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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 40 of 55
by Francisco Colin
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[193] M. and D. omit all of this last sentence and quotation.

[194] A vice common to all the world, says Delgado (p. 313).

[195] "Although they have but little honor, they have in effect only too much vanity. When one goes to their houses, they make a great effort to show off their wealth, even if they have to beg a loan in order to meet the expense. They do not care to bury their relatives for the love of God, although they try if possible to avoid the payment of the funeral expenses. A cura told me that after a man had paid him the burial expenses a baguio or hurricane began; whereupon the man came to get his money, saying that he wished the burial of a pauper, because in the end, no one would have to see it." (Mas, p. 107.)

[196] Delgado (p. 313) utters a warning against judging on this particular, and says "that virtues are not so distant from them, as his Paternity writes."

[197] M. omits this sentence to this point.

[198] What fault do the Indians have in trying to get and defend their own? There may be excess in this matter, says Delgado (p. 313), but the Indians do not go to law only to cause trouble.

[199] M. and D. omit this sentence.

[200] In regard to this Delgado says (pp. 313, 314) that "there is no dish more relished in this land than defamation and complaint.... This is a country where idleness sits enthroned; for when the ship is despatched to Nueva Espana there is nothing to do for a whole year, but to complain and discuss the lives of others." Delgado does not believe that lust is the only feature in the intercourse between men and women. Neither does he believe that women are treated, as they deserve, with kicks and blows; nor that such treatment is in accordance with conjugal love, or with the text of women being subject to men. San Agustin's advice to Europeans is not good.

[201] The Ayer MS. and M. read "Machiabelo;" D. reads "Macabeo," i.e., "Maccabaean."

[202] From this point M. and D. read: "They call this mabibig, and this is a thing that will rouse up the entire village against one, the stones, and the land itself. Hence, the concubinages among them, and other evils, have no human remedy, nor can have; for no one wishes to be mabibig, for that is the most abominable fault and the only sin among them."

[203] The Indians do not tell tales of one another for a more potent reason than that of being declared mabibig, is Delgado's commentary (pp. 314, 315)—namely, the fear, of private revenge. "But the prudent Indians always advise the father minister, if there is any scandal in the village; now in confession, so that it might be remedied without anyone knowing the person who has told it; now by a fictitious and anonymous letter, as has happened to me several times. One must exercise prudence in this matter, for all that is written or spoken is not generally true."

[204] M. and D. read with some slight verbal differences, which translate the same: "For one might happen to have a servant or two who waste and destroy the property of their master, and no other servant, however kindly he has been treated by his master, will tell him what is happening."

[205] "This league of the caste of color for mutual protection and defense from the domineering caste is very natural. The Filipinos are not so constant in maintaining it, however, that it is not broken by two methods: by offering money to the accuser, or by bestowing so many lashes on each one who is implicated in the crime." (Mas, p. 109.)

[206] Delgado (p. 315) finds this very natural, and dismisses it by the reflection that liberty is dear.

[207] In M. and D. this reads: "Therefore when they say that there is no more sugar or no more oil, it is when there is not [sugar] enough to make a cup of chocolate, or oil enough to whet a knife."

[208] M. and D. read: "They will place the best cup and plate, [D. mentions only the plate] which are much different than the others, for the master, and will only look after him, and pay no attention to the guests."

[209] M. and D. omit this sentence.

[210] Spanish, sacabuches consistol y deresistol, a transcriber's error for con sistol y diastol (this phrase omitted in D.); a play on words, as the sackbut forms the various tones by lengthening and shortening the instrument. The phrase systole and diastole is now applied to the alternate contraction and expansion of the heart; San Agustin apparently uses it through fondness for a learned phrase.

[211] The citation from Quevedo is lacking in M. San Agustin has slightly misquoted; though it translates the same as the correct version. The lines are as follows:

Galalon, que en casa come poco, y a costa agena el corpanchon ahita.

The citation is from Quevedo's Poema heroica de las necedades y locuras de Orlando el enamorado.

[212] That is, "Much good may it do you," an expression used at eating or drinking. San Agustin evidently refers in the following clause to the scanty fare supplied to those who row in the boats as compulsory service.

[213] This is not a general rule among the Tagalogs, and much less among the Visayans. Neither are all the Indians forgers. (Delgado, pp. 315, 316.)

[214] M. omits "alcalde" and reads "prudent and experienced man." D. reads "a prudent and experienced alcalde."

[215] i.e., "I heard your evidence, and feared."

[216] M. reads "some Indians;" D., "some erudite Indians."

[217] Rabula, "an ignorant, vociferous lawyer;" cf. English "pettifogger."

[218] This sentence is omitted by M. D. reads "all the alcaldes."

[219] The Italian phrase fabro de calumina is used.

[220] King Josiah or Josias was slain at Mageddo. See IV Kings (II Kings of the King James version), xxiii, 29, 30; and II Paralipomenon (II Chronicles of the King James version), xxxv, 22-25.

[221] M. reads: "the Indians making use of a whole year in order to increase their calumny." D. reads: "Just see what subtlety and moderate arithmetic they use in order to make their accusation; the Indians lumping together a whole year in order to give pasture to one single horse;" and then adds: "And there are so many cases of this that if I mentioned them all I would never end."

[222] We have thus freely translated the original sin afianzar calumnia, which is a regular law term.

[223] "But a short time ago, when Senor Seoane was regent of the Audiencia, as the result of an urgent complaint against a Spanish cura, a verbal process was ordered to be made, and from it not the slightest charge resulted against the priest. Another judge was entrusted with the forming of another verbal process, with the same result. The supreme tribunal, being persuaded that the matter was not all calumny, sent an expressly commissioned judge from Manila, who found no more crime than did the others.

"I personally saw a representation signed by the gobernadorcillo and all the principales of a village, in which they affirmed that their cura had forced the wife of the first lieutenant; had punished the lieutenant for opposing her being kept to sleep in the convent; went out on the street drunk; went into the town hall to beat individuals of the municipality; and had not celebrated mass on Sunday for the same reason of being drunk. When a verbal process was made of it, all retracted. I became acquainted personally with this friar, who is a fine fellow...." (Mas, pp. 113, 114.)

[224] From this point, M. and D. read: "but it is to images of some new miracle. They have the habit of devotion, but they seek the newest and forget the old."

[225] As to the Indians being fond of making pilgrimages to new and distant shrines where some notable miracle has occurred, Spaniards often have the same love. See Delgado, p. 316.

[226] San Agustin is speaking of the Indians of Manila and its environs, says Delgado (p. 316): "For this is rarely seen in the other islands. Hence in the twenty-four years that I have lived in the Visayas, only in the city of Cebu have I ever seen any other than some religious drama [auto sacramental], or the pieces of the school children."

[227] In M. escuitiles; and in D. miscuitiles.

[228] The verse number is given correctly in M. San Agustin quotes incorrectly, the proper version being:

Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, Quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus....

