace if it be possible, and permit me to go to Espana, and be pleased to provide for this garrison. With this I should feel well paid and satisfied after all my hardships and wanderings. Even though I do not deserve the rewards of my predecessors, I shall live content in returning to my home and fireside, God willing, to give your Majesty a true account of the many things I have seen, and of what would be best for the better service of your Majesty. I humbly beseech your Majesty to grant me this favor as soon as possible. May our Lord preserve for many years the royal person of your Majesty, as is necessary to Christendom and your Majesty's servants. Manila, July 6, 1596.

Dr. Antonio de Morga



Letter from Francisco Tello to Felipe II

Sire:

Through God's help, I entered the channel of these islands on the third of June of this present year, 1596. As the weather was bad, it was was necessary for me to make port at Ybalon, where I was forced to remain several days, because of contrary winds. Considering that this condition of affairs might endure longer, I determined to go overland to Manila; and did so, although with considerable hardship, as the country was completely overflowed on account of the heavy rains. However, I derived some advantage from this, for I thus saw a portion of the country and its products. It was of advantage in enabling me to master the affairs of the country, and to know what things it is advisable to provide to put it in good condition. I entered Manila on the fourteenth of July. As this letter is being written only three days after my arrival in this city, I cannot inform your Majesty thoroughly of the condition of this community. But my first sight of it has honestly pleased me very much. God and your Majesty must be thanked fervently, that in lands so remote and obscure the name and religion of God exists, and the authority and power of your Majesty; and this with so great hopes and disposition of being able to work great things, worthy the royal soul and heart of your Majesty. For this object I think we shall need troops, arms, and money, which is the common strength. Also I found the colony somewhat weak both in its forces and in the faulty system and arrangement of its fortifications. I found also great need of royal buildings, and buildings for the cabildo, a slaughter-house, a prison, clean streets, and other public works. This may be because of the smallness of means. I shall remedy what I can, and give your Majesty a more detailed account of it later.

I find this kingdom safe from all fears of the Japanese at present, although not from the swarms of Chinese who resort hither in a haphazard and disorderly manner, unless we maintain the caution and foresight demanded by the little trust that we can place in their companionship and fidelity.

In respect to the person of Don Luys Perez Dasmarinas, whom I found acting as governor, I assure your Majesty that all his thought and life is dedicated to God and virtue. However, in matters of government I do not know what will be the outcome of some things, which I find very confused and remiss. I shall give you a more detailed account of them in a later letter, for now this vessel is on the point of sailing, and is outside the port.

The archbishop of this country remained in Mexico. This does not fail to cause a want, because of the great scarcity of prelates here.

I hear that the trade of this country, upon which its perpetuation chiefly depends, has greatly decreased, not only on account of the low prices of merchandise in Mexico, and the unprofitable exchanges and other misfortunes suffered by commerce, but also because of the numerous impositions and duties levied; so that I find this community much discouraged and disheartened. I shall try to repair this as well as possible, and will give your Majesty a more detailed account, both in this matter and in what concerns the two communities of Indians and Chinese, and whatever else there is to relate.

A founder of artillery is very much needed here. I entreat your Majesty to have one provided, as well as the fifty farmers mentioned in your Majesty's instructions. Above all, I entreat your Majesty, since this new plant and undertaking depends so much upon your Majesty in person, that you will have the kindness to consent to have soldiers sent to us annually; for, Sire, the hospital (where many die) takes its share every year, and another part is taken by certain expeditions and reenforcements that are sent out. As for those who are left, your Majesty should consider, if the ship from Mexico fails to come for even one year, how surrounded by so many fears of enemies is this country. Therefore I beseech your Majesty to order that the viceroy of Mexico shall be careful to provide troops each year, and that they be sent armed, of which there is little care.

As Captain Esteban Rrodriguez died while pacifying Mindanao, and left it almost reduced, and settled with about two hundred Spaniards, and as the country was being brought to your Majesty's obedience, it will be desirable for your royal service to continue the work. From what I have learned in these few days, I believe that your Majesty will be served by ordering that this pacification be continued at the expense of the heir of Esteban Rrodriguez, and with the latter's possessions, as they are sufficient, until the agreement be completely fulfilled. By so doing your Majesty's treasury will be eased, and I think the reward of this work will be obtained by him who most deserves it—namely, the successor of the man who perished in it, since he left it to him, although he did not name him. It only remains for your Majesty to be pleased to declare, in favor of this kingdom, the subordination of that pacification to this one, since the latter proceeds from the former, and is, as it were, filial to it. There are other conveniences and arguments that favor this plan; and in the contrary plan there are many inconveniences, of which I understand that your Majesty is advised by these vessels. Now in the meantime, I am considering what it will be best to provide in the service of God, and of your Majesty, whom may our Lord preserve, etc. Manila, July 17, 1596.

Since the above was written, news has come of the expedition [to Camboja] which was made here. It is not such as we wished to hear, for of the three vessels that were taking part in it, one [illegible in MS.] a storm, and fell into the hands of the king of Cian. No news has been heard of the two others, although it is believed that Captain Gallinato still remains [illegible in MS.].

According to my understanding, it is very desirable that there always be galleys in this land for defense from its ills, and the conservation of its reputation from so many enemies by whom we are surrounded. Inasmuch as those here are found to be quite dilapidated and useless, I have deemed it fitting to your Majesty's service to build three or four.

Don Francisco Tello



Documents of 1597



Pacification of Mindanao. Juan de Ronquillo; May 10. Memorial on navigation and conquest. Hernando de los Rios; June 27. Letter to Felipe II. L.P. Dasmarinas; June 28.



Sources: All these documents are obtained from original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson; the second, by Robert W. Haight; the third, by Jose M. and Clara M. Asensio.



The Pacification of Mindanao

Letter from Juan de Ronquillo Governor Tello

[This report of Ronquillo's is in places abridged, as he repeats many of his statements. He set sail (from Oton) on February 8, 1597, the earliest date possible after the receipt of supplies. Two virreys had been sent ahead under Francisco de Torres, with orders to coast from island to island, in order to avoid the dangers of the open sea; they had not yet been heard from. At the port of La Canela (i.e., "cinnamon;" modern Cauit) Ronquillo found Captain Juan Pacho, who had gone for fish and salt for his command; and, as the men were scattered in Zamboanga and Taguima, there was a delay of three days in getting them together. Pilots from these forces were placed in each vessel to guide the ships to the river. Ronquillo then embarked on his fragata and ordered the Sangley vessel and those of the Indian chiefs from Danganlibor to follow. The brisas or northeasters were dead ahead, and to avoid the force of the winds he took his course inside of some islets. The Sangley vessel did not enter, as its draught was so great that the navigators feared to make the attempt. Since the Sangley vessel seemed to be in difficulties, he sent a captain to it; but he came back with the report that all was well. Ronquillo then sent directions as to their course. He had been informed by the sailor whom he sent as pilot in the Sangley vessel that there was water enough in the strait of Mangayao; but, if this should not be so, they were to keep outside. They remained outside, and the rest of the fleet sailed safely on to the point of Las Flechas ("the Arrows"), twelve leguas from the river (Rio Grande, in Mindanao, where the letter was written). The wind being heavy and the vessels old and deep in the water, he anchored in a river never before entered, so far as was known, cutting away trees and branches to do so. When the fragata was safe, he sent the master-of-camp for the galleys, which were sinking because of their rottenness. At the same time a virrey was sent to look for the Sangley vessel. The virrey returned without news; and though Ronquillo was very anxious he kept on to the river toward which he was sailing, all assuring him that he would find the Sangley ship here. A fire was seen at night, apparently a signal that the vessel would go to La Canela for water, being unable to make the river because of the winds. After taking in water they left port, and the next night the Chinese crew mutinied, and killed the Spaniards. The Chinese had been disarmed, and committed the deed with clubs and wooden hatchets. Ronquillo asserts that all possible care had been taken. The vessel carried the bulk of their provisions, clothing, tow, and some ammunition. In spite of this loss the expedition had been very successful. Upon reaching the river whence he writes, he spent five days in repairs upon the fleet; and then, after completing the fort of Tampaca (modern Tabaca) and storing the ammunition and food in it, he ascended the river, leaving a guard of thirty-four men under Sargento-mayor Diego de Chaves, one of whose legs had been cut off. The force which went up the river numbered two hundred and thirty, including sailors and gunners. The enemy retired behind some parapets as soon as the artillery opened upon them, and brought some artillery to bear on the flagship (one of the galleys), but could not retard the Spanish advance. Continuing, Ronquillo writes:]

