The governor-general of the islands sent a squadron to pursue the pirates, but they accomplished nothing. From Zamboanga Adjutant Francisco Alvarez went out alone to encounter them; he captured the caracoa of the pirate Gani, a relative of Sale, and of thirty captives whom the latter was carrying away. Alvarez freed twenty-two—afterward going to an island of Jolo, where he captured twelve Moros. Bobadilla, in answer to his message, on November 8 received pressing orders to return to Manila without loss of time, the governor yielding so far as to allow that he might leave in the fortress of Zamboanga at most fifty Spaniards. This was equivalent to condemning those unfortunates to a sure death, and the Jesuit fathers protested against it, saying that necessarily they would incur the same fate; but finally the supreme authority of the islands decided upon the total abandonment of the posts above mentioned. Nevertheless Bobadilla, with the object of encouraging the Lutaos and leading the Moros to believe that he was not abandoning the post, sent in pursuit of them Don Juan de Morales Valenzuela, with two caracoas, to the islands called "Orejas de Liebre," on January 2, 1663; but on the fourth of the same month he received a new and more positive order from the captain-general, dated October 11, that without delay or any excuse he must abandon Zamboanga. At sight of this, Bobadilla warned Morales that the withdrawal must be made, as was done on the seventh—as promptly as possible fulfilling the said imperious mandate, convinced that it was now altogether impossible to oppose so plain a decision.

The governor of Zamboanga made a solemn surrender of the fort to the master-of-camp of the Lutao natives, Don Alonso Macombon, receiving from him an oath of fidelity to hold it for the king of Espana and defend it from his enemies; but Don Alonso refused to include among these the sultan of Mindanao, on the pretext that he had not sufficient strength to oppose the dreaded Corralat. The governor, fearing his defection, did not leave him any artillery. The Jesuits also surrendered to Macombon their houses and churches, carrying away the images, ornaments, chalices, and books; and six thousand Christians remained in Zamboanga exposed to the rage of the Mahometans. Some Lutaos, although not many, decided to go to the province of Cebu, or to that of Dapitan; others scattered through Jolo or Mindanao in search of safety, returning to their former religion.

The abandonment of our military posts in Mindanao was, although it is excused by the embarrassed condition of the capital of the islands, an exceedingly imprudent measure, since, in order to provide for an uncertain danger, the Visayan Islands were left exposed to another which was more immediate and real—to say nothing of the retrogression that must necessarily result to our domination among the natives of Mindanao, where at that time over seventy thousand Christians lived. The pirate who could cause such a panic in the authorities of Manila, and occasioned so great losses to the undertaking of subduing the Mahometan Malay pirates, died without carrying out his threats.

During the government of Don Juan de Vargas (1679), the sultan of Borneo sent an embassy to ask that mercantile dealings might be established with Filipinas; and Vargas in his turn sent another and a very distinguished one, headed by Sargento-mayor Don Juan Morales de Valenzuela. In 1701 occurred in the south of Filipinas an event as tragic as unusual. The sultan of Jolo went to visit the ruler of Mindanao, for greater ostentation taking with him as escort a squadron composed of sixty-seven vessels. At sight of such a retinue the sultan of Mindanao, Cutay [98] (the successor of the noted Corralat), feared that the other had designs that were not peaceable, and commanded that the mouth of the river should be closed; but the sultan of Jolo, offended thereat, dared the other to a personal combat. This challenge was accepted, and the two sultans engaged in a hand-to-hand contest, so fierce that each slew the other; and immediately war was kindled between the two peoples. The Joloans, breaking down the stakes which closed the river, retired to their own island with many weapons and spoils. The new ruler of Mindanao asked aid from the governor of Manila, Don Domingo Zubalburu; but the latter advised that they should lay aside their dissensions, and for that purpose sent the Jesuit Father Antonio de Borja, who was able to attain his object. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. pirateria, i, pp. 244-252. Cf. Combes, Hist. Mindanao, col. 610-640.)



The king of Jolo, on the contrary, had for many years maintained peace and friendly relations with the Spaniards, much to the resentment of his chiefs and captains, who derived much more profit from hostile raids than from trade and peace; therefore by means of their confidential agents they spread the report that the king of Jolo was talking of sending an armed fleet of twenty joangas to plunder these islands. The principal author of this was a Joloan named Linao, who was on intimate terms with the Spaniards, and a Guimbano named Palia. But the king of Jolo was very far from thinking of such changes, and it would have been better for us if we had not so readily believed it. At this information Don Fernando de Bobadilla despatched his armada against Jolo, under General Don Pedro de Viruega; but when he reached that island he found that the story that they had spread abroad against the king was false, and Don Pedro, having talked with him, went back to Zamboanga well satisfied of his peaceable attitude. But it was not long before the former rumors against the king of Jolo were again current; the author of them was Linao, who desired a rupture [with the Spaniards], so that he with other pirates might go out on raids against these islands—in which enterprise he was more interested than in the peace of his king. This plan he carried out in company with two others, Libot and Sacahati, who went cruising with several vessels and did much damage in the islands of Pintados and Masbate, until they reached the Limbones; [99] from that place they chased the corregidor of Mariveles, and captured the provincial of our discalced Augustinian religious and those who were accompanying him, on his return from visiting the Christian villages of Bolinao—although these persons escaped by jumping ashore. But there was one who could not do this, father Fray Antonio de las Misas (also a discalced Augustinian), who was coming from Cuyo and Calamianes to visit those convents. This religious might with good reason be regarded as a martyr; for with his blood only were the hands of the renegade Linao stained, as he spared the lives of all the rest in his greed for ransom. Although the pirates knew that the ransom of this religious promised them more profit [than that of an ordinary captive], their hatred to the faith prevailed over their greed, which in these barbarians is great. This opinion is confirmed by the cruelty with which they treated an image of Our Lady of the People, which this religious was wearing, on which they used their crises with furious rage. This religious was an old man, and greatly esteemed for his virtue; and in the order he had held positions of honor—prior of the convent at Manila, vicar-provincial of Cebu, and other posts in Caraga. He had a brother, a lay member of the Society of Jesus in these islands, who also suffered the same kind of death at the hands of the barbarous pirates called Camucones—a nation as cruel as cowardly, two qualities which always go together.