The translation given by Wickham (ut supra, p. 349), is as follows: "What finds entrance through the ear stirs the mind less actively than what is submitted to the eyes, which we cannot doubt."

"They are very fond of seeing theatrical pieces. They make some translations from our dramas, and they make a piece out of anything although it is destitute of the rules of art. They are especially fond of very long comedies, that last a month or more, with many hours of representation daily. These are drawn from histories or from stories, and they stage them. In Tondo there was played, for instance, Matilde, o las Cruzadas [i.e., "Matilda, or the Crusades"]. The Celestina was probably the origin of this taste. Filipino poets have written several dramas of this kind, as well as some epic, religious, and love poems. But in the epoch previous to the arrival of the Spaniards, it appears that there existed only a few love songs, of whose merits I cannot judge, as I know the language so slightly.

"They have verses of as many as twelve syllables, which are the ones generally used in their poems. They are divided into quatrains, whose four verses rhyme among themselves. The Filipino rhyme, however, consists in the last letter being a vowel or a consonant.... They read all their verses in a singing tone, and the quatrains of the twelve-syllable verse are read with the motif of the comintan, which is their national song. The custom of singing when reading poetry is a practice of China, and of all the Asiatic peoples whom I have visited. The kind of versification which I have just cited is evidently anterior to our conquest, as is also the above-mentioned air, which is adjusted to it. This air is melancholy and does not resemble at all any Chinese or Indian music that I have heard. There are several comintans, just as there are different boleros, Polish dances, or Tyrolian dances. Some of them have a great resemblance to the music of Arabia. On the slopes of Camachin [which is a mountain in southern Mindanao], I heard a song which is exactly and purely of that sort...." (Mas, pp. 115, 116.)

The Celestina mentioned by Mas is a noted dramatic story—probably written about 1480, and by Rodrigo Cota, of Toledo, and others—which has exercised a very strong influence on the Spanish national drama. It has great literary merit, admirable style, and well-drawn pictures of human nature; and it attained so extensive and continual popularity that even the Inquisition did not place Celestina in the Index until 1793, notwithstanding its grossness of thought and language. (Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, i, pp. 262-272.)

[229] M. and D. read "Christ our Lord."

[230] "In the Visayas," says Delgado (p. 317) "very rarely do the Indians imitate the Spaniards in their dress; for almost all of them go barefoot, according to their custom, and wear long black garments that cover the entire body (which we call cassocks or lambong), very wide breeches, and the shirt outside. For they can never accustom themselves, as do the Spaniards, to gathering it inside, as is the custom of the country. I have seen the same among the Tagalogs, with the exception of some servants of the Spaniards, and some officials and clerks, among them. But these men do not make the rule for the other nations of this archipelago, who are numerous and different. I can truly tell what I see among the Spaniards of Visayas, who dress in the same manner as the Indians; and very rarely do they put on shoes and stockings or slippers, except on an important feast-day when they go to the church, for they cannot endure it any other way. It is a fact that the Indians do preserve somewhat their ancient customs in districts where there is less civilization and instruction; but where they are well taught and directed, they have almost forgotten these."

"A cura told me that he had surprised a man and three old women crouched down beside the corpse of the former's dead wife. The four people were all covered over with sheets, and were in the attitude of listening with the closest of attention to see whether the deceased would say anything to them. They practice many simplicities like this in all their solemn ceremonies, of which we have spoken. So general is this that in the ordinances of good government in force, there is an article that orders the persecution of idolatry and aniterias." (Mas, pp. 116, 117.)

[231] "If father Fray Gaspar had been in Madrid, he would not have been so greatly surprised that those soliciting anything should send their wives to obtain favors. Moreover, the Filipinos, not only fearing, but with full consciousness, generally send and even take their wives to the Spaniards to obtain some employment, or merely for money. The most direct means for a general to obtain the friendship of a married woman is to win over the husband, just as in order to get a single woman one must gain over the mother. I have known very intimately a steward who was very much in love with his wife, and was jealous even of her shadow. Nevertheless, at the least insinuation of his master he took her to the latter's apartment, and it appears that he desired her to go there very often. Upon thinking over this matter, I am convinced that a partial cause of it is the little importance that they attach to the act of love, and especially in the fact to which they are persuaded that no one of their women will ever love us; and they are only handed over for the profit, and are lent us as a personal service, just like any other; and when the woman goes away from us, she takes her heart with her, which is all for the Filipinos." (Mas, p. 117.)

[232] M. and D. add "most."

[233] This phrase is omitted in D.

[234] It is not to be wondered at that they are literal and material in their conversation, for they know only their villages. See Delgado, p. 317.

"I have observed none of this, especially in the women to whom I have talked. Almost all of them are always attentive, courteous, and kind." (Mas, p. 118.)

[235] M. and D. omit this sentence.

[236] M. adds: "and run away, for he is the bugaboo, with which the children are frightened."

[237] Dogs do not bark at the Spaniards only, in any country, but at those who are strange to them. Neither do the Indians detest the fathers from birth. The fact that the Indians yield to anyone who assumes a boasting attitude, especially if he be drunk, and have a knife, is not so much cowardice as prudence. "I believe that the reverend father was very melancholy, and tired of the ministry, when he began to write his letter." (Delgado, pp. 317, 318.)

"If our father had traveled, he would have known that dogs bark at anyone whose clothes are unfamiliar to them. In regard to their horror of white faces, he at least exaggerates. It is not at all strange that a child should cry at an object being presented to him that he has never had in his ken before. I have seen many children burst into sobs at the sight of my eye-glasses. It is a fact that some of them have just as little as possible to do with us, either for contempt, embarrassment, or antipathy; but there are a very great number who profess affection for us. When the government secretary, Cambronero, died in the year 1840, all his servants shed tears abundantly. A serving-maid of the Senora de Recano was left desolate, when the latter embarked for Espana a short time ago. An old woman on the occasion of [the engagement of] Movales in the year 1823, gave Col. Santa Romana proofs of great affection and fidelity. During the same engagement, while Don Domingo Benito was haranguing his artillery sergeants and telling them 'I shall die the first,' one of them answered, 'No, Sir, I shall die before you.' When the Jesuits were exiled, the villages that they administered grieved exceedingly. In the archives of St. Augustine, I have seen the relation of one of the friars who went there for their relief, and he paints in lively colors the memory preserved of the Jesuits: 'Here they cannot look upon a white habit; notwithstanding the kind words that we speak to them, and the presents that we make them, we cannot attract to ourselves the good-will of these people; hence, when we call a child, he runs away instead of coming to us.' I have seen some servants ready and anxious to go with their master to any part of the world; and, if the Spaniards would take than, many would go to Espana. When some insurgents in the island of Leite put Alcalde Lara in the stocks, his servant feigned to be in accord with them. He made them drunk, and then took his master from the stocks. He fitted up a barangay quickly, in which they attempted to escape, but the night was stormy, and all were drowned. And finally, I myself have received several disinterested proofs of their good-will." (Mas, pp. 118, 119.)

