While he staid here, the General with his Men went out every Morning betimes, and did not return till four or five a Clock in the Afternoon, and he would often complement us, by telling us what good Trust and Confidence he had in us, saying that he left his Women and Goods under our Protection, and that he thought them as secure with us six, (for we had all our Arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his own Men to guard them. Yet for all this great Confidence, he always left one of his principal Men, for fear some of us should be too familiar with his Women.

They did never stir out of their own Room when the General was at Home, but as soon as he was gone out, they would presently come into our Room, and sit with us all Day, and ask a Thousand Questions of us concerning our English Women, and our Customs. You may imagine that before this time, some of us had attained so much of their Language as to understand them, and give them Answers to their Demands. I remember that one Day they asked how many Wives the King of England had? We told them but one, and that our English Laws did not allow of any more. They said it was a strange Custom, that a Man should be confined to one Woman; some of them said it was a very bad Law, but others again said it was a good Law; so there was a great Dispute among them about it. But one of the General's Women said positively, That our Law was better than theirs, and made them all silent by the Reason which she gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we called her, for she did always Accompany the General whenever he was called out to Engage his Enemies, but the rest did not.

By this Familiarity among the Women, and by often discoursing [with] them, we came to be acquainted with their Customs and Priviledges. The General lies with his Wives by turns; but she by whom he had the first Son, has a double Portion of his Company: For when it comes to her turn, she has him two Nights, whereas the rest have him but one. She with whom he is to lye at Night, seems to have a particular Respect shewn her by the rest all the precedent Day; and for a Mark of distinction, wears a striped silk Handkerchief about her Neck, by which we knew who was Queen that Day.

We lay here about five or six Days, but did never in all that time see the least sign of any Beef, which was the Business we came about; neither were we suffered to go out with the General to see the wild Kine, but we wanted for nothing else: However, this did not please us, and we often importuned him to let go out among the Cattle. At last he told us, That he had provided a Jar of Rice-drink to be merry with us, and after that we should go with him.

This Rice-drink is made of Rice boiled and put into a Jar, where it remains a long time steeping in Water. I know not the manner of making it, but it is very strong pleasant Drink. The Evening when the General designed to be merry, he caused a Jar of this Drink to be brought into our Room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his Men; so they took turns till they were all as drunk as Swine, before they suffered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank, and they drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt about our Room a little while; but having his Load soon went to sleep.

The next Day we went out with the General into the Savannah, where we had near 100 Men making of a large Pen to drive the Cattle into. For that is the manner of their Hunting, having no Dogs. But I saw not above 8 or 10 Cows, and those as wild as Deer so that we got none this Day: yet the next Day some of his Men brought in 3 Heifers, which they kill'd in the Savannah. With these we returned aboard, they being all that we got there.

Captain Swan was much vext at the Generals Actions; for he promised to supply us with as much Beef as we should want, but now either could not, or would not make good his promise. Besides, he failed to perform his Promise in a bargain of Rice, that we were to have for the iron which he sold him, but he put us off still from time to time, and would not come to any Account. Neither were these all his Tricks; for a little before his Son was Circumcised, (of which I spake in the foregoing Chapter) he pretended a great streight for Money, to defray the Charges of that Day; and therefore desired Captain Swan to lend him about 20 Ounces of Gold; for he knew that Captain Swan had a considerable quantity of Gold in his possession, which the General thought was his own, but indeed [he] had none but what belonged to the Merchants. However he lent it the General, but when he came to an Account with Captain Swan, he told him, that it was usual at such solemn times to make Presents, and that he received it as a Gift. He also demanded Payment for the Victuals that our Captain and his Men did eat at his House. These things startled Captain Swan, yet how to help himself he knew not. But all this, with other inward troubles, lay hard on our Captain's Spirits, and put him very much out of Humour; for his own Company also were pressing him every Day to be gone, because, now was the heighth of the Easterly Monsoon, the only Wind to carry us farther into the Indies.