I answered their fire with so great readiness that I forced them to withdraw their artillery. But, as if they were goblins, they remained here behind a bush or a tree, firing at us, without being seen. Thus did they keep us busy until one o'clock at night. I remained three days without landing, awaiting the arrival of Lumaquan—a chief of the tingues [i.e., hill-people], the best Indian of this island, and our best friend—and five hundred Indians, who were coming to aid us. On the very day of his arrival I landed in the following order. I formed a square of twelve ranks of thirteen men each, closing front, side, and rear guards with halberds and pikes. There were two captains in the van-guard, one in the rear-guard, and two at the sides, so that, wherever the enemy should attack, the soldiers could, by facing about, fight without at all breaking ranks. I detailed two files of forty arquebusiers and two captains to go ahead to discover ambushes. Under cover of their arquebuses went the pioneers to clear the way. As I heard, according to reports, that the enemy would halt upon this day, I went ashore and marched straight forward at the head of the squadron, at times going through the ranks to see if anything was needed. Upon that day, we busied ourselves until sunset in clearing the way as fully as great toil and diligence would allow, without the square being thrown into any confusion, or any man falling out. But as we could not come in sight of the fort, I returned to pass the night in the fleet, for until the road should be open and known, and its distance, I did not care to land my artillery, as I had so few men. Besides those who were clearing the path, I had no men to fire the artillery. Immediately on the following day I continued my plans in the same order. As one of my legs pained me, because of a fall backward two days previously down the hatchway of the galley—and by good luck I did not break my neck—from which I am still suffering, I did not go ashore. Also, I thought that, since the enemy had not attacked us in the most dangerous places, they would not do so in places not to their advantage. Thus the path was cleared, upon this day, without encountering any enemy or sighting their fort. Again the men returned to the fleet for the night. On the third day, as the work of reconnoitering was proceeding, a large ambuscade of Indians attacked us in the open near a palm-grove. As was learned later, they numbered about two thousand. They attacked us with the greatest fury and determination, in small bodies of skilful troops. As the soldiers were ordered immediately to form their square, when the enemy arrived in front of it, and saw it so well ordered and bristling with halberds, they did not dare to break it, but turned and fled. In the assault five of their men were killed with arquebus-shots, and several others wounded. Among those killed were two of their bravest and most esteemed men. One was from Terrenate and was a casis [38] who instructed them in their religion. Of a truth, they showed clearly that they were brave; for I do not believe that there are many peoples who would attack with so gallant a determination, when they were armed with nothing but shields and canpilans. They killed five of my Indians who were clearing the path, who did not use good judgment in retiring. This took place quite near their fort. As soon as I was advised of this occurrence, for I had not gone ashore on this day also, I sent at once as many men as possible from the galleys, with axes, shovels, spades, and wicker baskets. I ordered them to entrench themselves in as advanced a position as possible.

They commenced to attack the fort. The enemy begged for peace on the second day. [39] The next day I landed my artillery, and went with it to attack the enemy's fort. As the distance was quite great, I moved my entrenchments nearer twice, and with great difficulty, for the enemy never ceased shooting at us. They wounded three gunners and several other men; surely they were very lucky shots. Finally I planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over one hundred paces from the fort. Although I battered the fort hotly, I could not effect a breach through which to make an assault. All the damage that I did them by day, they repaired by night. Immediately on the following day they began to call from their walls. When I asked them what they wanted they said that they wished to be friends. I was very short of ammunition, for I had only three thousand arquebus-bullets left, and very few cannon-balls; and both would be spent in one day's fighting, during which, should we not gain the fort, we would be lost—and with no power to defend ourselves while withdrawing our artillery and camp. At the same time, I reconnoitered the fort and its situation, for it is located at the entrance of a lagoon, thus having only water at the back, and swampy and marshy ground at the sides. It has a frontage of more than one thousand paces, is furnished with very good transversals, and is well supplied with artillery and arquebuses. Moreover, it has a ditch of water more than four brazas wide and two deep, and thus there was a space of dry ground of only fifteen paces where it was possible to attack; and this space was bravely defended, and with the greatest force of the enemy. The inner parts were water, where they sailed in vessels, while we had no footing at all. Again, I reflected that those who had awaited us so long, had waited with the determination to die in defense of the fort; and if they should see the contest ending unfavorably for them, no one would prevent their flight. Further, if they awaited the assault it would cost me the greater part of my remaining ammunition, and my best men; while, if the enemy fled, nothing would be accomplished, but on the contrary a long, tedious, and costly war would be entered upon. Hence, with the opinion and advice of the captains I negotiated for peace; and told them that I would admit them to friendship under the following conditions:

Treaty of peace and conditional covenants

First, that first and foremost, they must offer homage to his Majesty, and pay something as recognition.

Obligation to return their prisoners to his Majesty. That all the natives who had been taken from the Pintados Islands last year, must be restored.

To break friendship with Terrenate. That they must break the peace and confederation made with the people of Terrenate, and must not admit the latter into their country.

Friendship with those who were friends formerly. That they must be friends with Danganlibor and Lumaquan, chiefs of this island, who have rendered homage to his Majesty; and must not make war on any of their vassals.

That all the chiefs must go to live in their old villages.

They accepted all the conditions, and Raxa Mura, Sala, Silonga, and the other chiefs swore to keep the peace on these conditions, and paid homage to his Majesty, paying a certain sum in gold as recognition. Inasmuch as they had taken the Vizcayans whom they had enslaved to a great distance, so that they should not escape, they paid another like sum of gold as pledges that they would deliver them to the Spaniards. As the friendly Indians said that the end for which I was making peace was, under pretext of it, to seize the chief men and hang them and separate them from the others, the chiefs did not venture to come immediately. However, they said that when they should ascertain our treaty, and if our purpose was not as aforesaid, they would come. Although such a thing had not even entered my mind, as I shall not make any promises in his Majesty's name that cannot be fulfilled, it was true that the friendly Indians said it; for they wished to break trie peace, in order to see if they could not rob these people at our cost.