[238] "It is difficult to ascertain whether the Filipino is a brave man or a coward. On one side, we see any braggart terrify a multitude; and on the other, some face dangers and death with unmoved spirit. When one of them decides to kill another, he does it without thinking at all of the consequences. A man of Vigan killed a girl who did not love him, six other persons, and a buffalo; and then stabbed at a tree, and killed himself. Another servant of the tobacco superintendent killed a girl for the same reason, before a crowd of people, and then himself. A soldier killed a girl for the same reason while I was passing in front of Santo Thomas. A coachman, in November, 1841, tried to kill another man, because of a love affair; and, failing in the attempt, killed himself. Filipino sailors have committed many cruelties, and have a reputation throughout the entire Indian Sea as turbulent fellows and assassins. The [insurance] companies of Bengal do not insure at full risk a vessel in which one-half the crew is composed of islanders. When I was in the island of Pinang, at the strait of Malacca, I tried to get passage to Singapor, in order to go to Filipinas, in the brigantine "Juana" and to take in my company as a servant one of the seventeen sailors of Manila, who had been discharged from a Portuguese vessel because of a row that they had had with the captain. The commander of the "Juana" was a Chinese, and the crew Malayan; counting sailors and Chinese passengers there were about 40 persons aboard. Under no consideration would the captain admit me together with the servant, telling me: 'No, no, even if you give me a hundred pesos, I will take no man from Manila.' In fact, after much begging, I had to resign myself and leave him ashore, and take ship without knowing who would guide and serve me; for I understood neither Chinese nor Malayan. At the same time, I have heard that the Filipinos are cowards in a storm. The infantry captain Molla told me that the captain of a pontin which encountered a heavy tempest began to weep, and the sailors hid in order not to work; and he had to drive them out of the corners with a stick, for which they began to mutiny and to try to pitch him overboard. Ashore they have given some proofs of boldness by attacking Spaniards to their faces.... Sergeant Mateo was boldly confronted in the insurrection of 1823. The soldiers have the excellent quality of being obedient, and if they have Spanish officers and sergeants, will not turn their backs on the fire; but alone they have never given proof of gallantry. In the war with the English, they always fled ... and the few Europeans whom Anda had were his hope, and the soul of all his operations. I have asked many officers who have fought with Filipinos, either against the savages in the mountains, or against ladrones; and they all have told me that when it comes to fighting, they preferred to have twenty-five Europeans to one hundred Filipinos. Many allege, in proof of their bravery, the indifference with which they die; but this is rather a sign of stupidity than of good courage. From all of the above data, we might deduce that the individual whom we are analyzing is more often found to be cowardly than impassive and fearless; but that he is apt to become desperate, as is very frequently observed. They express that by the idea that he is hot-headed, and at such times they commit the most atrocious crimes and suicide. He is cruel, and sheds blood with but little symptoms of horror, and awaits death calmly. This is because he does not feel so strongly as we do the instinct of life. He has no great spirit for hazardous enterprises, as for instance that of boarding a warship, breaking a square, gaining a bridge, or assaulting a breach, unless he be inflamed by the most violent passions, that render him frantic." (Mas, pp. 119-121.)

[239] In M., "to a great degree;" and in D., "in a certain manner."

[240] D. reads "on this occasion."

[241] Delgado says (p. 318) that the sin of intoxication is overstated. Among the Visayans, intoxicating beverages are indulged in in differing degrees, while many are abstemious. "I would like to hear what the Tagalog Indians who live among Spaniards in Manila would say to this stain, that is imputed to them alone."

"Perhaps this may have been so in the time of Father Gaspar, as the Filipinos preserved more of their ancient customs than now, for we see that intoxication is very common in the independent tribes living in the mountains, but today it is not observed that the [civilized Filipinos] drink more than the individuals of other nations who are considered sober." (Mas, pp. 121, 122.)

[242] Delgado denies that the Indians are robbers (p. 318).

[243] Delgado says (p. 318): "This passage is absolutely malicious, so far as the Visayans are concerned; for no Visayan woman of good blood will marry with other than her equal, however poor she be. And although all are of one color, they make great distinctions among themselves."

"The same thing is recounted by Father Mozo to be the case among the mountain savages." (Mas, p. 122.)

[244] i.e., "At least as to manner."

[245] D. omits this last clause.

[246] An adaptation of an old proverb, probably meaning here, "Although sins are committed here, they are not so frequent as in other places."

[247] San Agustin speaks without sufficient authority, says Delgado (pp. 318, 319), for he only remained a short time in Panay, and learned nothing of the other parts of the Visayans. "I know very well that what he imputes to the Visayan women is not absolutely true. For generally they detest not only Cafres and negroes, but also inequality in birth. They are not so easy as his Paternity declares in admitting any temptation, and there are many of them who are very modest and reserved." Bad women exist everywhere, even among the whites.

"There is no doubt that modesty is a peculiar feature in these women. From the prudent and even humble manner in which the single youths approach their sweethearts, one can see that these young ladies hold their lovers within strict bounds and cause themselves to be treated by them with the greatest respect. I have not seen looseness and impudence, even among prostitutes. Many of the girls feign resistance, and desire to be conquered by a brave arm. This is the way, they say, among the beautiful sex in Filipinas. In Manila no woman makes the least sign or even calls out to a man on the street, or from the windows, as happens in Europa; and this does not result from fear of the police, for there is complete freedom in this point, as in many others. But in the midst of this delicacy of intercourse there are very few Filipino girls who do not relent to their gallants and to their presents. It appears that there are very few young women who marry as virgins and very many have had children before marriage. No great importance is attached to these slips, however much the curas endeavor to make them do so. Some curas have assured me that not only do the girls not consider it dishonorable, but think, on the contrary, that they can prove by this means that they have had lovers. If this is so, then we shall have another proof that these Filipinos preserve not a little of their character and primitive customs; since, according to the account of Father Juan Francisco de San Antonio, it was a shame for any woman, whether married or single, before the arrival of the Spaniards, not to have a lover, although it was at the same time a settled thing that no one would give her affection freely.

"That they are more affectionate than men is also a fact, but this is common to the sex in all countries....

"That they rarely love any Spaniards is also true. The beard, and especially the mustache, causes them a disagreeable impression, and he who believes the contrary is much mistaken. Besides, our education, our tastes, and our rank place a very high wall between the two persons. The basis of love is confidence; and a rude Filipino girl acquires with great difficulty confidence toward an European who is accustomed to operas and society. They may place themselves in the arms of Europeans through interest or persuasion; but after the moment of illusion is over, they do not know what to say and one gets tired of the other. The Filipino girl does not grow weary of her Filipino, for the attainments, inclinations, and acquaintances of both are the same. Notwithstanding the Filipinos live, as I am told, convinced that not one of their beauties has the slightest affection for us, and that they bestow their smiles upon us only for reasons of convenience, yet I imagine that sometimes the joke is turned upon themselves—especially if the Spaniard is very young, has but little beard, and is of a low class, or can lower himself to the level of the poor Filipino girl." (Mas, pp. 123-125.)