About this time some of our Men, who were weary and tired with wandring, ran away into the Country and absconded, they being assisted, as was generally believed, by Raja Laut. There were others also, who fearing we should not go to an English Port, bought a Canoa, and designed to go in her to Borneo: For not long before a Mindanao Vessel came from thence, and brought a Letter directed to the chief of the English Factory at Mindanao. This Letter the General would have Captain Swan have opened, but he thought it might come from some of the East-India Merchants whose Affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefore did not open it. I since met Captain Bowry [18] at Achin, and telling him this Story, he said that he sent that Letter, supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao, and by this Letter we also thought that there was an English Factory at Borneo: so here was a mistake on both sides. But this Canoa, wherewith some of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, and threatned the Undertakers very hardly. However, this did not so far discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their Designs taking Air, they were again frustrated by Captain Swan.

The whole Crew were at this time under a general Disaffection, and full of very different Projects; and all for want of Action. The main Division was between those that had Money and those that had none. There was a great Difference in the Humours of these; for they that had Money liv'd ashore, and did not care for leaving Mindanao; whilst those that were poor liv'd Aboard, and urg'd Capt. Swan to go to Sea. These began to be Unruly as well as Dissatisfy'd, and sent ashore the Merchants Iron to sell for Rack and Honey, to make Punch, wherewith they grew Drunk and Quarelsome: Which disorderly Actions deterr'd me from going Aboard; for I did ever abhor Drunkenness, which now our Men that were Aboard abandon'd themselves wholly to.

Yet these Disorders might have been crusht, if Capt. Swan had used his Authority to Suppress them: But he with his Merchants living always ashore, there was no Command; and therefore every Man did what he pleased and encouraged each other in his Villanies. Now Mr. Harthop, who was one of Captain Swan's Merchants, did very much importune him to settle his Resolutions, and declare his Mind to his Men; which at last he consented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his Men to come Aboard the 13th day of January, 1687.

We did all earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose, and therefore were very willing to go Aboard. But unluckily for him, two days before this Meeting was to be, Captain Swan sent Aboard his Gunner, to fetch something ashore out of his Cabbin. The Gunner rummaging to find what he was sent for, among other things took out the Captain's Journal from America to the Island Guam, and laid [it] down by him. This Journal was taken up by one John Read, a Bristol man, whom I have mentioned in my 4th Chapter. He was a pretty Ingenious young Man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was also accounted a good Artist, and kept a Journal, and was now prompted by his curiosity, to peep into Captain Swan's Journal, to see how it agreed with his own; a thing very usual among Seamen that keep Journals, when they have an opportunity, and especially young Men, who have no great experience. At the first opening of the Book, he lights on a place in which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most of his Men, especially against another John Reed a Jamaica man. This was such stuff as he did not seek after: But hitting so pat on this subject, his curiosity led him to pry farther; and therefore while the Gunner was busie, he convey'd the Book away, to look over it at his leisure. The Gunner having dispatch'd his business, lock'd up the Cabbin-door, not missing the Book, and went ashore. Then John Reed shewed it to his Namesake, and to the rest that were aboard, who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work upon it. Therefore looking on what was written in this Journal to be matter sufficient for them to accomplish their Ends, Captain Teat, who as I said before, had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be revenged for his Injuries, and aggravated the matter to the height; perswading the Men to turn out Captain Swan from being Commander, in hopes to have commanded the Ship himself. As for the Sea-men they were easily perswaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this long and tedious Voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home, and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. It was only want of being busied in some Action that made them so uneasie; therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately all that were aboard bound themselves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out, and to conceal this design from those that were ashore, until the Ship was under Sail; which would have been presently, if the Surgeon or his Mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they thought it no Prudence to go to Sea without a Surgeon: Therefore the next Morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy, to hasten off either the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the Men in the Night broke his Leg by falling into the Hold. The Surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next Day with the Captain, and would not come before: but sent his Mate, Herman Coppinger.