Great was the injury which these pirates inflicted on the islands, and although the alcalde-mayor of Balayan went out against them with some armed vessels they could not be found, either by him or by some other vessels which went from Manila for this purpose with a considerable force of men, on account of the adroitness with which the Moros concealed themselves, avoiding an encounter—to such an extent that the belief was current in Manila that these were not outside enemies, but insurgent Indians of the country, until a Spaniard who had been seized by the enemy at the shoals of Mindoro made his escape from them, and his account undeceived the people of Manila. The governor despatched an armed fleet in command of Admiral Pedro Duran de Monforte, a soldier of long experience, but this remedy came too late; for the pirates, satiated with burning villages, plundering, and taking captives, had returned to their own country. Accordingly the armada, having vainly scouted along Luban, Mindoro, and Panay, returned to Manila, having accomplished nothing save the expenses which were caused for the royal exchequer, which is the paymaster for these and other cases of negligence.

The distrust which was felt regarding the maintenance of the peace by the king of Jolo perhaps occasioned anger that he had not prevented these injuries; but he, knowing that if he did not make amends it would be a cause for justifiable hostilities, sent an embassy to the governor (who was Don Diego Sarria Lazcano), exonerating himself and promising to chastise Linao, Libot, and Sacahati; this he did, and many captives were restored, which was no slight [amends]. King Corralat raised his false alarms, as he was wont to do when that suited him, and also made some trifling raids through the agency of the people of Sibuguey, and threatened the Zebuans at Dapitan. But all became quiet when the office of governor of those coasts was assumed (June 16, 1659) by Don Agustin de Cepeda, a great soldier—who died in decrepit old age as master-of-camp of these Filipinas. Corralat knew, much to his sorrow, the valor of this able officer, and therefore did not dare to anger him, content that the Spaniards should leave him in peace. Don Agustin, as a prudent man, determined to try measures to secure peace; and, conferences having been held, those measures were carried out, with very advantageous arrangements for our forces.

The frequent raids of these Moro pirates, both Mindanaos and Joloans, were one of the greatest hardships which these Filipinas Islands suffered through many continuous years; they were the scourge of the natives of the islands of Pintados and Camarines, Tayabas, and Mindoro, as being nearest to the danger and most weak for defense. These people paid with their beloved liberty for our neglect to defend them—not always deserving of blame, on account of the mutations of the times. Few Spaniards have been the prey of these vile thieves, except some who were very incautious; but amends have been made for these by many religious and some secular priests, ministers in the Indian villages, who have suffered rigorous captivities and cruel deaths. No small amount of expenditure has fallen on the royal exchequer; for those pirates have caused innumerable expenses in armed fleets, most of them useless because the news of the loss did not reach us until the pirates were returning unhurt to their own lands. At times it has given even the governors and captains-general of these islands plenty to do in defending them from these pilfering thieves, as we saw in the first part of this history, in the case of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera and others. All the life of Cachil Corralat—which was a very long one, for it exceeded ninety years—and that of his father Bahisan kept our vigilance continually on the alert, and caused us to found and maintain the fortified posts of Zamboanga, Sabanilla, Malanao, and others—which caused so much expense and no profits; for the forts defend only a small space, and the sea has many roads, and thus they did not hinder the Moro fleets from sallying forth whenever they chose. Moreover, Corralat had all the Lutaos for spies, on account of their great reverence for him, and because they were in secret as much Mahometans as himself; for never is a Lutao found who has not been circumcised, or one who eats pork—and it is this which constitutes their Mahometanism, as also having many wives and being enemies of Christians; for in other respects they are atheists, and do not know what the Koran is or what it contains. And, as I have heard from military men who have experience in these wars, the only restraint upon these Joloan and Mindanao enemies is in armed fleets, which go to search for them in their homes and inflict on them all the damage they can, without going inland; for the Spaniards will not find any one there on whom to avenge themselves, since the inhabitants are safe in their thick forests and on impregnable heights.