After making this treaty and securing this result (which, of a truth, your Lordship may regard as most felicitous and of great importance, and as the beginning of much good), I retired to my fleet. Next day the chiefs came to the river-bank, and I made them friends with Danganlibor and Lumaquan, and they embraced each other. Some of them boarded the galleys, and began thus to lose their fear gradually. Already some of the chiefs have started to go to their villages, and have collected their people in order to settle them. I hope, God willing, that everything will assume a settled and quiet condition. And albeit that my toil and my service rendered to your Lordship in this affair do not equal my desire, still your Lordship can represent it to his Majesty as one of the greatest that have been rendered in these islands. I am not going to leave them; so, when any greater opportunity arises, your Lordship may entrust it to me. I assert that if this occasion had not had the almost unexpected favorable ending, and if our Lord had not evidently been pleased to lend His aid, your Lordship would suffer great anxiety and all the islands would be in great straits; for, with the alliance that they had formed with Terrenate, there would be no safety in the entire district.

[The victorious troops were in the greatest need. There were many messes of four or five with only one shirt among them, which they wore by turns. There was only ammunition enough for two hours. There was only rice enough to allow fifteen gantas a month to Spaniards and ten to Indians; and even this ration would only last till the end of August. They had no meat or fish. Ronquillo had "set a dragnet," and taken the rice of all the people within reach, beginning with himself. Then he sent out officers in fragatas to search for rice, giving them four hundred pesos for the purpose, and directing them to pay as long as the money lasted, and then to take provisions in any way in which they could get them. They were, if necessary, to use force to obtain supplies from encomenderos or Indians, for their pay giving them orders on the charges of the land (situado), or the tribute, or to be paid when possible. As for the other parts of the island, the very chiefs were perishing of hunger, because of the war, and came daily to beg for rice. This they received, in order that they might be bound to the Spaniards. Accordingly Ronquillo asks for assistance and supplies from Manila until the stress should be over in Mindanao. He gives honorable mention to his officers and troops, many of whom were wounded. He looks forward to great difficulties as soon as any attempt shall be made to collect tributes. The leading chiefs collect tribute from their vassals; and the only demand hitherto has been for open friendship and the recognition of the sovereignty of Spain. If these men—Raxa Mura, Sala, Silonga, and Lumaquan—are now told that they must not collect tribute, but that all the tribute must be paid to his Majesty and to individuals, "it will be a very bitter draught for them to swallow." These Indians, Ronquillo says, are not like those in Luzon, but are accustomed to power and sovereignty. Some collect five or six thousand tributes. If the tributes are to be collected, two hundred more soldiers and a large quantity of ammunition will be necessary, or much additional time. The troops have not been paid what Figueroa owed them; and it is plain that no profit is to be expected in the island for a long time to come. When it does come, the encomenderos, who have fraudulently remained at leisure in Manila, will get it. Hence the soldiers have petitioned that the property of Figueroa in the island be sold and the proceeds applied to their payment. Fourteen hundred pesos of worked silver was sold; and the soldiers received six pesos each. The captains also asked and received some compensation. The discontent was so great that Ronquillo declares that no resolution can command men so ragged and starving, penniless and unpaid; and that they are already saying that they cannot eat good words. He concludes this section by asking for twenty thousand pesos and eight hundred Indian rowers, and for some exchanges of his men.]

That the country is not such as it has been painted, and not so excellent as has been reported. Hitherto it has not been possible to tell your Lordship anything certain of this country, except that it will be of but little advantage to his Majesty, but a source of great expense. It has far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and all are very poor, so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning their arms, and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the land, which is low and swampy in this river. There is no chief who can raise twenty taes of gold. Rice is very scarce; in the tingues is found a small amount, which is used for food by the chiefs only. They are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, and less fruit. It abounds in fish in some districts, but this river contains only eels. They are as good as those of Espana. They are not found all the year round, but only during the rainy season. The climate does not differ much from that there. It has very dense fogs. I have been unable to make a complete map of the island. I am sending your Lordship only that of this river, made with exactness, with all its arms and estuaries, and their settlements. The arithmetical symbols represent the number of people in each, and the letters the names of the chiefs. I have corrected it with all care. We have already examined almost everything from the coast of La Canela, Dapitan, and Botran [Butuan?]. There is a full report there which may be filed with this map.

The island of Matheo is excellent, and a better expedition could be made there. Concerning the island of Matheo, I have been able to learn from men who have been there that it is very fertile, thickly populated, and rich in food products, including rice. The inhabitants are not very warlike. Would to God that your Lordship had expended there what was left here, for with less effort we would have gained more. Terrenate has some dealings with this island. [I say this] in case anything is to be done before it has more. Of Maluco I have not ascertained anything new, except that things are in their usual condition.

He has not effected a settlement, as he has not found a convenient site. He is awaiting the pleasure of your Lordship, and [a more favorable] season. As yet I have not effected any settlement, as I have not found a suitable and convenient location for it, for all the river above is swampy; and, if we were to look for dry land along its course, it is so far away that it would take a week to reach it from the mouth of the river. Although beyond this river, toward La Canela, there is a good place for a settlement, yet it is not advisable to leave this river now until matters are more settled and quiet. This river is the residence of the chief men of the island. Accordingly I shall wait the result of this rainy season; and if the discomfort be not too great, I shall settle on the site where I am now established, which is in a very good position, and here I shall await your Lordship's decision.

That the Indians are warlike and have fortified themselves, with their forces now there, and others that they will collect, when the proposal is made that they must pay tribute. Hence, reenforcements of soldiers, ammunition and food are necessary, and time. Although things have so fortunate a beginning as I have related, it is by way of peace. All the chiefs retain their full complements of artillery and arquebuses, so that, whenever they wish to defend themselves, they may do so. Beyond any doubt, on the day that tribute is demanded from them, not only our new friends, but Danganlibor and Lumaquan as well, who rendered homage of their own free will, will rebel. For the speedy subjection of them all, we need a large force. Hence I repeat to your Lordship, in order that you may not be deceived by certain opinions of persons who have not seen this region for many years—for it is not as of yore, and they did not know it, and the inhabitants are Indians only in name—that a great force of soldiers is needed, as well as ammunition, in order to make them pay tribute. This matter is of prime importance. I would not be complying with my obligation unless I entreated your Lordship to consider this matter deeply. You should consider whether this enterprise must be given up or sustained, for it is very costly, and we must not allow odds to be taken of us when we have our best opportunity. Thus I think that we can finish this matter at one time, and that your Lordship should send two hundred men in one summer. With this number we can overrun all districts, take away the natives' artillery, and collect tribute. This manner of proceeding would be very economical.

All the men, counting those maimed, number two hundred and sixty. The number of men that I found in this island and those who should be brought from Zibu fell far short of what I expected. All that I could gather together—gunners, sailors, and maimed men—do not number more than two hundred and sixty-four men. Some of them have died. I am sending there the crippled and maimed, who are useless, so that I shall have left in this river a trifle above two hundred men, many of whom are sick, because of past hardships and their wretched existence.

That medicines and delicacies be provided. The master-of-camp is sick, and I fear lest, with the advance of the rainy season, the sickness will continue to increase; for it cannot be alleviated by medicines and delicacies, because we have none. This is a great pity. I entreat your Lordship to have medicines and some delicacies provided for the sick, and clothing for the hospital.