[248] M. reads "fishing."

[249] D. reads "gloomily."

[250] M. reads "For to define them categorically, with an essential and real definition." D. reads "For to define them categorically, with an essential and real substantial definition, awaits another."

[251] M. omits the remainder of this paragraph; and the last sentence in D. reads: "But it they had undertaken the task of defining the Indians, they would not have been so successful."

[252] This was the French poet and theologian John Barclay, who was born at Pont-a-Mousson, in 1582, and died at Rome, August 12, 1621. He refused to enter the Society of Jesus, and followed his father to England where he published a poem at the coronation of James I, which found considerable favor. While in London he was accused of heresy, and was summoned to Rome by Paul V. In London he published a continuation of his Euphormion, the first part of which had appeared in 1610. This consists of a Latin satire in two books. His Argenis was published in Paris in 1621, and there was a Leyden edition in 1630. It is a story, written in prose and poetry, of the vices of the court. It was very popular and was translated into many languages. See Hoefer's Nouvelle biographie generale.

[253] Probably Joannes Rodenborgh, who wrote the fifth part of Logicae compendiosae (Utrecht, 1676).

[254] See ante, p. 192, note 109.

[255] See ante, p. 191, note 105.

[256] i.e., "Passion does not come from custom." This is lacking in M.

[257] i.e., "And infamous need." This is from the Aeneid, book, vi, line 276.

[258] St. Antony of Thebes was the founder of monachism. He is said to have been born at Koma, Egypt, near Heraklea, A. D. 251, and to have died A. D. 356. In early life he retired to the wilderness, and lived in seclusion until 305, when he founded the monastery of Fayum, near Memphis and Arsinoe. He is the patron of hospitallers, and his day is celebrated on January 17. His life was written by St. Athanasius, a condensed translation of which is given by S. Baring-Gould in his Lives of the Saints (London, 1897, 1898), i, pp. 249-272. See also Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 596; and New International Encyclopaedia.

[259] Formerly called Thebaica regio, one of the three great divisions of ancient Egypt, and equivalent to Upper Egypt. This district was famous for its deserts, which became the habitation of many of the early Christians, among them both Sts. Antony and Arsenius. See Larousse's Grand Dictionnaire.

[260] St. Arsenius was a Roman of a noble and wealthy family, who became the tutor of the two sons of Theodosius at Constantinople. He fled to Egypt after the death of Theodosius, in shame at the poor results of his teaching. There he lived in the desert, where he was called "the father of the emperors." He died about 440, after a long life of seclusion. He figures in Kingsley's story of Hypatia. His day is celebrated on July 19, and he is especially revered in France and Belgium. See Baring-Gould (ut supra), viii, pp. 446-448.

[261] D. reads wrongly "Theodorico."

[262] D. reads "getico."

[263] In the first line of the above citation, which is from the Epistolarum ex Ponto, book i, epistle 3 (to Rufinus) read "littore" in place of "frigore." The translation of the two lines is as follows: "What is better than Rome? What is worse than the Scythian shore? Yet the barbarian flees thither from that city."

[264] i.e., "Though composed of many, it draws to itself the nature of the more worthy simple form."

[265] "Among the Filipino Indians there are many who are very good, and are very capable of being directed and taught in good and holy customs; and because there are many bad ones, who govern themselves not by reason, but by the pressure of public opinion, it cannot be said rightly and conscientiously that all are bad." (Delgado, p. 320.)

"This paragraph appears admirable to me, and a more exact idea of the Filipino cannot be given in so few words—at least such as he is at present, either because of circumstances, or because of his physical constitution, or of the two things together." (Mas, p. 127.)

[266] M. and D. add "it is in favor of their comfort, and they commit other greater acts of insolence, for."

[267] i.e., "They enter into the joy of their lord;" a reference to Matthew XXV, 21, 23.

[268] i.e., "Not as to the cause, but as the effect." D. reverses the position of the negative.

[269] Heliogabalus the Roman emperor, who ascended the throne in 218 A. D., at the age of fourteen, and was assassinated after three years. He is known chiefly for his acts of madness and bestiality, and his cruelty.

[270] San Agustin has quoted these lines incorrectly. They are found in ll. 527-531 of Marcus Annaeus Lucanus's Pharsalia, and are as follows:

... O vitae tuta facultas Pauperis angustique lares! O munera nondum Intellecta deum! Quibus hoc Contingere templis Aut potuit muris nullo Trepidare tumultu Caesarea pulsante manu?...

The translation of this passage is as follows: "O secure opportunity of life, and lares of the needy poor man! O gifts not yet recognized as a god! What temples could enjoy this blessing, or what walls be in confusion in any tumult, if the hand of Caesar move?"

[271] "All religious agree that they die with the utmost indifference, and that when they come to the bedside of the dying one, in order to comfort him, they remain cold upon seeing how little those people are changed by the words that their approaching peril inspires in them. Confessions at such a time are generally somewhat more sincere, but always very short and stupid. The relatives are not at all careful about talking of his death in the presence of the sick person—as, for example, one of them remarking to the cura in a very natural and quiet voice in his uncle's presence (who still fully retained his feeling and hearing): 'See, Father, it would be wise for you to consecrate the winding-sheet, for I think that he is about to die soon.' The same indifference is to be observed in a criminal condemned to any punishment. He is seated on his heels on a bamboo bench, smoking. Every few moments the religious enters to give him a Christian word, to which the criminal generally answers: 'Yes, Father, I know quite well that I have to die; what am I to do about it? I am an evil man; God so decrees; such was my fate;' and other things of this sort. He eats regularly, and sleeps as on any other day.... [This] is only one additional proof, and in my opinion, a not slight one, that the Filipino race is inferior, at least in spiritual matters, to our race." (Mas, pp. 128, 129.)

[272] The location of the above quotation is not given in the Ayer MS., but is given in both M. and D.

[273] D. reads "chatcere."

[274] Possibly a reference to Proverbs ii instead of xx (where there is nothing that corresponds to this passage). The translation of the above is: "I walk in the ways of justice, in the midst of the paths of judgment, so that I may call myself diligent."

[275] This is not quoted correctly, but should be: Venite ad me omnes, qui laboratis et onerati estis, et ego reficiam vos. The editor of D. has emended this passage.

[276] This is the wrong reference. In the King James version, it is lxxii, 13, and in the Douay version, lxxi, 13.

[277] i.e., "For to him that is little, mercy is granted." This is not in M.

[278] The remainder of this paragraph, and all the next, are lacking in M.

[279] i.e., "No sacrifice is more acceptable to God than the zeal for souls."

[280] i.e., "Ye therefore, my friends who are in the world, proceed with security, and cry out and announce my will. I will dwell in your heart and in your mouth: I will be your leader on the way, and you consolation at death. I will not leave you. Proceed with eagerness, for glory increases from the labor." D. reads "audacter," "boldly," instead of "alacriter." M. gives but a portion of the citation.

[281] This quotation is not exact, the correct version being as follows: Patientia enim vobis necessaria est: ut voluntatem Dei facientis, reportetis promissionem. It is not in M.