After so many years of misfortunes the divine mercy took pity on these poor natives, on whom the cruelty and greed of the Moros had so long fattened, selecting as an agent the very Corralat who had been the cause of the past havoc. With old age and experience he came to see the injury which was resulting to his people (and most of all to the kings of Mindanao) from having enemies so valiant as the Spaniards had proved to be; and therefore while he lived he maintained peace with Manila, with friendly relations and the benefit of commerce on both sides. And when his death arrived, which was at the end of the year 1671, he left his nephew and heir, Balatamay, strictly charged to keep the peace, with heavy curses and imprecations, according to their custom; and his people obeyed him so well that for a long time no raid was heard of; nor was there any by the Camucones, who are subject to Borney. The king of Jolo, Paguian, has preserved the same peace and friendship; for all the Moro tribes of these regions reverenced Corralat as if he were Mahoma himself. For he was a Moro of great courage, intelligence, and sagacity, besides being exceedingly zealous for his accursed sect, and a great sorcerer—for all of which he probably has met condign punishment. (Diaz, Conquistas, pp. 564-567.)

The governor [i.e., Manuel de Leon, in 1674] commanded Juan Canosa Raguses, a skilful builder of lateen-rigged vessels, to construct two galleys; these sailed very straight and light, and did good service in frightening away the Camucones, pilfering and troublesome pirates, who in most years infested the Pintados Islands with pillaging and seizure of captives. These are a barbarous, cruel, and cowardly people, and they cannot have one of these traits without the others. They inhabit a chain of small islands, which extend from Paragua to Borney; some of them are Mahometans and others heathens. They have done much harm to the islands of Bisayas, which they ravaged quite at their ease—so much so that in the year 1672 they carried away the alcalde-mayor, Don Jose de San Miguel, as we have mentioned elsewhere. They have a great advantage in the extreme swiftness of their vessels, which enables them to find their defense in flight. Their confidence and boldness went so far that they ventured to infest the coasts of Manila. The provincial, Fray Jose Duque, while going to visit the convents in the islands of Pintados, came very near being captured with his companion, Fray Alvaro de Benavente; for they were attacked by a squadron of these pirates near the island of Marinduque, where they would have been a prey to Moro cruelty, if they had not been favored by the divine kindness. [This acted] through the agency of Captain Francisco Ponce, a veteran soldier, who killed the captain and another of the pirates; and also of a sudden wind, which gave wings to the champan for placing itself in safety. With the building of these galleys the Camucones were inspired with such terror that for many years they did not venture to sally out for their usual raids, so much in safety as before. The first time, Sargento-mayor Pedro Lozano went out to scour the seas through which the Camucones might come to make their raids. In the following year, Captain Don Jose de Novoa went out—a brave Galician, the encomendero of Gapang—and as commander of the second galley Captain Simon de Torres, an able soldier from Maluco; and they scoured the coasts of Mindanao, committing some acts of hostility, their sole object therein being to cause more terror than harm. And thus it was, that with the fear which those piratical tribes had conceived of the galleys neither Joloans, Mindanaos, nor Camucones dared, so long as these lasted, to commit their former ravages. The same thing occurs whenever there are galleys, even though they do not go out to sea and are shut up in the port of Cavite. It is therefore very expedient to keep vessels of this sort, in order to be free from the invasions of those pirates. In view of this, Governor Don Domingo de Zabalburu built two other galleys, which was the cause of the Joloans, Mindanaos, and Camucones remaining, throughout his term of office, within their own boundaries, although they had been in previous years, as we have seen, a continual plague to these islands. (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 711.) [100]



NOTES

[1] Juan de Zarzuela was born in Argete on February 11, 1640. When sixteen years old, he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and ten years later went to the Philippines. He was rector at Iloilo, and vice-rector at Cavite; rector and vice-rector at San Jose during seven years, and procurator of the province during five; and filled other posts. He died in Manila, May 27, 1706. (Murillo Velarde, fol 394 b.)

[2] A light sailing vessel, with one mast; a sloop. Cf. Dutch bylander, a coasting vessel.

[3] Gaspar Marco was born in Biar, Valencia, January 25, 1660, and became a Jesuit novice in 1682. Seven years later, he came to Manila, and was for fifteen years procurator of the college there. After filling other offices, he was sent as procurator of the province to Madrid and Rome. He was taken ill in Spain, and died on September 8, 1716. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406.)

[4] Paul Clain (originally Klein) was born at Agra, Bohemia, and entered the Jesuit order September 14, 1669. In 1678 he went to Mexico, and four years later to the Philippines; he there was rector in several colleges, provincial, professor, and missionary. He died on August 30, 1717. (Sommervogel, ii, col. 1197.)

[5] Antonio Tuccio (misprinted Fuccio in our text) was born at Messina, April 16, 1641, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. After completing his studies, he was a teacher during five years; in 1672 went to the Philippines, where he was rector at Cavite and Manila, and twice provincial. He died at Manila, February 4, 1716. (Sommervogel, viii, col. 265.)

[6] Guiuan is the name of a village and port on the extreme south coast of Samar; it has a good anchorage for vessels, even in typhoons.

[7] Taclobo: the Tagalog name for the enormous shells of the giant clam (Tridacna); they sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. The valves are frequently used for baptismal fonts, and are sometimes burned to make lime. (Official Handbook of the Philippines, part i, p. 153.)

[8] Full accounts of the earlier knowledge of these islands, unsuccessful efforts to locate and discover them, and the organization of a mission to go there for the conversion of the natives, are given in Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 375 b., 379; and Concepcion's Hist. de Philipinas, ix, pp. 151-171. Both these writers use Clain's letter, more or less closely following his account. Gregorio Miguel, in his Estudio sobre las Islas Carolinas (Madrid, 1887), p. 32, cites a MS. at Sevilla, dated 1567, written by Juan Martinez (see our Vol. II, pp. 149-150), to show that the Palaos Islands were first seen in 1566, by the captain of the Spanish ship "San Jeronimo," Pero Sanchez Pericon. It was not until 1710, however, that they were actually discovered. The name Palaos (corrupted to Pelew) was given them on account of the vessels, called paraos (cf. Javanese prau), used by the natives. For description of the islands, their people, and the customs and mode of life of these natives, with a vocabulary of their language, see Miguel, ut supra, pp. 32-60.