That religious are not going there to furnish instruction. Father Chirinos [40] came to this island with the sargento-mayor, and on his first sight of it was so discontented that for no other reason, he turned his back upon it, and was in so great a hurry to return that he declared that if a vessel were not given him immediately in which to leave, he would swim away. He went away speaking ill of this place, and has caused great annoyance and wrong to these poor soldiers. If a religious who ought to be happy with a hard life, and who ought to seek hardships in which to serve God better, refused those which might be offered him here, the soldiers, who are less perfect and less filled with God, will do but little. Father Juan de Sanlucar asked me for leave likewise to go there with this vessel, in order to go to get a companion, as he could not stay here alone. I did not grant it him. If the fathers of the Society are to have this place in charge, it will be right for them to send religious. If not, then they should say so, and your Lordship should request the ecclesiastical government to provide ministers. The one here at present has labored to our great approbation and has set a good example. But he is greatly grieved at being alone, and he is not without reason, for he has no one to whom to make his confession.

The ration given to these people is so small that it can only be endured in times of great stress. Indeed it is doubtful whether a Spaniard could live on only one-half ganta of rice, without anything else; and even the Indian is unable to do so without having some fish with it. For the future we need abundance of provisions; for, as I have noted, we cannot expect this land to furnish them, because it does not have any. Your Lordship must have them provided in accordance with the accompanying memorandum.

That it is advisable to send hither the encomenderos, and from there to give the soldiers and captains some gratification and pay. All the captains and soldiers of this camp perform their duties grumblingly, since the encomenderos enjoy the fruits of their labor. Through false representations the encomenderos have remained behind, instead of coming here on this pacification. If each encomendero has to live on his encomienda, and the heirs of Estevan Rodriguez in some part of the island, there is nothing left for the captains and soldiers. The owners should come, therefore, to reduce their encomiendas to subjection, since they take the gain. They do not go very far upon the road, and it is not a good argument to say that each one will pacify his own encomienda; for so long as this river is unpacified, nothing is pacified. Your Lordship should order all of them, without any exception, to come in person, and to bring some soldiers at their own cost, with sufficient food for a year's maintenance. In this way, something will be done; for an encomienda cannot be pacified with only one soldier, paid by an encomendero. I entreat your Lordship to decide quickly upon the course to be taken, and, with the same haste, to send me immediate advice by a birey. The route is open, and the virey can come here any time in June; thus I may be advised in advance of your Lordship's orders as to the course to pursue here, and this needy people may be encouraged with the hope of speedy relief. Your Lordship should write to them, thanking them for their labors, and encouraging them with their pay, to continue their work. May God preserve your Lordship many years, with the increase of dignities that we your servants desire. Tanpaca, May 10, 97. Your Lordship's most humble servant.

Don Juan Ronquillo

[Endorsed: "Mindanao, 1597. General Don Juan Rronquillo."]

The campaign

The sargento-mayor of the city of Manila left for Mindanao on the thirtieth of December of ninety-six, and arrived at the city of Zebu on the fourteenth of January. He left there for La Caldera [41] on the twenty-ninth of the said month, and arrived at La Caldera on the second of February, where he found the fleet of Mindanao, which had gone away for lack of supplies. The whole fleet left La Caldera on the sixth of said month, in the direction of Mindanao; and on the eleventh Captain Torivio de Misa was sent forward with a galliot and two lapis, as he suspected that the unfriendly Indians had surrounded the friendly natives from Tanpacon. On the fourteenth he sent Sargento-mayor Diego de Chaves with two galleys, and other light vessels, to follow up Torivio de Miranda; and he remained behind with the three fragatas, which, as they were heavy vessels, could not follow the rest of the fleet.

On the fifteenth of December, Captain Graviel Gonzales, who was on board one of the lapis which accompanied Torivio de Miranda, was drowned while passing Las Flechas, at the edge of the river of Mindanao. On the seventeenth, Captain Torivio de Miranda entered the river, where he found that the enemy had drawn a blockade about our friends of Tanpacon, and had killed more than seventy of them; but at his arrival they raised the blockade, and retired to their fort in flight.

On the eighth of January, Captain Chaves arrived with his fragatas at the river, and on the twelfth planned and founded the fort of Tanpacan near this settlement of our friends. On the twenty-fifth, the sargento-mayor sailed for the river of Simay to capture certain vessels belonging to the enemy, in which they were going to seek aid from Terrenate. During a certain battle which they had there with the enemy, he had a leg cut off, well toward the thigh, and recived a shot in the helmet above the ear. One of his comrades, who was fighting at his side, had his right leg cut off. On the tenth of March, the master-of-camp arrived; and, on the twenty-first, General Don Juan Ronquillo.

On the tenth of April the enemy's fleet came up, and on the seventeenth they landed, sweeping along the allies in front of them, together with forty arquebusiers, who were escorting them in their line, and on their right wing. A few days ago the enemy made an attack from ambuscade, with more than two thousand men. They came on, closing in until they reached the squadron, where they encountered the resistance of arms to their advance, and retired fleeing. They left some of their bravest dead, together with a few Terrenatans, without doing any damage to us, except killing five Visayans. Accordingly our squadron, which consisted of a hundred and sixty-nine men, on the fourth day intrenched themselves as best they could; and little by little moved the intrenchments forward until they were a hundred and sixty-six paces from the enemy. During this time the enemy defended themselves with a park of small artillery and two large guns. On the twenty-fifth, the general sent to consult Sargento-mayor Diego de Chaves, who was in the fleet; and by his opinion a traverse was built as a half-moon, where were stationed seven pieces of artillery, with which they battered the fort of the enemy.

On the twenty-eighth, when the enemy saw the damage which our artillery was doing them, they rendered obedience and sued for peace; and on the twenty-ninth peace was agreed upon with the following conditions: They were to return the Visayan slaves whom they hold, and pay tribute, and must not receive Terrenatans in their country. They were to give obedience to his Majesty, and the chiefs were to give oath; and in pledge of this they gave a golden chain. They are all going back to their villages, and gathering up the Visayan slaves. It will be well to reenforce the Spaniards with troops and money this year, so that matters may remain settled and they shall not try to create a disturbance again.



Memorial on Navigation and Conquest

[This memorial, addressed to Felipe II by Hernando de los Rios, is prefaced by a letter from Luis Perez Dasmarinas, as follows:]

Sire: In these islands resides a person named Hernando de los Ryos, a colonel, a man of much information concerning important matters, and particularly learned in mathematics and astrology, and possessed of such virtue and such uprightness of life, and so zealous and desirous of the service of God and your Majesty, and of the common welfare, that I know not if there be a man in these parts to exceed him in this; and may it please our Lord to give us many who shall succeed in being so disinterested in worldly things and earthly claims. At any rate, in the secular estate, in my opinion and perhaps that of many good men, I know not if you will find in this country, or even for the most part in others, a man of more learning, respectability, and virtue, accompanied by other good qualities and gifts with which God has graced him, and which are so well employed and profited by, as in himself. For his sole object is to serve God and desire his service and that of your Majesty, and the great good which can be accomplished in these regions; and he is not interested in the occupations and advantages of office, although it would be well indeed if all those who hold them had the qualifications that he has for them. At any rate, he has refused and rejected some of the best offices of this country, particularly an offer to be a royal official of the royal exchequer of your Majesty, when I desired him to be so during my government, as I understood that he was a fit man for the service of God and of your Majesty. It was impossible, however, to persuade him. His intention, as I have understood, is to become a priest. He has made a very peculiar instrument of general usefulness in many curious and important ways, particularly in navigation, for getting bearings and taking measurements, which are rendered very easy. I do not send one to your Majesty, because he has not finished a book of description and explanation of this instrument. I have persuaded him to send one to your Majesty, as I also shall do, as I consider it well that your Majesty should have information of the learning, virtue, and parts which are found in him, as it may be of use and importance for the service of God and your Majesty—whom may our Lord protect many years of life, according to His power and the desire and need of us all. Manyla, June 27, 1597.