This Man sometime before this, was sleeping at his Pegallies, and a Snake twisted himself about his Neck; but afterwards went away without hurting him. In this Country it is usual to have the Snakes come into the Houses, and into the Ships too; for we had several come aboard our Ship when we lay in the River. But to proceed, Herman Coppinger provided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his Men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him, neither of us mistrusted what was designing by those aboard, till we came thither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the Surgeon off; for now, having obtained their Desires, the Canoa was sent ashore again immediately, to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but not to tell the Reason, lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it.

The 13th Day in the Morning they weighed, and fired a Gun: Capt. Swan immediately sent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his chief Mate, to see what the matter was: To him they told all their Grievances, and shewed him the Journal. He perswaded them to stay till the next day, for an Answer from Captain Swan and the Merchants. So they came to an Anchor again, and the next Morning Mr. Harthop came aboard: He perswaded them to be reconciled again, or at least to stay and get more Rice: But they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he was aboard. Yet at Mr. Harthop's Perswasion they promised to stay till 2 a Clock in the Afternoon for Captain Swan, and the rest of the Men, if they would come aboard; but they suffered no Man to go ashore, except one William Williams that had a wooden Leg, and another that was a Sawyer.

If Capt. Swan had yet come aboard, he might have dash'd all their designs; but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any Prudence and Courage would have done, nor sent till the time was expired. So we left Captain Swan and about 36 Men ashore in the City, and 6 or 8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the most of which died by Poison. The Natives are very expert at Poisoning, and do it upon small occasions: Nor did our Men want for giving Offence, through their general Rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with their Women, even before their Faces. Some of their Poisons are slow and lingering; for we had some now aboard who were Poison'd there; but died not till some Months after.



CHAP. XIV

They depart from the River of Mindanao. Of the time lost or gain'd in sailing round the World: With a Caution to Seamen, about the allowance they are to take for difference of the Suns declination. The South Coast of Mindanao. Chambongo Town an Harbour with its Neighbouring Keys. Green Turtle. Ruins of a Spanish Fort. The Westermost point of Mindanao. Two Proes of the Sologues laden from Manila. An Isle to the West of Sebo. Walking Canes. Isle of Batts, very large; and numerous Turtles and Manatee. A dangerous Shoal. They sail by Panay belonging to the Spaniards, and others of the Philippine Islands. Isle of Mindora. Two Barks taken. A further account of the Isle Luconia, and the City and Harbour of Manila. They go off Pulo Condore to lye there. The Shoals of Pracel, &c. Pulo Condore. The Tar-tree. The Mango. Grape-tree. The Wild or Bastard Nutmeg. Their Animals. Of the Migration of the Turtle from place to place. Of the Commodious Situation of Pulo Condore; its Water and its Cochinchinese Inhabitants. Of the Malayan Tongue. The Custom of prostituting their Women in these Countries, and in Guinea. The Idolatry here, at Tunquin, and among the Chinese Seamen, and of a Procession at Fort St. George. They refit their Ship. Two of them dye of Poyson they took at Mindanao. They take in Water, and a Pilot for the Bay of Siam. Puly Uby; and Point of Cambodia. Two Cambodian Vessels. Isles in the Bay of Siam. The tight Vessels and Seamen of the Kingdom of Champa. Storms. A Chinese Jonk from Palimbam in Sumatra. They come again to Pulo Condore. A bloody Fray with a Malayan Vessel. The Surgeon's and the Author's desires of leaving their Crew.

The 14th Day of January, 1687, at 3 of the Clock in the Afternoon we sailed from the River of Mindanao, designing to cruise before Manila. [19]

[During their stay at Mindanao the English first notice the change of time due to their having journeyed westward. There and in other places they find the people reckoning a full day ahead of themselves, due to the fact that the Portuguese had journeyed thither to the eastward. The computation at the Ladrones is the same as their own. "But how the reckoning was at Manila, and the rest of the Spanish Colonies in the Philippine Islands, I know not; whether they keep it as they brought it, or corrected it by the Accounts of the Natives, and of the Portuguese, Dutch and English, coming the contrary way from Europe."]