[9] Following is a translation of the title-page of this work: "General history of the discalced religious of the Order of the hermits of the great father and doctor of the Church, San Agustin, of the congregation of Espana and of the Indias. Volume Four. By Father Fray Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, pensioned lecturer, calificador of the Holy Office, apostolic missionary, father of the province of Aragon, ex-definitor-general, and chronicler of the said congregation. Dedicated to St. Nicholas of Tolentino. Containing three decades, extending from the year 1661 to that of 1690. Zaragoza; printed by Francisco Moreno, in the year 1756."

[10] A sidenote at this point in the original is as follows: "Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario, volume ii, book ii, chapter xv." The reference is of course to Baltasar de Santa Cruz's book.

[11] A sidenote in the original refers to volume iii of the Recollect History by Santa Theresa, Decade vii, book i, chapter iv, section vii, folio 241, nos. 507-515. The Philippine portion of this book appears in our Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-188.

[12] Juan Polanco (not Palanco), was a native of the Burgos mountain region, and professed in the Dominican convent of Valladolid, July 13, 1639. As he showed evident signs of a brilliant mind he was sent to the college of San Gregorio of Valladolid, after graduating from which he returned to the convent as lecturer in philosophy. Thence he went to the convent of Trianos as master of students, but later joining the Philippine mission arrived at those islands in 1658. Destined for the instruction of the Chinese he was sent to the Chinese missions as soon as he had mastered the language. His two years in China were years of continual suffering, imprisonment, and torment. Recalled, although against his will, to become procurator for his province in Madrid and Rome, and to act as definitor in the general chapter, he gave up his mission work. Always of a humble and obedient disposition, when he was ordered to return immediately to Spain on one occasion after he had just conducted a mission to Mexico, he obeyed without hesitation, but he had scarcely reached the convent at Sevilla, when he died, December 2, 1671. At the chapter held at Rome 1668, he petitioned the beatification of the Japanese martyrs. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 1-3.

[13] A sidenote in the original at this point refers to the Chronicas of San Antonio, i, book i, chapter xvii.

[14] A sidenote of the original reads: "All this appears from Father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio, ut supra, book ii, chapter xviii, folio 364, and chapter xix, folio 372."

[15] A sidenote of the original refers to San Antonio, i, book i, chapter lv, folio 220, and chapter lvii, folio 224.

[16] So called perhaps from the long robe probably worn by women who were allowed to take partial vows.

[17] A sidenote at this point refers to Father Nieremberg's Oculta y curiosa philosophia, last treatise, folio 431. This book is rightly named Curiosa y oculta filosofia, and was published in two parts in Madrid, 1643. Juan Eusebio Nieremberg was born in Madrid either in 1590 or 1595. His father was a Tyrolese, and his mother a Bavarian. Educated at the university at Salamanca, he took the Jesuit habit in the same city in 1614. He became known for his learning and ability and for fourteen years filled the chair of natural history at the royal school at Madrid, and for three years after that lectured on the scriptures. At the same time he was held in high esteem as a confessor, and was solicited by many prominent people as such. In 1642, he gave up teaching entirely because of an attack of paralysis. His death occurred at Madrid, April 7, 1658. He was the author of many works in Spanish and Latin, some of which have been translated into French and Arabic, and other languages. See Rose's New General Biographical Dictionary, and Hoefer's Nouvelle Biographie generale.

[18] Sidenotes at this point in the original refer as follows: "Volume i of this History [i.e., the volume by Andres de San Nicolas, for extract from which see our Vol. XXI], decade ii, chapter ix, folio 452; volume iii [i.e., the volume by Diego de Santa Theresa, from which appear extracts in Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-188], marginal numbers, 233, 257 et seq., 530 et seq., 540, 596, and 649."

[19] There is a a sidenote reference here in the original to Santa Cruz's Historia, part ii, book i, chapter xxiii.

[20] A sidenote of the original refers here to Santa Theresa's Historia, marginal numbers 649 and 651.

[21] See Vol. XL, p. 179, note 78.

[22] A sidenote here refers to Santa Theresa's Historia, no. 259 ff.

[23] The references in the margin at this point are to San Andres's Historia, folios 451, 452; Luis de Jesus's Historia, folios 39, 40, 44, 45, 70, 282, 284-295, and 353; Santa Theresa's Historia, marginal numbers 250 ff., 366 ff., 519, 522, 534, 599, 603, 615-629, 646 ff., and 740 ff.

[24] Subhastacion: literally, sale of goods at public auction.

[25] Our author also refers in sidenotes at this place to Luis de Jesus's Historia, folios 45, 167 ff., 284-295, and 353; and to Santa Theresa's Historia, marginal numbers 328, 522, 534, 648, 741, and 1153.

[26] A sidenote reference at this point reads: "See Volume iii of this Historia [i.e., Santa Theresa's], marginal numbers 737-742."

[27] The reference is to volume i of the series of histories of the Recollect order, the volume by Andres de San Nicolas, decade 2, chapter vi from folio 419.