[282] In D. "placing."

[283] M. is the only one of the three versions of this letter that locates this citation correctly. We adopt the reading of the Latin Vulgate, as San Agustin has not quoted exactly.

[284] M. and D. omit these last four words.

[285] M. and D. read "variety of combinations of."

[286] Of the remainder of the letter, Delgado says (p. 323): "In regard to all the rest that the reverend writer adds, concerning the manner in which those who live with the Indians ought to comport themselves, I have nothing more to say or to add. For it is all well written and noted, and those who come new to these islands will do very well to read it and to do as the reverend father prescribes, teaching the Indians to read and write and other knowledge, for they have great capacity for all and at the same time, civilization, which is very necessary to them; and where they fail and sin, punish them as children, and not as slaves. By so doing they will obtain from them whatever they wish."

Mas says (pp. 130, 131) of the advice given by San Agustin "I would be very glad, and it would be very advantageous for them, if all the Spaniards would adopt this system which is both wise and unique. But quite to the contrary, many persons think that the Filipinos ought to understand them at the slightest insinuation and very readily. For any fault they become impatient and call the Filipinos brutes, and carabaos, and express themselves in the presence of the Filipinos in the most violent manner, and in the most insulting terms about the race in general, even to the point of wishing to destroy them and other barbarous and sanguinary ideas of which their heart is not capable. And they do not take note that such outbreaks of wrath only serve the purpose of confusing the Filipinos, rendering them more stupid, and rousing up hatred against them and all the Spaniards."

[287] In M. "mildly."

[288] M. gives the reference wrongly as the nineteenth verse.

[289] i.e., "Care must, in fact, be taken that the teacher and the father and the mother give discipline to their subjects."

[290] Not in M.

[291] In D. "and the merit lies in the patience."

[292] i.e., "Help the poor because of the commandment; and send him not away empty-handed because of his poverty, etc." M. and D. add the thirteenth verse, as follows: Perde pecuniam propter fratrem et amicum tuum, et non abscondas illam sub lapide in perditionem. The English of this is: "Lose thy money for thy brother and thy friend: and hide it not under a stone to be lost." To the above paragraph M. and D. add the following: "For the merit becomes greater in proportion to their ingratitude if we fulfil our obligation and if they act according to their disposition. For, as says the royal prophet David (Psalm xxxvi, 21), Mutuabitur peccator, et non solvet: justus autem miseretur et tribuet."

[293] This paragraph is divided into two paragraphs in M. and D. and is very much abridged. It is as follows: "It is necessary that those Indians who are taken as servants, be shown no love if they are children, but always uprightness, for one must consider it as most certain that in proportion as they are better clothed and caressed, the worse they will become when they grow up. This is the teaching of the Holy Spirit: [the verse from Proverbs as above follows]. They must be treated with great uprightness and prudence, for otherwise they will gradually lose their respect to the character that God presents to them in the Spaniard. [The fable of King Log follows as above.]"

[294] i.e., "He who blows his nose too violently generally draws forth blood."

[295] M. and D. make two paragraphs of the above, and read as follows: "One must not press them to give more of themselves than they can, as we do with the lemon, for that which will be expressed will be bitter, and, as says the proverb [in D.—"and as says a law commentary"] Qui nimis emungit solet extorquere cruorem. We must remember in all this the teaching of the holy Council of Trent, session 13 [in D.—"3"] de reformat, chapter I, whose words, although they are very well worth reading, I omit on account of their length. It is not proper to go up into their houses, except when necessity requires it, keeping therein the evangelical precept (Luke x, 7 [wrongly cited as xx]): Nolite transire de domo in domum. For one will lose much in estimation, while their vices [in D.—"coldness"] do not make this a desirable diversion."

[296] M. and D. add: "anything is entrusted to them." The remainder of San Agustin's letter is omitted in D.

[297] M. and D. add here: "for thus does the Holy Spirit advise us."

"One day a friend of mine ordered a servant in my presence to go to a certain house to ask in his name for the last gazettes from Europa. I advised my friend to give the servant a note, since the latter would doubtless give expression to some bit of nonsense. He took no notice of me, and sent the servant. In fact, the man understood "aceite" [i.e., "olive oil"], for "gaceta" [i.e., "gazette"], and returned with a bottle of olive oil. His master was very much put out, while I burst into a roar of laughter. A peculiar thing is often observed in servants, namely, when one of them is ordered, 'Go to the house of Don Antonio,' before the message is finished the servant begins to go; and one has to call him back and say to him, 'But, man alive, where are you going?' and, if he is allowed to go, he reaches his destination and says that he has been sent there, and then returns whence he came, or utters some foolish remark." (Mas, p. 133.)

[298] In the Vulgate, the last word of the Latin in this citation is eum.

[299] i.e., "at least in passing." This is not in M.

[300] M. reads "denude themselves of their customs."

[301] M. reads: "For the Indian who is ordained does not give himself a trade because of the more perfect estate."

[302] M. has instead of "from the oar," "from handling a bolo."

[303] Spanish, la cuna del mismo palo; another application of an old Spanish proverb.

[304] M. adds "and those farthest from Manila, where also the remedy is very far away."

[305] Spanish, sobre quitame alla esas pajas—literally, "regarding 'carry away these straws from me,'" defined by the Academy's dictionary as, "about a thing of little importance or value."

[306] Picota: "a column [the insignia of jurisdiction] or gibbet of stone, which is usually placed at the entrances of towns or villages; on which are ignominiously exposed the heads of persons executed or of criminals" (Barcia, Dicc. etimologico).

[307] M. adds "to the father cura." The reason for this letter may be found possibly in this paragraph, in the hostility of the religious orders to admitting the Filipinos to the priesthood.

[308] M. reads "How well it could be subdued and composed."

[309] M. adds "in his happiness."

[310] M. reads: "And while they were all gallantly seated in the hall, and she was, very finely adorned with jewels, in the room, surrounded by many ladies."

[311] M. reads: "The bride spied the mouse from a long distance, and, not being able to restrain herself out of respect for that function, she arose and began to run the length of the hall. She overthrew the people, and they were unable to restrain the fair bride, and cause her to desist from her undertaking. The angry groom said to them."

[312] The rest of this sentence reads in M., "even though they should become bishops."

[313] Matthew xxv, 21.

[314] i.e., "The priesthood is the apex of all good things which exist among men."

St. Ignatius the Martyr was born about the middle of the first century of the Christian era, and is said to have been baptized by the apostle John. He was bishop of Antioch for forty years. Arrested by the Roman authorities because of his preaching, he was sent to Rome, where he was killed by wild beasts in the arena, probably about 107 A. D. He met the famous Polycarp while on his way to Rome. Many epistles exist which are said to have been written by him, although some of them are probably spurious. His day is celebrated on February 1. See S. Baring-Gould (ut supra), ii, pp. 1-5, and New International Encyclopaedia.