Luys Perez Das Marinas

Memorial

Indeed, the desire which possesses me of serving your Majesty and ending my life in your service, as I am a humble vassal of your Majesty, was too mixed with awe to allow of this boldness, if Don Luis Perez de las Marinas, former governor of these islands, had not encouraged me and persuaded me to give information to your Majesty of several matters concerning these parts, as a person who has spent nine years here. I could wish that it was with better reason, if time had been given me to finish a book which treats of the use of an astrolabe, very important for the service of your Majesty, for use in the art of navigation. This I would send you this year, with an ample relation of various matters, if Don Francisco Tello, governor of these islands, had not occupied me in ridding them of a great number of Chinese and Japanese Sangleys, who, under pretense of being merchants, were seeking to remain in this country, and with whom there is no manner of safety. They know how to set about so cunningly to gain the good-will of the citizens that it appears almost impossible, if your Majesty does not send and order a remedy, to better the matter here, although I have used all possible diligence in it. The reason for this is that each particular citizen defends those whom he needs, as they are a people who are cunning at all crafts. Accordingly they keep them in their houses, and hide them; so that they sleep inside the city at night, to the number of about two thousand. There are more than five thousand who remain this year with the governor's license in the service of the colony, for they tell the governor that this is exoedient. It appears to me that three thousand is enough, and even with this number more care and precaution could be taken than is done here, and there should be no more of the infidels. I give this account ... [42] as a person who has them in his charge, in other matters touching ... that which Don Luis Perez de las Marinas gives your Majesty ... I have informed him so that, being so Christian and zealous a knight in the service of your Majesty, he will give a true and certain relation of all.

With this astrolabe, which, with the aid of God, I have discovered, can be found the altitude from the pole, and the latitude of any region whatsoever at any hour of the day, and at the same time it will tell the hour, in the same way that it gives directions at night by any known star more easily than the mariners usually take it at midday. Besides this, it also serves like other astrolabes at midday, to indicate the various points of the compass, and show and verify with precision the deviations and deflection of the needle from the pole. In this way it serves to give the longitude where one is sailing, on whatever parallel to the equinoctial. Likewise it shows the position of the stars, even when all their latitudes [i.e., altitudes?] and declinations are unknown, so easily that even the most uninstructed can in a short time learn it. It is of use in other curious, useful, and important ways, for the perfection of this art, which can by its aid be verified. As it is an article so curious and useful, the said Luis Perez de las Marinas persuaded me to give an account of it to your Majesty, with a brief relation and discourse concerning the information which I have of these parts.

Although your Majesty has so little profit from these islands, we can see that it is a place of much importance for the service of your Majesty, and the spread of the most holy Catholic faith, since it has as neighbors, and surrounding it, many extremely rich and fertile countries. The disposition of matters is ... that they are propitious for your Majesty easily to make himself master of those lands. Your Majesty will see that this is so by the relations which the governor of these islands, and likewise Don Luis Perez de las Marinas, formerly governor of them, have sent you.

It is very necessary and expedient that several expeditions and conquests should be made in these parts for the service of your Majesty in view of the advantages that the Castilians would gain if they held a good post on the mainland—such as the kingdom of Sian, which is very rich and abounds in many things, and could be conquered and kept with a thousand men, according to everyone who has been there; or the kingdom of Canboxa, which is seeking our friendship, and offers to maintain troops at its own expense, and furnish them to us on occasions when aid may be necessary; or the kingdom of Chanpa, which could be conquered and maintained with three hundred men, and is the pass for this archipelago, and the key to Cochinchina, which is a very rich and fertile country, and could be conquered with a thousand or fifteen hundred men. The latter is more to the east than the said kingdoms between Chanpa and China, close to these islands, and with everyone ... of them on account of the many wars and enmities, which exist among them, this ... would be easy to spread the royal sovereignty of your Majesty with great ... so that all would seek for our friendship and alliance; for ... said, and with a little shrewdness and cunning a great deal of it might be gained ... with our protection and oversight the ministers and preachers ... could spread over all those parts in safety; to convert those souls and bring such a great multitude of heathen to the true knowledge of our Lord God. It is no little shame to consider that among those peoples, by way of Burnei and other Mahometans the venom and poison of their false doctrine is being scattered—although this is of so great importance, as your Majesty must see by the accounts which are sent you, and to which I refer.

But for the present the thing which appears very expedient and necessary, and should be attended to at once, is to take a port on the island of Hermosa, which lies distant from the farthest part of this island (which is the province of Cagaia), thirty-six leagues in a northwesterly direction. In circumference it measures about two hundred leagues, and stretches in the same direction from the twenty-second to the twenty-fifth degree. From there to the mainland of China is not more than twenty leagues. ... informed by a person who has been there that it is fertile and inhabited by a people similar to the natives of these islands, who rob and kill those who go there in vessels, as it is the necessary route from China to this city, from Japon here, and to other parts. The country is well supplied with provisions. It has few ports, but there is one which lies at the head of it, on the side which faces toward Japon, which is very well formed and strong. It is named Keilang, and at present has no defense. If three hundred men were placed there with a fort, all the power of those parts would not be sufficient to dislodge them; for the entrance is very narrow, and with artillery they could resist any efforts which were made against them. It is a large port with deep water, and the entrance is closed by an island on the northeast part, inhabited by about three hundred Indians. I have sent a carefully traced sketch of this to your Majesty with this letter. The reason why it is very necessary to occupy this port is for the safety of these islands; for it is known to a certainty that ... that if a fort is built at ... which is very ... will be able to send it from there without great difficulty, and being installed there, would make us anxious at all times, and harry the land, without there being any help for it, For they are a warlike and numerous people. The other reason is because all the trading ships which sail for this city from China make land there, and will not dare sail from their own country. They are very much afraid of those people, and will cease their trade with this city, and thus that will be lost—even more than the great wealth which the ship "San Felipe" [43] carried, which arrived in their country in the past year, ninety-six. That wealth made them covetous of it; and perhaps their principal intention is to come here and attack these islands. It is not worthy of the Spanish reputation to allow this barbarian to use us thus, without experiencing our power through some injury. It would be a great loss to him to take that passage from him; and, for any purpose that your Majesty may desire, it will be a very important station; since, if your Majesty sends a large number of troops by way of Nueva Espana or of India, that is so difficult an undertaking, and entails so much expense and the death of so many.

It is of no less importance to give an account to your Majesty of two routes which can be explored at little expense and are short and easy. The first is by the strait which is called Danian [i.e., Anian], which lies between the farthest land of China and the regions of Nueva Espana ... a relation which I [received] there, which was left in manuscript by Fray Martin de Rada, of the order of St. Augustine, a great mathematician, of whom your Majesty had information in this ... of the letter.