[28] A reference here in the original is to Santa Cruz's Historia, folio 499.

[29] A sidenote refers to San Antonio's Chronicas, i, book i, chapter 39, no. 407, folio 139.

[30] A sidenote refers at this point to Santa Theresa, nos. 239 ff., and 737 ff.

[31] See Vol. XL, p. 123, note 46.

[32] Mindoro has an area of 3,851 square miles, according to the estimate of the Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 65, 66. It has a maximum length of 100 miles and its greatest width is about 60 miles. Though represented as having two mountain ranges those who have crossed the island say that it has but one. The highest elevation of that range is Mt. Halcon, about 8,800 ft. high. The island has much valuable timber. The settlements are mostly confined to the coast, and are small, while some wild people live in the interior.

[33] Of "yonote" Colin (Labor evangelica, p. 29) says: "They [i.e., the inhabitants of Mindoro] pay their tribute in yonote, which is a kind of black hemp, produced by certain palms. It is used for the larger cables of ships, which are made in the rope factory of the village of Tal." Cf. bonote, Vol. X, p. 58; and Vol. XIV, p. 257.

[34] San Antonio, i, p. 102, notes that the island of Mindoro was formerly called Mait. Its Chinese name was Ka-may-en (see Vol. XXXIV, p. 187, note 15).

[35] Our author refers in a sidenote to San Agustin's Conquistas, book ii, chapter i, pp. 216, 250. The first page makes no mention of the "simplicity."

[36] The sidenote reference to San Antonio is to his Chronicas, volume i, p. 103.

[37] A sidenote reference is to San Agustin's Conquistas, pp. 216, 224, 292.

[38] See Vol. II, p. 59, note 22.

[39] Sidenote reference: San Agustin, ut supra, p. 292.

[40] Sidenote reference: San Agustin, p. 250.

[41] Sidenote references: Father Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneyra, in his Historia, folio 84; father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio in his Chronicas, volume i, folio 20.

[42] Murillo Velarde (folio 123 verso, no. 306) records that two Jesuits were sent to Mindoro to work in the field of the seculars in 1640. Juan de Polanco, O.P., notes that about 1645 there were four or five Jesuits in Mindoro who worked among the people of the uplands (see Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangelica, iii, p. 735). San Antonio notes (i, p. 203) Jesuit residences in the jurisdiction of Mindoro.

[43] A sidenote reference is to nos. 400, 715, ante.

[44] Our author refers in a sidenote to San Antonio, i, p. 207.

[45] A sidenote reference is to folio 80 of Joseph Sicardo's Christiandad del Japon, ... Memorias sacras de los martyres de las ilustres religiones ... con especialdad, de los religiosos del orden de S. Augustin (Madrid, 1698).

[46] A sidenote refers to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff.

[47] A sidenote refers to San Antonio, i, p. 207. The present total population of Mindoro (according to the Census of the Philippines ii, p. 407) is 28,361, of which the civilized or Christian people number 21,097. The native peoples include Bicols, Ilocanos, Mangyans, Painpangans, Pangasinans, Tagalogs, Visayans, and Zambals. The wild people are all Mangyans.

[48] See ante, note 47. See also the Census of the Philippines (i, pp. 472, 473, 547, 548), which says that the Mangyans are probably a mixture of Negritos with other native peoples, and possibly some slight infusion of white blood in some localities.

[49] The reference is to I Corinthians iii, 6.

[50] A sidenote here refers to nos. 32-38 ante.

[51] The original refers at this point to Luis de Jesus, folios 36, 42 ff.

[52] A sidenote reference is to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff.

[53] A sidenote reference is to San Antonio, i, p. 215.

[54] The present population of the island of Romblon is 9,347, all civilized. This must be differentiated from the province of Romblon, which contains a number of islands, and has a population of 52,848. The Calamianes or Culion group is located in the southwestern part of the archipelago between Mindoro and Paragua between lat. 11 deg. 39' and 12 deg. 20' N., and long. 119 deg. 47' and 120 deg. 23' E., or a sea area of 1,927 square miles. This group consists of well over 100 islands, islets, and mere rocks, many of them unnamed. The largest islands in the group are Busuanga, Calamian, and Linacapan. The population of Calamianes is given as follows for a number of years: 1876, 16,403; 1885, 21,573; 1886, 17,594; 1887, 16,016; 1888, 14,739; 1889, 16,876; 1891, 18,391; 1892, 18,053; 1893, 19,292; 1894, 18,540; 1895, 16,186; 1896, 15,620; 1897, 15,661; 1898, 14,283. While the falling off in later years may be accounted for possibly by the movements of population during the insurrectionary period, it must be assumed that the returns for the earlier years are incorrect, for they would not naturally vary so greatly from year to year. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 412-415; and Census of the Philippines, ii, pp. 197, 198, 405; and iii, pp. 12-16.

[55] A sidenote refers to Santa Theresa, no. 1228.

[56] Tomas Antonio Manrique de la Cerda, conde de Paredes, marques de la Laguna, and knight of the Order of Alcantara, took office as viceroy of Mexico, November 30, 1680. The chief events of his term were the piratical raids, chiefly by French corsairs. His residencia was taken in 1686, and about two years later he returned to Spain. See Bancroft's Mexico, iii, pp. 190-207.