We had the Wind at N.N.E. fair clear Weather, and a brisk Gale. We coasted to the Westward, on the South-side of the Island of Mindanao, keeping within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Shore. The Land from hence tends away W. by S. It is of a good height by the Sea, and very woody, and in the Country we saw high Hills.

The next Day we were abrest of Chambongo [i.e., Zamboanga]; a Town in this Island, and 30 Leagues from the River of Mindanao. Here is said to be a good Harbour, and a great Settlement, with plenty of Beef and Buffaloe. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly fortified here also: There are two shoals lie off this place, 2 or 3 Leagues from the Shoar. From thence the Land is more low and even; yet there are some Hills in the Country.

About 6 Leagues before we came to the West-end of the Island Mindanao, we fell in with a great many small low Islands or Keys, and about two or three Leagues to the Southward of these Keys, there is a long Island stretching N.E. and S.W. about 12 Leagues. [20] This Island is low by the Sea on the North-side, and has a Ridge of Hills in the middle, running from one end to the other. Between this Isle and the small Keys, there is a good large Channel: Among the Keys also there is a good depth of Water, and a violent Tide; but on what point of the Compass it flows, I know not, nor how much it riseth and falls.

The 17th Day we anchored on the East-side of all these Keys, in 8 fathom Water, clean Sand. Here are plenty of green Turtle, whose flesh is as sweet as any in the West Indies: but they are very shy. A little to the Westward of these Keys, on the Island Mindanao, we saw abundance of Coco-nut Trees: Therefore we sent our Canoa ashore, thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any; but great Tracts of Hogs, and great Cattle; and close by the Sea there were Ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a good heighth, built with Stone and Lime; and by the Workmanship seem'd to be Spanish. From this place the Land trends W.N.W. and it is of an indifferent heighth by the Sea. It runs on this point of the Compass 4 or 5 Leagues, and then the Land trends away N.N.W. 5 or 6 Leagues farther, making with many bluff Points.

We weigh'd again the 14th Day, and went thro' between the Keys; but met such uncertain Tides, that we were forced to anchor again. The 22d day we got about the Westermost Point of all Mindanao, and stood to the Northward, plying under the Shore, and having the Wind at N.N.E. a fresh Gale. As we sailed along further, we found the Land to trend N.N.E. On this part of the Island the Land is high by the Sea, with full bluff Points, and very woody. There are some small Sandy Bays, which afford Streams of fresh Water.

Here we met with two Prows [i.e., praus] belonging to the Sologues, one of the Mindanaian Nations before mentioned. They came from Manila laden with Silks and Calicoes. We kept on this Western part of the Island steering Northerly, till we came abrest of some other of the Philippine Islands, that lay to the Northward of us; then steered away towards them; but still keeping on the West-side of them, and we had the Winds at N.N.E.

The 3d of February we anchored in a good Bay on the West side of the Island, in Lat. 9 d. 55 min. where we had 13 Fathom-water, good soft Oaze. This Island hath no Name that we could find in any Book, out lieth on the West side of the Island Sebo. [21] It is about 8 or 10 Leagues long, mountainous and woody. At this place Captain Read, who was the same Captain Swan had so much railed against in his Journal, and was now made Captain in his room (as Captain Teat was made Master, and Mr. Henry More Quarter-Master) ordered the Carpenters to cut down our Quarter-Deck, to make the Ship snug, and the fitter for sailing. When that was done, we heeled her, scrubbed her Bottom, and tallowed it. Then we fill'd all our Water, for here is a delicate small run of Water.

The Land was pretty low in this Bay, the Mould black and fat, and the Trees of several Kinds, very thick and tall. In some places we found plenty of Canes, [22] such as we use in England for Walking-Canes. These were short-jointed, not above two Foot and a half, or two Foot ten Inches the longest, and most of them not above two Foot. They run along on the Ground like a Vine; or taking hold of the Trees, they climb up to their very tops. They are 15 or 20 Fathom long, and much of a bigness from the Root, till within 5 or 6 Fathom of the end. They are of a pale green Colour, cloathed over with a Coat of short thick hairy Substance, of a dun Colour; but it comes off by only drawing the Cane through your Hand. We did cut many of them, and they proved very tough heavy Canes.