A worthy Vizcayan, named Juanes de Ribas, a native of San Sebastian, told me that while he was going after whales to Terranova [i.e., Newfoundland] he received information that in the year forty-five some Bretons were carried [by storms] from the cape of Breton, which lies about eighty leguas west of the cape of Bacallaos, which lies in forty-nine or fifty degrees of latitude. He said that in latitude fifty-two degrees, after sailing to the northwest a hundred leguas, they encountered a strait. And, according to this relation, some Portuguese came to India and China; they say that in forty-five days they arrived from Ucheo at Lisboa; and, believing that the king would show them favor, they gave him an account of it. But he threw them into prison, and they died there. One of the Portuguese who went in that ship afterward came to Nueva Espana and accompanied Francisco de Ivarra in the exploration of Nueva Viscaya. [44] The said Francisco de Ivarra intended to go to explore this strait, but there were difficulties in the way, and they, did not accomplish it. This Vizcayan and the Portuguese became friendly and told to each other what each one had seen and knew. They said that from the cape of Breton they go to the northwest until they reach the mainland and afterwards coast down toward the southwest, as the coast runs in this direction, and they come upon the entrance which, although it seems very small, yet is large and deep. Then sailing to this sea of China to the west-southwest, they said that at the mouth of the strait, toward the South Sea as toward the North Sea, there are many small islands, although more ... in the direction of the north, coming from China outside of ... which to Manil .... The country of China is very high, and wooded with pine trees and ... partly lower, also with forests. He said that in the strait they use no wind at all, but that the currents take them in and float them through. They said that those who consider that the island of Bacallao is all one are wrong; for it consists of several small islands in a chain, reaching to Cape Gata, which is in sixty-two degrees, and where there is a deep channel which enters into the great bay. They say that the point of Vacallaos is in fifty degrees, and they run along the coast of this island as far as Cape Breton, about eighty leguas. Those who place Cape Breton on the maps should put it on the same large island, and it lies nearer to the point of Vacallaos than to Cape Gata. [45]

It may also be inferred that these seas communicate with each other, because on the coast of Nueva Espana those who are coming from these islands in forty-two degrees latitude see a great number of whales, who must enter by that strait to winter in a warm climate. Accordingly your Majesty can send as many troops as you wish in this way with ease, and become lord of these parts. Although this voyage being in so high a latitude appears to entail some difficulty, there will be none, in view of the fact that by leaving Espana at the end of March, when they arrive in the high latitudes it is the hot season, and the days are long and the weather is fair; and the winds are brisas, as is necessary. Thus they will come here very easily, and in the island of Hermosa, in this port of Kielang, your Majesty may send and have stationed a considerable fleet, safe and well provisioned; for the country is fertile, and productive of food stuffs, rice, meat, and so much fish that they load every year two hundred ships for China—especially as the coast of China is so near, where for money ... what they wish in abundance; and also from Japon they can ... examine.

The other route for navigation is through Nuevo Mexico, in forty-five degrees of latitude. This was related to me by a friar named Fray Andres de Aguirre, of the order of St. Augustine, who died about three years ago, being prior of the convent of his order in this city. He was learned in cosmography. He said that in his presence, at the time when Don Luis de Velasco the elder was governor of Nueva Espana, a Vizcayan gave an account of this route, who said that he had seen it while he was sailing with a French pirate. They entered through an arm of the sea above the main coast opposite Florida, and after sailing west for many days they found that the said arm ended in a bay. They saw straightway a half a league distant another arm of the sea, and building a brigantine they went through it sailing for several days, and came upon a very populous city, where they were furnished with whatever they needed, and had built for them some wooden houses on the shore, until, on account of a certain difficulty which one of them had with a woman, they were driven out of the country, and went back. From this it may be inferred that in that region, which they said lay in forty-five degrees of ... From here having ships there, rather ... of this. Father Antonio Sedeno, rector of the Society of Jesus of this city, who died about two years ago, said that it was told him many times by Pero Melendez in Florida. [46]

These two explorations will be very easy to make, at little expense, from these islands rather than from Espana. For their entrances from that side are difficult to find, and from this side one cannot go astray, nor is there any obstacle. The first year after Gomez Perez de las Marinas arrived in this country as governor, he conferred with me about sending me to explore the strait of Danian. By reason of the expedition which he intended to make to Maluco, he deferred the other; and when he was so unfortunately killed it put an end to the project. He, I believe, would have far advanced the affairs of these parts if he had lived, and would have done good service for your Majesty, judging by the valor and zeal which he showed; and his absence, and the need for him, have brought this city to a sense of what they owe him, and now they deplore his loss.

I have given this brief account to your Majesty, begging humbly that you will pardon my boldness (which zeal for your royal service and the good of these regions has caused) in advising your Majesty, that you may see how glorious opportunities our Lord God has kept for you to extend and widen out the holy Catholic faith. But it is necessary that your Majesty should entrust this to a person of high rank and great worth, and that he should not come for a limited time, with the intention of gathering riches and the fruit of the land, and then returning; for those who have this intention will not be watchful for its welfare, nor zealous for the honor of God and for the service of your Majesty. I have informed the governor of these islands, Don Francisco Tello, of this, so that he may write to your Majesty and make use of the opportunities which are offered him. I know not what he will do. May our Lord God, for whom we labor, protect your Majesty many years, according to the needs of Christendom, and augment your estate with greater lands and majesty, for His glory and the good of ... may it prosper. Manila, June 27, 1597.

[Endorsed: "Examined on the thirteenth of September of 1599. As to what he says of the astrolabe, have a copy made and delivered to Cespedes, that he may examine it and give his opinion in regard to it. As for the rest, join everything in regard to this matter, and have all the papers brought in a bundle."]

[Memoranda at beginning of document: "Memorial addressed to the king, dated at Manila on June 27, 1597, by Colonel Hernando de los Rios, which gives an account of a book which he is engaged in composing, concerning the approved usage and art of navigation, and of the importance of taking a port on the mainland of China, and particularly in the island of Hermosa, of which he gives a very circumstantial description, accompanying it with his map, and finally a very valuable discourse on the two routes which are the most expeditious and direct for navigation from Spana to those kingdoms, that can be found. The first is through a channel or narrowing of the sea which enters Nuebo Mexico above Florida at forty-five degrees latitude, according to the information received from Father Federico of the Society of Jesus, and from a friar of the order of St. Augustine, who was very learned in cosmography, and who died in that city. The other is through the strait called Anian. There is inserted in the said memorial a relation which was left written by Fray Martin de Rada, of the order of St. Augustine. It was received from a Vizcayan named Juanes de Rivas, a native of San Sevastian, wherein he sets forth that various Portuguese have passed by that way to Yndia and China, and by way of Ucheo returned to Lisboa in forty-five days of voyage. He gives a condensed description of the ship's courses, and the navigation which must be accomplished until they have arrived in the harbor, either here or in China, etc., etc.

Memorial directed to the king of Espana by Benito Escoto, a Genoese noble, in the year 1616, giving an account of a certain method which he had discovered of putting together certain tables of longitudes in maritime voyages and navigation, etc.; and to find that navigation which, up to that time, so many serious men and mariners had sought and had not found—namely, the passage by the northern part of China, Japon, Malucas, and Philipinas, with a condensed discourse concerning the advantages which will accrue from the proposed action. And in continuation a letter from the prior of the convent of Santa Maria, written to ... in recommendation of the good circumstances and worthy qualities both of the author and his work."]