[57] The island of Masbate has an area of 1,236 square miles. It is mountainous, the mean elevation ranging from 2,000 to 2,500 feet. Its present total population is 29,451, all civilized, and the great majority Visayan. See Census of the Philippines, i, p. 66, ii, pp. 30, 392, 407.

[58] Ticao belongs to the present province of Masbate. It is very small, containing an area of only 121 square miles. In shape it is long and narrow, and not of great elevation. Its present population is 10,183. The chief known occupation is agriculture. See ut supra, i, p. 66, ii, p. 30.

[59] The same general description as that of Ticao fits Burias. Like that island, it also belongs to the province of Masbate. Its area is 197 square miles, and its population 1,627. See ut supra, i, p. 66, ii, p. 30.

[60] Sidenotes at this point refer to San Agustin's Conquistas, book ii, chapter i, p. 215; book iii, chapter xxv, pp. 515, 516, 529.

[61] A sidenote refers to San Antonio, i, folio 219.

[62] A sidenote reference is to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff.

[63] A sidenote refers to ut supra, no. 739.

[64] Miguel Poblete was archbishop of Manila from 1653 to 1668.

[65] Bolinao is now located on the northeastern end of the Zambal Peninsula. Before being moved by the Dominicans, it must have been located on the island of Santiago or Purra, just across the channel from its present location. Its present population (see Census of Philippines, ii, p. 244), is 5,397.

[66] Today located on the coast. Its present population is 6,139. See Census of Philippines, ii, p. 244.

[67] Masinloc (see ut supra) has a present population of 3,230.

[68] Iba, now the capital of the province of Zambales, is located on a river a very short distance from the coast. Its present population is 4,482. See Census of Philippines, ii., p. 244.

[69] The modern Cabangan is located on the coast road a few miles south of Iba. Its present population (see ut supra) is 3,015.

[70] The village of Subic is located on the northern side of the bay of the same name, and its present population (see ut supra) is 2,525. Subic Bay is one of the best natural harbors in the Philippines.

[71] See the Dominican account of their missions among the Zambals, as given by Salazar, in Vol. XLIII.

[72] i.e., Incense, or storax. The word is spelt "camangyian" in the Tagalog dictionary of Noceda and Sanlucar.

[73] The port and village of San Jacinto are located on the east coast of Ticao Island toward the north. The village has a present population of 4,845. See Census of the Philippines, ii, p. 232.

[74] Mobo is an inland village in the northeastern part of Masbate, located on a river a short distance from the capital village called Masbate. Its present population is 2,657. See Census of the Philippines, ii, p. 232.

[75] Domingo Perez was born in Santa Justa near Santander, in 1636. Entering the convent at Santillana, he professed as a Dominican there, October 14, 1659. Refusing the offer of a college education in Alcala de Henares, he went to the Philippines, after teaching philosophy for a time at Mexico. Reaching Manila in December 1666, he taught philosophy until the following year, when he was assigned to the province of Bataan, at the convent of Oriong, which was declared independent of Abucay in that same year. Three of his five years there he acted as vicar. From Oriong he went to Samal, and thence to Abucay in 1675. Somewhat later he was sent to Balacbac, but remained there but a short time because of the complaints of the Recollects, who claimed that the Dominicans were usurping their territory. In 1677 he was appointed vicar of Abucay, where his capacity for work and his zeal were conspicuous. In 1678 he was appointed vicar of Binondoc, remaining there one year. When the Dominicans were given charge of the province of Zambales in 1679, he was made vicar of that whole district. He was conspicuous throughout the province for his efforts in destroying idol worship, and his opposition to that and all manner of vices finally ended in his murder, as related in the text. He died on November 15, 1683. He was the author of a relation on the customs and superstitions of the Zambals, which existed in the Dominican archives at Manila. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 34-43.

[76] Juan Rois (Roes, Ruiz) was a Galician, and professed in the Dominican convent of Lugo, September 2, 1679. Arriving at the Philippines that same year, he was assigned in 1680 to the house at Masinloc, and in 1682 to that at Nueva Toledo. In 1684 he was again assigned to Masinloc, and in 1686 became vicar of Paynaven and vicar-provincial of Zambales. He was sent to the Batanes Islands with Father Mateo Gonzalez, in 1688, where he died that same year from the unhealthfulness of the region and his hardships. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 216, 217.

[77] Possibly the agos-os, or Ficus pungens, which is used occasionally in house construction. See Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 341; and Ahern's Important Philippine Woods (Forestry Bureau, Manila, 1901), p. 8.

[78] See Salazar's Historia, pp. 275-313, for the Dominican account of the missions of Zambales, the incidents of Calignao, and the life of Father Domingo Perez. Concepcion evidently had before him this account in compiling his own.

[79] Juan Peguero, O.P., was born in Estremadura, and professed in the Seville convent, November 1, 1659. After arriving in the Philippines, he was assigned to the province of Bataan, where he labored in the convents of Samal and Abucay. He was associate in Binondoc during the years 1671-1673, when he became vicar of San Juan del Monte, serving also in the latter in 1680 and 1686-1691. He was vicar of Oriong 1677-1680, and became procurator, along with his other duties, in the latter year. His death occurred at the Manila convent, May 21, 1691. He wrote a compendium of the history of the province, and a biography of Domingo Perez, the latter of which he dated and signed on February 1, 1691, and which was conserved in the Dominican convent at Manila. One of his works was to construct an aqueduct from the Pasig for the better water-supply of Manila, but an earthquake totally destroyed his work. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 81, 82.