We saw no Houses, nor sign of Inhabitants; but while we lay here, there was a Canoa with 6 Men came into this Bay; but whither they were bound, or from whence they came, I know not. They were Indians, and we could not understand them.

In the middle of this Bay, about a Mile from the Shore, there is a small low woody Island, not above a Mile in Circumference; our Ship rode about a Mile from it. This Island was the Habitation of an incredible number of great Batts, with Bodies as big as Ducks, or large Fowl, and with vast Wings: For I saw at Mindanao one of this sort, and I judge that the Wings stretcht out in length, could not be less assunder than 7 or 8 Foot from tip to tip; for it was much more than any of us could fathom with our Arms extended to the utmost. The Wings are for Substance like those of other Batts, of a Dun or Mouse colour. The Skin or Leather of them hath Ribs running along it, and draws up in 3 or 4 Folds; and at the joints of those Ribs and the Extremities of the Wings, there are sharp and crooked Claws, by which they may hang on any thing. [A further description of the great bats and their habits follows.] At this Isle also we found plenty of Turtle and Manatee, but no Fish.

We stay'd here till the 10th of February, 1687, and then having compleated our Business, we sailed hence with the Wind at North. But going out we struck on a Rock, where we lay two Hours: It was very smooth Water, and the Tide of Flood, or else we should have lost our Ship. We struck off a great piece of our Rudder, which was all the damage that we received, but we more narrowly mist losing our Ships this time, than in any other in the whole Voyage. This is a very dangerous Shoal, because it does not break, unless probably it may appear in foul Weather. It lies about two mile to the Westward, without the small Batt Island. Here we found the Tide of Flood setting to the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward.

After we were past this Shoal, we Coasted along by the rest of the Philippine Islands, keeping on the West-side of them. Some of them appeared to be very Mountainous dry Land. We saw many Fires in the Night as we passed by Panay, a great Island settled by Spaniards, and by the Fires up and down it seems to be well settled by them; for this is a Spanish Custom, whereby they give Notice of any Danger or the like from Sea; and 'tis probable they had seen our Ship the day before. This is an unfrequented Coast, and 'tis rare to have any Ship seen there. We touched not at Panay, nor any where else; tho' we saw a great many small Islands to the Westward of us, and some Shoals, but none of them laid down in our Draughts.

The 18th Day of Feb. we anchored at the N.W. end of the Island Mindora, [23] in 10 Fathom-water, about 3 quarters of a Mile from the Shore. Mindora is a large Island; the middle of it lying in Lat. 13. about 40 Leagues long, stretching N.W. and S.E. It is High and Mountainous, and not very Woody. At this Place where we anchored the Land was neither very high nor low. There was a small Brook of Water, and the Land by the Sea was very Woody, and the Trees high and tall, but a League or two farther in, the Woods are very thin and small. Here we saw great tracks of Hogs and Beef, and we saw some of each, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none.

While we were here, there was a Canoa with 4 Indians came from Manila. They were very shy of us a while: but at last, hearing us speak Spanish, they came to us, and told us, that they were going to a Fryer that liv'd at an Indian Village towards the S.E. end of the Island. They told us also, that the Harbour of Manila is seldom or never without 20 or 30 Sail of Vessels, most Chinese, some Portugueze, and some few the Spaniards have of their own. They said, that when they had done their business with the Fryer they would return to Manila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 Days time. We told them, that we came for a Trade with the Spaniards at Manila, and should be glad if they would carry a Letter to some Merchant there, which they promised to do. But this was only a pretence of ours, to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their Shipping, Strength, and the like, under Colour of seeking a Trade; for our business was to pillage. Now if we had really designed to have Traded there, this was as fair an opportunity as Men could have desired: for these Men could have brought us to the Frier that they were going to, and a small Present to him would have engaged him to do any kindness in the way of Trade: for the Spanish Governors do not allow of it, and we must Trade by stealth.