[315] i.e., "Concerning the dignity of the priesthood." M. adds: "Nihil est in hoc secula excelentius sacerdotibus [i.e., 'There is nothing more excellent in this world than the priesthood']; and above, horur igitur, et sublimitas sacerdotalis nullis poterit compurationibus adequari si regum fulgori compares, et principum Diademati longe erit inferius, quam si plumbi metallum aduri fugorem compares. [i.e., "Therefore the priestly reverence and height can be equaled by no comparisons. If it be compared to the splendor of kings and the diadem of princes, the comparison is far more inferior than if the metal lead were compared to gleaming gold."] And of this Father Don Antonio Molina speaks at length in his admirable book."

[316] St. Ambrose was one of the four doctors of the western church. He was born at Treves about 340 A. D., and received a good education in Rome, and entered into the Roman civil service. Elected to the office of bishop of Milan, in what was regarded as a miraculous manner, he soon became one of the great strongholds of the young religion of Christianity. To him was due the honor of receiving the great Augustine into the Church. His death occurred in 397 A. D. His day is celebrated on December 7; and in Milan he is regarded as a patron saint. The Ambrosian Library of that city is named for him. See S. Baring-Gould (ut supra), xv, pp. 74-104; and New International Encyclopaedia.

[317] Antonio de Molina was a Spanish theologian, who was born at Villa-Nueva-de-los-Infantes (Castilla). Entering the Augustinian order, he taught theology, until he later retired to the house at Miradores, where he died September 12, 1612. He wrote a book called Instruccion de Sacerdotes, which was published in various places in Spain, and later translated into various languages, among them the Latin. See Hoefer's Nouvelle biographie generale, xxxv, col. 892.

[318] Paulo Segneri, S.J. was one of the most illustrious men that the Jesuit order has produced. He was a native of Nettuno, Italy, being born March 22, 1624, and entered the Society December 2, 1637. He early became deaf through his excessive study. After teaching the humanities and rhetoric, he became a preacher and missionary, traversing Italy on his missionary journeys during the years 1665-1692. In 1692 he was called to Rome by Innocent XII, to take the place of his preacher-in-ordinary. His death occurred at Rome, December 9, 1694. His influence on Italy is ranked by some only second to that of Savonarola. His style in writing is regarded as of chief rank in purity and accuracy for his century. His writings were numerous, and have been translated into many languages, some of them into Greek and Arabian. The book mentioned in the text is Il parroco instruito: opera in cui si dimostra a qualsisia curato novello il debito che lo strigne, e la via da tenerse nell' adempirlo (Firenze, 1692). See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque; and Hoefer (ut supra), xliii, cols. 685, 686.

[319] The dignity of patriarch in the Catholic church (leaving aside the papal rank) is the highest grade in the hierarchy of jurisdiction. Antioch early occupied a high place among the patriarchates, although with the lapse of time it lost its high position; and finally, after the schism between the eastern and western churches, the appointee to that dignity did not actually assume the office. See Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, pp. 35, 36, and 640. The patriarch mentioned in the text was the famous Cardinal Charles Thomas Millard de Tournon. See Vol. XXVIII, p. 118, and note 56; Concepcion, ix, pp. 1-123; and Cretineau-Joly, v, pp. 38-54.

[320] These last two sentences are missing in M.

[321] At this point the letter proper in M. ends with the words: "May God preserve you for many years," and no signature follows. This is followed by the questions for men and women of Murillo Velarde.

[322] In the text, legitimos; probably a transcriber's error for ilegitimos ("of illegitimate birth").

Other papal letters give leave to dispense with the above classes, who could not, otherwise, be promoted to holy orders. Both classes could, also, be raised to church dignities, but only to minor dignities, and not to high ones as bishoprics, etc. The distinction between espurios and [i]legitimos seems merely to have been a legal one, as both terms mean the same in effect.—Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[323] i.e., "It was lately related to us."

[324] In the copy of this letter conserved in the collection of Fray Eduardo Navarro of the Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid, Spain (of which we have the transcription of a few pages at the end), this word reads divina.

[325] Antonio (not Pedro) Urceo, who was also called Codrus, was an erudite Italian, who was born August 14, 1446 at Rubiera, and died at Bologna in 1500. He was a good educator of youth, but of choleric temper. While acting as tutor in one of the noble Italian families, a fire destroyed most of his papers, which so worked upon him that he retired into almost complete seclusion for six months. In 1482 he went to Bologna, where he taught grammar and eloquence. Although during his life he gave doubts of his orthodoxy, his death was all that could have been wished. His works were published in four editions, the first being at Bologna in 1502, under the title In hoc Codri Volumine haec continentur Orationes, seu sermones ut ipse appelabat Epistolae. Silvae. Satyrae. Eglogae. Epigrammata. The translation of the above citation is as follows:

"Although thou be freeborn and sprung from noble parents; Still even yet thou mayst be a base beast. Add that thou art an honor to thy country, and claim the noblest kin; Still even yet thou mayst be a base beast. Thou mayst have wealth, thou mayst have abundance of elegant furniture; Still even yet thou mayst be a base beast. In short, whatever thou shalt be, unless thou have prudence, I declare that thou wilt ever be a base beast."

Of the native priests of the Philippines, Delgado says (pp. 293-296): "I know some seculars in the islands, who although Indians, can serve as an example and confusion to the European priests. I shall only bring forward two examples: one, the bachelor Don Eugenio de Santa Cruz, judge-provisor of this bishopric of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and calificador of the Holy Office, a full blooded Indian and a native of Pampanga. And inasmuch as the author of this letter confesses that the Pampangos are a different people, I shall name another, namely, the bachelor Don Bartolome Saguinsin, a Tagalog, a cura of the district of Quiape (outside the walls of Manila), an Indian, and a native of the village of Antipolo. I knew his parents, and had friendly relations with them while I was minister in that village. Both men were esteemed for their abilities and venerated for their virtues, in Tagalos and Visayas." In addition, "those reared in any of the four colleges in Manila, for the clerical estate are all the sons of chiefs, people of distinction among the Indians themselves, and not of the timaua, or of the class of olipon, as the Visayan says, or maharlica or alipin, as the Tagalog calls the slaves and freedmen. The reverend fathers of St. Dominic or of the Society rear these boys and instruct them in virtue and learning; and if they have any of the vices of Indians, these are corrected and suppressed by the teaching and conversation of the fathers. Furthermore, when the most illustrious bishops promote any of these men to holy orders, they do not proceed blindly, ordering any one whomever to be advanced—but only with great consideration and prudence, and after informing themselves of his birth and his morals, and examining and testing him first before the ministry of souls is entrusted to him; and to say the contrary is to censure the most illustrious prelates, to whom we owe so much veneration and reverence. Furthermore, there are among these Indians, many (and perhaps most of them) who are as noble, in their line of descent as Indians, as is any Spaniard; and some of them much more than many Spaniards who esteem themselves as nobles in this land. For, although their fate keeps them, in the present order of things, in an almost abject condition, many of them are seigniors of vassals. Their seigniory has not been suppressed by the king, nor can it be suppressed. Such we call cabezas de barangay in Tagalog, and Ginhaopan in Visayan. They and their children and relatives lose nothing of their nobility because they serve the king in cutting timber, in the fleets, or in other personal services which are necessary in this land. As they lose nothing, it is also much honor for them that the king be served by them. Accordingly, there are sargentos-mayor, masters-of-camp, captains, governors of the villages, and lieutenants, and all are Indians of distinction. These would not go to row in a banca, and their hands would certainly be freed from handling a bolo or an ax in the cutting of timber, and their mothers, wives, and daughters would not have become spinners, if it were not for Espana. And although all the Indians seem of one color to the father, this color is well distinguished among them; and they are very respectful to their chiefs and much more so to their priests, even though these be Indians like themselves." Delgado continues by saying that, although some of the native priests have turned out badly, that is not sufficient to condemn them all. It is arbitrary to declare that the Indian enters the priesthood solely for his own comfort, and because of the respect shown him, and not because of the spiritual blessings. Many Spaniards also enter the ecclesiastical estate merely for a living. There are examples of Negro, Japanese, and Chinese priests. "Consequently, it is not to be wondered at that the most illustrious prelates and bishops should ordain Indians here and in Nueva Espana, and in other parts of the Indias."