Letter from Luis Perez Dasmarinas to Felipe II

Sire:

Although the duties and obligations of my office are ended, I have no less obligation as a private individual for the service of God and your Majesty. That service and recognition is due while life shall last, and therefore it does not seem as if I were fulfilling my duty by keeping silent and not informing your Majesty of some things which have been proposed and set forth elsewhere. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to regard and consider them as things very important to the service of God and of your Majesty.

What I have thought fit to submit particularly to your Majesty are the injuries, hindrances, contradictions, and great disturbances which are experienced here, whence follow results very offensive and contrary to the service of God our Lord, and of your Majesty. They are also prejudicial to the common spiritual and temporal good of this land, and the quiet, safety, and preservation of these districts and islands, and of the vassals who live and serve your Majesty here. One (and a general) injury is the unrestricted presence of a great number of Sangleys or Chinese heathen who live and mingle freely with us and the natives of these islands in their trading occupations, and business. They serve but to consume, make scarce, and enhance the price of both supplies and money, and to cause uneasiness, fears, and distrust. Of all the aforesaid we have had experience, and the particular instances are not referred to, in order to avoid prolixity. On occasions when there are expeditions, or when it may be expedient to make them, there are some persons who do not desire to do so—either for their own interests or convenience, or for other considerations, ends, and motives which they have for opposing the accomplishment of the expedition. They say that there are many Sangleys in the land who are inclined or are able to revolt. This and other things they say in excuse; but although this consideration and caution should not be condemned but praised, together with everything else which may be classed under the name and title of preservation, I doubt whether they are always most advantageous to the service of God and of your Majesty. I am only certain that it is of great importance to be rid of these disturbances and contradictions, which are contrary to all good. These heathen are the whole year living on, and, little by little, consuming and obtaining, the goods and money of the state in their traffic, business, and occupations. This does not take into account the sale and profitable trade in merchandise which takes place every year. All the money goes and passes to China, and remains there from year to year and in fact always. Although it is true that the profitable trade and sale of merchandise is the sinew and support of this state, and very necessary, and cannot nor should be checked, nevertheless, it would at least be fitting for the Christians to gain what is gained by the heathen from year to year in these islands and state, in their damaging trades and occupations. Thus would a great part of the poverty and necessity of the Christians be done away with, and they would be relieved, maintained, and aided. They could live more comfortably, and there would be avoided the inconveniences of discontent, murmuring, and offense, which exist when the people see themselves so little favored, helped, and appreciated. They become discouraged with the condition of affairs when they see that the heathen are much more favored and treated more kindly by us than they themselves, solely for the advantage arising from what they give, and greed for it. They carry on their pretensions and business with us while we ourselves fail in many respects to give an example of Christian charity which should be observed, and to show the zeal and consideration which is due to the service of God our Lord and the common good. The evils which may result from trading are very common, and these heathen secure many things which they desire, and obtain by means of payment and reward. In doing this, although they are exceedingly avaricious, yet in behalf of their vices, unchastity, and abominations, and for their wishes and desires, for the sake of gain and profit, they do not stop at trifles; nor are they stingy and careless, but open-handed and generous, and endeavor and negotiate in a thousand ways to procure what they purpose and desire. The Spaniards themselves favor, intercede and negotiate for them for the sake of their own private interest and their gain in doing so. This manner of carrying on affairs has been continued until they are now accustomed to it and perhaps confident therein because of their experience in conducting business in this way. In addition to this, there has been negligence and laxity in enforcing decrees in their cases, thereby causing the heathen to hold the orders given them in but little estimation, and with good reason to mock and jest, and make sport of our mode of government and our decrees. It is almost impossible, or exceedingly difficult, to enforce or execute the latter, or to remedy the very great inconveniences which result and are caused by these heathen, because of the many defenders whom they have and find for their pretensions. Two things in regard to these people are most worthy of consideration. One is that, as these people mingle so freely and at large among the natives in these islands for their trading and business, they can very easily under this pretext and appearance with all safety, security, and freedom, investigate and note the ports, islands, and settlements; they can also see how careless and negligent the forces have become, and can observe the lack of troops, forces, and defense from which we suffer. Thus they may dare to interfere, and can bring to these islands any enemy or enemies whatsoever, who are covetous of the islands; or they may plan some alliance and deviltry with the natives. The latter being aggrieved, querulous, and dissatisfied can be moved by their persuasions, or inclined and persuaded toward their traffic, modes, and customs of more gain, comfort, and liberty, with less subjection, oppression, and ill-treatment, than are suffered and received by many. Consequently, there is no little cause, disposition, and opportunity for any evil whatsoever, since we are so confident and these Sangleys are a people very covetous, cunning, and treacherous—as has been experienced in the mutiny on a ship and the killing of the Spaniards who were on their way to the province of Cagayan, a few days ago. There was also the rebellion of Cayalera, so costly, severe, and injurious, and which hindered so greatly the service of God and of your Majesty, which was to have been accomplished. There was afterward the case of another ship of Portuguese and religious, which was bound for Malaca; and now this year, but a few days ago, a ship, with about thirty Spaniards aboard, was going to the island of Mindanao. Many were killed, and the few who escaped were wounded and injured. The second point is that, in addition to what has been said about this nation, they have unchaste, shameless, and abominable ways of life and customs. Besides having enough proof and experience to be able to say this, I certify to the truth of having heard this from a religious—a man very zealous in the service of our Lord and a minister who has charge of the Sangleys at present. The Christian Sangleys who had acquired sufficient knowledge and experience before conversion, tell of the habits, customs, and mode of life of the heathen. Those who were born, or reared from childhood, in these islands have heard and noted this. They say that they would dare to certify or swear that at a certain age all, from the sons of great mandarins down to the lowest class, are guilty of one vile and abominable sin. There is a wicked rumor here that even their king himself is no exception. That this evil exists among this people, is not only declared, but it is a thing which has been proved, and investigated on complaint, and has at times been punished by justice. This is the case, Sire, and the number of infidels here is very great; for in the past year, ninety-six, more than twenty-four thousand persons were said to have come. Thirteen thousand were sent away from the country, and the number would have been greater if the ships from Castilla had arrived, thus supplying means for deporting more. These people come to these islands and settlements, and trade very freely with the natives, who are naturally weak and covetous; and, too, they remain constantly with us. Many of them live and sleep within the city and in the houses of the Spaniards, whose wives, children, men and women servants—and of these last, not a few—are there also. Even if there were no more evils and opportunity for wrong than for these women and children to be eyewitnesses of what happens in houses where there are people so vile, bold, vicious, and shameless—who are, although generous, covetous, cunning, and treacherous—these alone are sufficient evils and causes for Spaniards not to permit the Sangleys, or consent, as they do, to their staying in their houses. This they allow on account of the gain, rent, and payments given them, and for greater convenience and shortening of their own labors. Consequently, these people are not separated on account of their aforesaid customs, nor of the danger and opportunity offered them for connivance and knavery. They could burn the city in a night; and should they rise, they could before the blow was felt kill with their weapons many of the persons who keep and permit them to stay in their own houses, finding them asleep and unaware; and they know very well how to do it, to our cost and injury. But neither this injurious and painful experience, nor all the aforesaid dangers, are sufficient to check or remedy this grave evil. It is greed which is the road and means of perdition, and which destroys, corrupts, perverts, and hinders everything; this it is that jeopardizes and has, perhaps, embarrassed, checked, diminished, and restricted the service of God and of your Majesty, and the welfare, honor, and prosperity of your vassals in this land. Thereby have been retarded in this new world the good and fruitful spiritual and temporal results which would, perhaps, have been realized ere this, were the desire for money less, and the love, zeal, and desire for the service and glory of our Lord greater. There should be more interest in the common good and less self-interest, which is the loss, impediment, and ruin of everything. Indeed, this greed and covetousness is the knot, tie, and strong bond between us and this nation, so different, injurious, and contrary to our own, as experience and past events have shown. It is an expedient of the devil that this people shall obtain all or nearly all that they want. As their communication, presence, and trade is so prejudicial, and as from it and their interest and greed result so many common evils and great sins, abominations, and offenses to our Lord, it seems as if His Divine Majesty were taking a hand in this and punishing the offenses of those who are in this land, as also our neglect of correcting them, and our lack of zeal for His honor and service—both by our great loss of property, and by this nation, and the injuries that we have received from them, and our mishaps with them, since thus we lay ourselves open and deserve to be punished. It seems that He punishes them too with us, by the injuries, afflictions, and annoyances that they suffer. And thus His Divine Majesty is punishing both nations. For except for self-interest as a medium, we are mutually contrary and hateful.