[80] Doubtless the Recopilacion de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, first published at Madrid, 1681.

[81] Traslado: The reference or act of delivering written judicial proceedings to the other party, in order that on examination of them he may prepare his answer. Appleton's New Velazquez Dictionary.

[82] Raimundo Berart, O.P., was a native of Cataluna, and professed in the convent of Santa Catalina Virgen y Martir, in Barcelona, at that time being doctor in both laws at the university of Lerida. He arrived at Manila at the age of twenty-eight, in the year 1679. He speedily became associate to the archbishop, Felipe Pardo, in whose defense he wrote several manifestos which remain in MS. In 1681 the ecclesiastical cabildo asked that the archbishop give him up, and probably in answer to that demand, he was assigned to the convent of Abucay in the province of Bataan. In 1684 he became vicar of that convent, and in 1686 he was appointed rector and chancellor of the college of Santo Tomas in Manila. He left the islands before July 13, 1689, and from that time until 1696 was in charge of the hospitium in Mexico. In 1696 he was sent to Spain as definitor in general chapter, and died in that country in 1713. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 195-206.

[83] This date cannot be reconciled with the dates that follow. It may be an error for 1685.

[84] Domingo de Escalera was a native of Andalucia, and professed in the Dominican order at Madrid, September 10, 1665. He was a deacon at his arrival at the Philippines. He was first assigned to the house of San Gabriel in Binondo; became vicar of Samal in the province of Bataan in 1680, and in 1682 of Abucay, after which he was again at Binondo. During the years 1686-1690, he was procurator-general, and during part of that time (1686-1688), had charge of the natives in the Manila convent. In 1690 he was definitor and acted as vicar again of Binondo, where he remained until 1698, when he became president of the college of San Juan de Letran. He was appointed president of the hospital of San Gabriel, and procurator-general of the province. Although assigned as vicar of the convent of San Telmo in Cavite in 1702, he resigned that office in November of that same year, and went to the mission at Ituy. His death occurred on the nineteenth of the following month, and resulted from the unhealthful region. During the year spent among the mountains of Zambales, he formed the village of Malso. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 169, 170.

[85] Pedro Mejorada, O.P., professed in the convent at Salamanca, and on going to the Philippines was assigned to the Tagalog district. He ministered four years in Binondo, then the same period in Samal, in the province of Bataan. In 1694, he was assigned as lecturer on theology at the college of Santo Tomas in Manila, where he remained for four years. The following eight years were spent in Abucay and Oriong. In the year 1702 he received the title of calificador of the Holy Office, and in 1706 was appointed rector and chancellor of the university, which position he filled until 1710, when he was elected provincial of the order. On the termination of that office in 1714, he was elected regent of studies in the college of Santo Tomas. In November of that same year, however, he resigned in order to return to his convent at Salamanca, arriving in Madrid in 1716. Although lie was elected prior of the Salamanca convent, he was not to be allowed to enjoy that position, for a royal appointment as bishop of Nueva Segovia caused him, howbeit unwillingly, to return to the Philippines. Entering those islands once more in 1718, he assumed the duties of his office, but died in Vigan in June of the following year in the sixty-third year of his age, and after a residence in the islands of thirty-one years. See Resena biografica, ii, pp. 230-234.

[86] Domingo Collantes, the author of the fourth part of the Dominican history of the Philippines, was a native of Villa de Herrin de Campos, in the bishopric of Palencia. He professed in the convent at Valladolid, in 1764, and arrived in Manila, July 8, 1769. He held several conventual posts in his order there, among them that of provincial. The bishopric of Nueva Caceres was later given to him. His death occurred in Manila in 1808 at the age of sixty. See Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina, p. 107.

[87] Spanish, romper el nombre; "to cease using the countersign of recognition, when daybreak comes, for which purpose the drums, cornets, trumpets, or other musical instruments give the signal with the call named diana" (Dominguez); cf. French reveille.

[88] In Sulu roadstead; anchorage is north of the town. In channel between Sulu roadstead and Marongas is a pearl-oyster bed, which employs many boats. This is an important industry, pearls and pearl-shells being the chief articles in the export trade of the island. (U. S. Philippine Gazetteer.)

[89] Colin (who was at that time in Jolo) says of this (Labor evangelica, ed. 1663, p. 49): "There was found near the island of Jolo a piece [of amber] which weighed more than eight arrobas, of the best kind that exists, which is the gray [el gris]." Retana and Pastells regard Combes's ambar as meaning amber, the vegetable fossil; but it is possible that all these writers mean rather ambergris, which is supposed to be a morbid secretion of the sperm whale, and has been used as a perfume.

[90] It was Lopez who soon afterward, having gone to Manila to report results to Governor Fajardo, secured (largely through the influence of Venegas, who was very friendly to Lopez) permission for six Jesuits to labor in the islands of the south, the rebuilding of their residence at Zamboanga, and the exemption of the Lutaos from tribute, and the appointment of Rafael Omen de Azevedo as governor. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 151 b.)

[91] In the text, desvelar, "to keep awake"—but from the context, apparently an error of some sort.

[92] Spanish, dio una bofetada, literally, "gave a blow in the face"—in the Spanish a play on words which it is difficult to retain in English.