The 21st Day we went from hence with the Wind at E.N.E. a small gale. The 23d Day in the Morning we were fair by the S.E. end of the Island Luconia, the Place that had been so long desired by us. We presently saw a Sail coming from the Northward, and making after her we took her in 2 Hours time. She was a Spanish Bark, that came from a place called Pangasanam, a small town on the N. end of Luconia, as they told us; probably the same with Pagassinay, which lies on a Bay at the N. W. side of the Island. She was bound to Manila but had no goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away.

The 23d. we took another Spanish Vessel that came from the same place of the other. She was laden with Rice and Cotton-Cloth, and bound for Manila also. These Goods were purposely for the Acapulco Ship: The Rice was for the Men to live on while they lay there, and in their return: and the Cotton-cloth was to make Sail. The Master of this Prize was Boatswain of the Acapulco Ship which escaped us at Guam, and was now at Manila. It was this Man that gave us the Relation of what Strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of the accident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10th Chapter. We took these two Vessels within 7 or 8 Leagues of Manila.

Luconia I have spoken of already: but I shall now add this further account of it. It is a great Island, taking up between 6 and 7 degrees of Lat. in length, and its breadth near the middle is about 60 Leagues; but the ends are narrow. The North end lies in about 19 d. North Lat. and the S. end in about 12 d. 30 m. This great Island hath abundance of small Keys or Islands lying about it; especially at the North-end. The South-side fronts towards the rest of the Philippine Islands: Of these that are its nearest Neighbours, Mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the Sea or Streight that parts it and the other Islands from Luconia: being called the Streights of Mindora.

The Body of the Island Luconia is composed of many spacious plain Savannahs, and large Mountains. The North-end seems to be more plain and even, I mean freer from Hills, than the South-end: but the Land is all along of a good heighth. It does not appear so flourishing and green as some of the other Islands in this Range; especially that of St. John, Mindanao, Batt Island, &c. yet in some places it is very Woody. Some of the Mountains of this Island afford Gold, and the Savannahs are well stockt with herds of Cattle, especially Buaffaloes[sic]. These Cattle are in great plenty all over the East-Indies; and therefore 'tis very probable that there were many of these here even before the Spaniards come hither. But now there are now also plenty of other Cattle, as I have been told, as Bullocks, Horses, Sheep, Goats, Hogs, &c. brought hither by the Spaniards.

It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, most of them, if not all, under the Spaniards, who now are masters of it. The Native Indians do live together in Towns; and they have Priests among them to instruct them in the Spanish Religion.

Manila the chief, or perhaps the only City, lies at the foot of a ridge of high Hills, facing upon a spacious Harbour near the S.W. point of the Island, in about the Lat. of 14 d. North. It is environ'd with a high strong Wall, and very well fortify'd with Forts and Breast-works. The Houses are large, strongly built, and covered with Pan-tile. The Streets are large and pretty regular; with a Parade in the midst, after the Spanish fashion. There are a great many fair Buildings, beside Churches and other Religious Houses; of which there are not a few.

The Harbour is so large, that some hundreds of Ships may ride here: and is never without many, both of their own and strangers. I have already given you an account of the two Ships going and coming between this place and Acapulco. Besides them, they have some small Vessels of their own; and they do not allow the Portuguese to trade here, but the Chinese are the chiefest Merchants, and they drive the greatest Trade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 Jonks in the Harbour at a time, and a great many Merchants constantly residing in the City, beside Shop-keepers, and Handy-crafts-men in abundance. Small Vessels run up near the Town, but the Acapulco. Ships and others of greater burthen, lye a League short of it, where there is a strong Fort also, and Store-houses to put Goods in.