[The rest of the letter is badly torn, but a sufficient amount remains for the general meaning to be discovered. The writer calls for the expulsion of the Sangleys so far as this is possible. The city desires them to remain only from avarice, desiring the rents from their shops, and the profits arising from their business. The Sangleys have corrupted some of the most illustrious persons in the country. Severity is requisite.]

June 28, 1597. Luis Perez Dasmarinas

Notes regarding the Sangleys

First, it is meet that the governor order, with all care and exactness, an investigation and exact and unexaggerated calculation to be made of the number of Sangleys who are needed in the ordinary and necessary occupations for the service of the commonwealth, in this city of Manila, and in Cagayan and Cibu. This done, it should be ordered and brought about that the Christians occupy and serve in those occupations which they understand and formerly filled. Thus it will follow that fewer heathen will serve in these occupations; and that the Christians will profit thereby, and will be occupied and provided for, and many other difficulties and injuries would thus cease. And then, having diminished the number of Christians who understand and can be used in occupations, and having left, as is necessary to the service of the commonwealth the required number of heathen, who are not imprudent or gamblers (for there are many who are too dangerous and cunning to be permitted to remain), all the other heathen Sangleys of these islands should be collected, put on vessels, and sent back to their own lands, with great care, rigor, and despatch. This diligence should last until this country is cleansed and freed from people so injurious to it.

But I must also say, in order to relieve my conscience, that the person to whom this business and the execution thereof is entrusted should be worthy of the greatest confidence, and as good a Christian as can be found. He should claim no temporal interests, but look only to the service of God our Lord, and that of your Majesty, and to the common welfare of this land. If he be not such a one, no better opportunity could be imagined for large thefts and substantial bribes, involving thousands of pesos, thus failing to provide the relief which is meet and due.

Item: That every year, as some Sangleys are converted and made Christians, care be taken that they be given occupation, and an equal number of heathen who have hitherto filled positions be expelled.

Item: That in the trading-ships which come every year, it be not permitted to bring more than the sailors necessary for the care of the vessels (according to the capacity and tonnage of the ship), and the merchants who come with their property. The latter must return to their land that same year after the sale of their goods, and must not remain in the country; nor shall they be permitted to do so for any reason whatever. The ship shall return with all the persons whom it brought, together with those who came before and had remained in the country.

Item: In no case shall license or permission be given for heathen Sangleys to carry on trade and contracts, sales, and business in these islands and at large among the natives. The Christians, however, shall be allowed such occupation for their convenience and greater safety, and in order to avoid many distrusts, dangers, and troubles.

Item: No Sangley who is not a Christian should be allowed to go inland more than two leguas from the city, or remain or trade in the settlements of the natives, especially those of Christians, under a severe penalty for doing so, and one much greater to the magistrate who should consent thereto.

Item: It is meet that the religious do not keep or aid heathen Sangleys, in their convents and districts, by giving them advantages and employments; for these may be accomplished by the natives, without employing the Sangleys, thus avoiding no few inconveniences, as can be seen and understood. It is scarcely less (and perhaps even more) to the service of our Lord that these works be postponed somewhat, or that some of them which are less urgent be abandoned; as it is not meet that for neatness or greater excellence in the work, the Sangleys live as they do at present.

Item: That to no heathen Sangley should be given license to make rice-wine as so much of this is consumed. If license be granted it should be to some poor Christians, in order to aid and relieve their necessity.

Item: It is of great importance that neither consent nor permission be given to any Sangleys to enjoy or exercise any occupation whatever, outside of the parian and the public place assigned to them and to the service of the state. They should not be allowed either to live and remain during the day, or to sleep at night, in the city, in any convent or in any house of any citizen of whatsoever rank, under a heavy penalty. Upon the citizen who should consent to and conceal this act, it is meet that a greater penalty be imposed and executed. It would even be proper to add to the penalty incurred by him in person and estate the penalty for treason to the service of your Majesty, and to punish the guilty person as a traitor. Thus would this evil be corrected and remedied; for it is a pity, sorrow, and shame, that it should exist and be permitted for the aforesaid causes and reasons. Consequently, it is meet that the penalty be executed with more severity on the citizens, since—as they are responsible for the greatest injury, and are most to blame—from them must emanate the remedy, which consists of applying severity and chastisement.

Luis Perez Dasmarinas



Bibliographical Data

The royal decree of April 27, 1594, is taken from Santa Ines's Cronica, ii, p. 607; those of June 17, 1595, and March 20 and May 15, 1596, from Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, xxxiv, pp. 86-98 and 101-103. All the other documents in this volume are obtained from original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, their respective pressmarks being as follows:

1. Second embassy to Japan. First part: "Simancas Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1567 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." Second part: "Simancas Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; anos de 1582 a 1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3 25, ramo 50."

2. Letters from G.P. Dasmarinas.—June 20: The same as No. 1, second part (but no ramo). September 27: "Simancas—Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dha Audiencia vistos en el Conscio; anos de 1583 a 1600; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18."

3. Memorandum of troops.—The same as No. 2, first part.

4. List of Philippine villages.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1583 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18."

5. Letter to king of Camboja, 1594.—The same as No. 4.

6. Investigation of the hospital.—The same as No. 2, first part.

7. Report by Ortega.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de religiosos misioneros de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1569 a 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37."

8. Reply to Japanese emperor.—The same as No. 1, first part.

9. Letters from L.P. Dasmarinas, June, 1594.—The same as No. 4 (except that of June 22, the same as No. 1, first part).

10. Letter from Carbajal.—The same as No. 1, first part.

11. Letter from Morga, 1595.—The same as No. 4.

12. Expedition to Camboja, and Instructions to Figueroa.—The same as No. 2 (letter of June 20).

13. Reestablishment of Audiencia.—"Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; anos de 1568 a 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11, libro 2, fol. 100a-101b."

14. Letter from Dasmarinas, December 6, 1595.—The same as No. 4.

15. Instructions for Tello.—The same as No. 13 (except fol. 146—170).

16. Letters from Dasmarinas and others, June-July, 1596.—The same as No. 4.

17. Pacification of Mindanao.—The same as No. 2 (letter of September 27). The last section (headed, "The campaign"): "Simancas—Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1600 a 1606; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19."