[93] This order was carried out by Balatamay, on December 13, 1655. See Combes's detailed account of this tragedy, as cited by Diaz.

[94] Pedro Duran de Monforte; his term of office began in 1649, and lasted until Esteybar's arrival at Zamboanga (Dec. 2, 1656).

[95] "La Silanga, which is a strait that is formed by the island of Tulaya with the land of Mindanao" (Diaz, p. 561). Retana and Pastells, in their edition of Combes, make Tulaya the modern Tulayan, near Sulu—an evident error, from Diaz's statement.

[96] Referring to the governor ad interim from November, 1661 to February, 1662; Combes describes at length his "persecution" of the Jesuits at Zamboanga (col. 591-609), but does not mention his name.

[97] "Hardly had Morales reached the islands, when a new despatch arrived from Manila, repeating the same orders. The silence of the Spaniards [i.e., regarding their first order to leave the fort], and the hurried preparations that were made that very night for the withdrawal of Morales, inflamed the injured feelings of the Lutaos, nor could any argument repress them. The governor did not attempt to do more than console them, in order that they might prudently decide what they should do; he told them that the Spaniards would never forsake them, and that if the Lutaos would follow them there were places in the islands, with equal and even greater advantages, where they could live; that Corralat was friendly, and the Spaniards would charge him to maintain friendly relations with them, which they could with good reason expect, as he was of the same nation as themselves; that if he should not fulfil this obligation, occasion would not fail the Spaniards to avenge them. He also said that they could, with the forts which he left to them, easily defend themselves from their enemies; and finally, that they should await the ultimate decision which would be brought by General Don Francisco de Atienza on his way to Maluco, since it might improve the condition of affairs.

"Little impression did these arguments, which the Spaniards offered by way of consolation, make on the Lutaos. The tyrannies that they would experience when left to their own government had no respect for kinship, nor was there any law save that of might. To leave their homes was most difficult, and to transplant their villages was to ruin them. To defend the fort supplies of ammunition and food were required, and they had no fund to meet these costs. They gave way to lamentations and complaints that, as they had served the Spaniards with their lives, they had roused in their neighbors a mortal hatred; that, notwithstanding they had become Christians, they were left abandoned, in the power of the Moros, without instruction, or defense, or honor. They recounted their services, and their sighs grew heavier, while they declared as false the promises made to them in the beginning, which drew them away from obedience to their natural king; and that with such an example [as this of the Lutaos before them] the peoples [of Mindanao] would not change sides in order to please a nation so unreliable [as the Spaniards]. The Subanos also presented their piteous remonstrances that as a people of the hill-country, and of timid disposition, they were exposed to greater misfortunes. They went to the fort and renewed their importunities, saying that the Spaniards were deserting and abandoning them [notwithstanding] their humble submission, and leaving them to be slaves of their enemies; that although they had maintained the Spaniards with their tributes, provided their houses with their products, and embraced their faith, contented with the freedom which followed Spanish protection, yet now their liberty remained at the mercy of greed, the Spaniards profiting by their lives for the sake of keeping up intercourse with the Macassars and Malayos; and that it was too much to be endured, to leave in such infamous subjection vassals so obedient as they. The governor, his heart pierced by their pathetic expostulations, could give no other satisfaction than his own anxious hopes. In the midst of these limited and sad consolations, with the arrival of the succors for Terrenate came anew the severe orders [for abandoning the forts]; the governor was now unable to give them courage, for lack of means, and all were disconsolate; but it was necessary to execute the rigorous order—those who remained being as sorrowful at it as were those who were going away, and each one endeavoring to make his decision and to suit it to this emergency. Some went to Mindanao, others to Jolo, and others to Basilan; many dispersed in the coasts of Zamboangan, the people of Don Alonso Macombon remaining here with him; and a few determined to follow the fortunes of those who retreated thence, going to settle at Dapitan and Zebu.... In the vessels had to be placed more than a thousand souls, and the military supplies. It was a grievous abandonment, by which more than a thousand Christians were left exposed to the cruelty of the Moros.... In great part it was due to the obstinacy of the Jesuits, who, regarding the allowance of fifty men as insufficient, compelled its total abandonment. Such garrisons have been and are sufficient to oppose the Moros in the remaining presidios; and the same would be enough in Zamboangan if the great extent which must be guarded, on account of the size of the fort, were reduced to a little, demolishing the less important part [of the fortifications]. But their profound thoughts feared lest that fort would afterward remain thus scantily garrisoned, and that it would not make so much show or its administration be so conspicuous; nor would there be expended in the allowances [for it] so large sums, which they converted to their own advantage.... Soon there were representations made at the court of injury resulting from its desertion, and consequent royal decrees for its reconstruction, which did not take effect until long afterward." (Concepcion, Hist. de Philipinas, vii, pp. 93-97.)

[98] This name is Curay in Concepcion's Historia.

[99] An island and point at the entrance to Patungan Bay, in Batangas, Luzon.

[100] It is evident, from the above statements by Diaz, that Barrantes is incorrect in saying (Guerras piraticas, p. 17): "In this manner, so melancholy for Filipinas, ended the seventeenth century." He has made this hasty and unfounded conclusion through failure to search for material to supply the gap which occurs at this point in the narrative which he has used as the basis of the work above cited. This is a MS. narrative of the Moro wars, for an account of which see our Vol. XXIX, p. 174, note 40.

THE END