[326] The date of the Navarro copy is wrongly given as 1725.

[327] Pedro Murillo Velarde was born August 6, 1696, at Villa Laujar, Granada, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at the age of 22. Having entered the Philippine missions, he was long a professor in the university of Manila; and later was rector at Antipolo, visitor to the Mindanao missions, and procurator at Rome and Madrid. He died at the hospital of Puerto Santa Maria, November 30, 1753. Murillo Velarde is one of the more noted among Jesuit writers. His principal works are the following: Cursus juris canonici, hispani et indici (Madrid, 1743); Historia de la provincia de Philipinas de la Compania de Jesus (Manila, 1749); and Geographica historica (Madrid, 1752), in ten volumes. In the Historia (which work we have used freely in the present series, as material for annotation) was published his noted map of the Philippine Islands, the first detailed map of the archipelago; it was made by order of the governor of the island, Valdes Tamon, in 1734.

[328] A kind of sausage composed of lean pork, almonds, pineapple kernels, and honey.

[329] This sentence is missing in Father Navarro's copy.

[330] Literally "lose a foothold."

[331] Delgado here refers to the "Opinion" by Murillo Velarde which is prefixed to vol. i of San Antonio's Chronicas; this is dated at San Miguel, May 19, 1738, and contains a detailed description of the products of the islands—vegetable, animal, and mineral—from which we extract his description of the peoples therein, as follows:

"The natives of these islands are generally called Indians, because these islands are included in the demarcation of the Western Indias—although properly they are in the Eastern hemisphere, because, as they are distant from Espana more than a hundred and eighty degrees of longitude, which makes the half-circuit [of the globe], it necessarily follows that they must be on the side of the East. All the Indians resemble one another, especially in the yellowish-brown color and the flattened nose; and there is little difference between the individuals. In the island of Negros, between Cavitan and Sipalay, I encountered heathen blacks with crinkled hair, as if they were from Guinea. The people who are here called creoles are of a swarthy brown color, with withered skin, and are quite civilized and capable. As for the origin of the Indians, I am inclined to think that they originate from Malayos, on account of the similarity of their language; for by examining on various occasions a Malay (a native of Malaca) who could speak several languages fluently, and a Ternatan, and Lutaos and Subanos, I have ascertained the following: In the Malay, "sky" is called languit, and the same in Tagalog, in Lutao, and Subano; "man" [varon] is lalaqui in Malay, as in the Tagalog and Bisayan; "tongue" is dila in Malay, as in Tagalog; "white" is puti in Malay, as in Tagalog, Subano, and Lutao. In other words the difference is but slight; thus, in Malay "land" is nigri, in Tagalog lupa, in Lutao tana, in Boholan yuta; and "man" [hombre] is in Malay oran, in Tagalog tavo, in Lutao aa, in Subano gatao. The Indians are exceedingly clever in every kind of handiwork, not for inventing, but for imitating what they see. They write beautifully; many of them are tailors and barbers, for they learn both these trades with little effort; and there are among them excellent embroiderers, painters, and silversmiths; and engravers whose work has no equal in all the Indias—and I was even going to place it far ahead of all the rest, if shame had not restrained me—as is very obvious in the many and excellent engravings which they are all the time producing. They are good carvers, gilders, and carpenters. They build vessels for these islands—galleys, galliots, pataches, and ships for the Acapulco trade-route. They are good seamen, artillerists, and divers—for there is hardly an Indian who does not know how to swim very well. They are the pilots of these seas. They excel in making bejuquillos, which are golden chains of delicate and exquisite workmanship. From palm-leaves, rattan, and nito they make hats, and petates or rugs, and mats, that are very handsome, and wrought with various kinds of flowers and other figures. They are noted as mechanics and puppet-players, and make complicated mechanisms which, by means of figures, go through various motions with propriety and accuracy. Some are watchmakers. They make gunpowder, and cast mortars, cannon, and bells. I have seen them make guns, as handsomely constructed as those made in Europe, although I do not think that they would be as substantial and reliable as those. There are in Manila three printing-houses, and all keep Indian workmen; and the errors that they make are not numerous. They have remarkable skill in music; and there is no village, however small, that has not a very respectable musician to officiate in the church. Among them are excellent voices—trebles, contraltos, tenors, and basses; almost all can play on the harp, and there are many violinists, and players on the oboe and flute. It is especially noticeable that not only those whose trade it is to make these instruments do so, but various Indians, through love [for such work], make guitars, harps, flutes, and violins, with their bolos or machetes; and they learn to play these instruments by only seeing them played, and without any special instruction. Almost the same thing occurs in other matters; and on this account it is said that the Indians have their understanding in their eyes, since they so closely imitate what they see. Such are the Indians, when observed on the outside surface of their aspect; but when one penetrates into the interior of their dispositions, peculiarities, and customs, they are a labyrinth, in which the most sagacious man loses his way. They appear ingenious and simple in countenance and words, but they are masters eminent in deceit and feigning; under an apparent simplicity they conceal an artful and crafty dissimulation. I believe that the Indian never fails to deceive, unless when his own interests are hindered. In their lawsuits and business dealings they are like flies, which never quit what they are seeking, no matter how much they are brushed away; and thus they surpass and conquer us. The Chinese say that the Spaniard is fire, and the Indian is water, and that water quenches fire. They neither resent an injury nor thank one for a kindness. If you give them anything, they immediately ask for another. There is no fixed rule for construing them; for each one is needed a new syntax, because they are anomalous. With them the argument is not concluded by induction, since no Indian resembles another, nor even is one like himself; for in the short round of one day he changes his colors oftener than a chameleon, takes more shapes than a Proteus, and has more movements than a Euripus. He who deals with them most knows them least. They are, in fine, a union of contrarieties, which the greatest logician could not reconcile; they are an obscure and confused Chaos, in which species cannot be perceived or formal qualities distinguished; and if I had to define them I would say:

"Obstabatque alijs aliud, quia corpore in vno Frigida pugnabant calidis, humentia siccis, Mollia cum duris, sine pondere habentia pondus."

[332] Alluding to the irregular tides in the straits of Euripus, between Euboea and Greece; during a large part of the month these tides occur as often as eleven to fourteen times during the twenty-four hours. Their irregularity occasioned among the Greeks a proverb, which Delgado here uses.

[333] A name given by the inhabitants of Cuba to the natives of Mexico, and in Vera Cruz to those of the interior. The name is also applied to shrewd and brusque persons. (New Velazquez Dictionary.)

[334] These two rules are respectively: "Evil once, evil is always presupposed;" and "Evil [may spring] from any failing."

[335] These chains were also of Chinese manufacture; apparently the Filipinos took up this industry through their tendency to imitate.

[336] The Lygodium scandens, also called Gnito and nitongputi, a climbing fern found throughout the Philippines. Blanco gives the name of the genus as Ugena. The glossy, wiry stems are used in the making of fine hats, mats, cigarette and cigar cases, etc. See Census of Philippines, iv, p. 166.

[337] The balate is an echinoderm found abundantly in the Visayas, of which Delgado describes three varieties (p. 935): namely the Holothuria scabra (Jager), which is white; the Holothuria atra (Jager), which is black; and the bacongan or Synapta similis (Semper), which is of larger size. The second variety is most esteemed. It was sold dry in the Visayas or taken to Manila and sold, where they were worth thirty-five or forty or even more silver pesos per pico. The Chinese especially esteemed them (and do so yet) and large sums were paid for them in that country. The Filipinos occasionally ate them fresh, but only in the absence of fish.

[338] Juan Francisco de San Antonio was born in Madrid in 1682, and made his profession in the Franciscan order at the age of twenty. In 1724 he brought a mission band to the islands, and spent there the rest of his life. His lifelong employ was in preaching, and as instructor in theology—save fifteen years spent in Indian villages near Manila. He died in that city May 29, 1744, the same year in which the last volume of his Cronicas was published. See Huerta's Estado, p. 537.

[339] These are the Tagablis or Tagabili, also called Tagabelies, Tagabaloy, Taga-bulu, Tagbalooys, etc. Murillo Velarde, in his map, places them west of Caraga and Bislig in Mindanao, but this district has been found to contain only Manobos and Mandayas. They are probably the heathen Malay people living between the bay of Sarangani and Lake Buluan, whence their name, meaning perhaps "people of Buluan." See Blumentritt's Native Tribes of Philippines (Mason's translation), and Census of Philippines, i, p. 476.

[340] The cloth made from abaca alone is called sinamay; that made of abaca and pineapple fiber, jusi; and that from a specially selected grade of abaca, much finer and more difficult to extract than commercial hemp or that used in making other cloths, lupis. See Census of Philippines, iv, p. 19.

[341] Zuniga (Estadismo) mentions the Chinese mestizo population of Tambobong or Malabon (now in Rizal province) as about 7,500. Some of them had acquired by trade property to the value of 40,000 pesos. The tribute collected from all the Chinese mestizos of Luzon numbered 10,500, over 8,000 of which came from the provinces immediately north of Manila—Tondo, Bulacan, and Pampanga. The Chinese mestizo element is very evident today in the provinces of Bulacan and Pampanga, and probably forms the principal element among the native owners of haciendas. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 435, 436, 438.

[342] Spanish, con que se da Borney la mano; literally "shakes hands."

[343] An evident lapsus calami for Legazpi, such as has occurred in other writers.

[344] A Moorish garment resembling a herdsman's jacket, with which the body is covered and girt. It is still used on some festive occasions. (Dicc. Academia, 1726.)

[345] See ante, p. 123, note 48.

[346] Spanish, amusco, pero encendido; the last word, encendido, is literally "kindled," or "glowing"—that is, as here used, evidently referring to a reddish tint given by the blood showing through the skin.

[347] The name of this book is probably the Origen de los Indios de el nuevo mondo, e Indias occidentales (Valencia, 1607; 8vo). Garcia was also the author of a book entitled Historia ecclesiastica y seglar de la Yndia oriental y occidental, y predicacion del sancto evangelio en ella por los apostolos (Baeca, 1626; 8vo).

[348] See this report in Vol. VII, pp. 173-196. See also Vol. XVI, pp. 321-329. But San Antonio quite overlooks the earlier relation by Miguel de Loarca (Vol. V, pp. 34-187).

[349] Antonio de Padua or de la Llave went to the Philippines with Gomez Perez Dasmarinas in 1590. He took the habit March 17, 1591, and professed in the province of San Gregorio March 19, 1592, changing his former name of Gonzalo to Antonio. After studying in the Manila Franciscan convent, he became missionary in the village of San Miguel de Guilinguiling, in 1602, and afterwards in the villages of Paete, Santa Cruz, Siniloan, Lilio, and Pila. He acted as definitor ad interim, from October 7, 1634 to January 13, 1635, and after becoming missionary of Pila was appointed commissary-visitor, holding that office from June 12 to December 16, 1637. He served as definitor again in 1639, and finally died in the Franciscan convent of Mahayhay in 1645. He was the first chronicler of the province of San Gregorio, and wrote the annals of his order from its founding in the Philippines in 1577 to the year 1644, in two volumes; and a life of Geronima de la Asuncion, foundress of the royal convent of Poor Clares in Manila. See Huerta's Estado, pp. 452, 453.

[350] Possibly a misprint for magaanito, as it is called elsewhere.

[351] See ante, p. 191, note 101.

[352] Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala (Manila, 1860) defines tictic as the "song of a nocturnal bird called apira, whence the name was transferred to the bird itself. It is also known by the names of Lapira and Pirapira."

[353] That is, evidently without having enjoyed any of the fruits of the theft.

[354] The Spanish edition of Juan de Solorzano Pereyra's Disputationem de Indiarum jure (Matriti, 1629-39; 2 vols., fol.), and of which later editions were published. The title of the first edition of the Spanish work is Politica Indiana sacada en lengua castellana de los dos tomos del derecho i govierno municipal de las Indias Occidentales que mas copiosamente escribio en la Latina. ... Por el mesmo autor ... Anadidas muchas cosas que no estan en los tomos Latinos (Madrid, 1648, fol.).

[355] i.e., Sunday, Domingo being the Spanish word; evidence that this method of styling the week was evolved after the conquest.

[356] See Vol. III, p. 161, note 42.

[357] The distance from the extremity of the thumb to the extremity of the index finger, when outstretched; hence a span.

[358] For the above weights and measures, see Vols. III, p. 71, note 20; p. 184, note 50; p. 253, note 87; and XV, p. 179, note 116. See also Census of Philippines, i, p. 327; and iv, pp. 447-457 (a long list of weights and measures, with many tables, used in the Philippines).

THE END

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