I had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time, from Mr. Coppinger our Surgeon, for he made a Voyage hither from Porto Nova, a Town on the Coast of Coromandel; in a Portuguese Ship, as I think. Here he found 10 or 12 of Captain Swan's men; some of those that we left at Mindanao. For after we came from thence, they brought a Proe there, by the Instigation of an Irish man, who went by the name of John Fitz-Gerald, a person that spoke Spanish very well; and so in this their Proe they came hither. They had been here but 18 months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Gerald had in this time gotten a Spanish Mustesa Woman to Wife, and a good Dowry with her. He then professed Physick and Surgery, and was highly esteemed among the Spaniards for his supposed knowledge in those Arts: for being always troubled with sore Shins while he was with us, he kept some Plaisters and Salves by him; and with these he set up upon his bare natural stock of knowledge, and his experience in Kibes. But then he had a very great stock of Confidence withal, to help out the other, and being an Irish Roman Catholick, and having the Spanish Language he had a great advantage of all his Consorts; and he alone lived well there of them all. We were not within sight of this Town, but I was shewn the Hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft of them as we lay off at Sea; which I have caused to be engraven among a few others that I took my self:....

[The season for successful operations near Manila having passed, the mutineers decide to go to some islands near the Cambodian shore to wait until about May, the time for the Acapulco galleon, choosing those islands as they were somewhat retired. The prisoners are set ashore on the island of Luzon, and that island is left February 26. On March 14 anchor is cast on Pulo (or Island) Condore, the largest and only inhabited one of those islands which lie in north latitude 8 deg. 40'. A short description of the islands, their products, fauna, and inhabitants (who are Cochinchinese) and some of their customs follows. At this island the ship is careened and refitted. There also "2 of our Men died, who were poison'd at Mindanao, they told us of it when they found themselves poison'd, and had linger'd ever since. They were opened by our Doctor, according to their own Request before they died, and their Livers were black, light and dry, like pieces of Cork." After filling the water-butts anchor is weighed (April 21) and the course taken to Pulo Ubi near Siam, reaching that island April 23. From that date until May 13 they cruise about the bay of Siam where they are becalmed. May 24 they anchor again at Pulo Condore, together with a Chinese vessel laden with pepper from Sumatra; from its men they learn that the "English were settled in the Island Sumatra, at a place called Sillabar; and the first knowledge we had that the English had any settlement on Sumatra was from these." [24] An attempt there to investigate a Malayan vessel ends fatally for a number of the English; for the Malays, thinking them to be pirates, set upon the boarding party, and kill a number of them. At that island also the surgeon, Herman Coppinger, attempts to escape, but is taken back to the ship. Dampier is only deterred from making the same attempt because he desires a more convenient opportunity. "For neither he nor I, when we were last on board at Mindanao, had any knowledge of the Plot that was laid to leave Captain Swan, and run away with the Ship; and being sufficiently weary of this mad Crew, we were willing to give them the slip at any place from whence we might hope to get a passage to an English Factory."]



CHAP. XV

They leave Pulo Condore, designing for Manila, but are driven off from thence, and from the Isle of Prata, by the Winds, and brought upon the Coast of China. Isle of St. John, on the Coast of the Province of Canton; its Soil and Productions, China Hogs, &c. The Inhabitants; and of the Tartars forcing the Chinese to cut off their Hair. Their Habits, and the little Feet of their Women. China-ware China-roots, Tea, &c. A Village at St. John's Island, and of their Husbandry of their Rice. A Story of a Chinese Pagoda, or Idol-Temple, and Image. Of the China Jonks, and their Rigging. They leave St. John's and the Coast of China. A most outragious Storm. Corpus Sant, a Light, or Meteor appearing in Storms. The Piscadores, or Fishers Islands near Formosa: A Tartarian Garrison, and Chinese Town on one of these Islands. They anchor in the Harbour near the Tartars Garrison, and treat with the Governour. Of Amoy in the Province of Fokieu, and Macao a Chinese and Portuguese Town near Canton in China. The Habits of a Tartarian Officer and his Retinue. Their Presents, excellent Beef. Samciu, a sort of Chinese Arack, and Hocciu a kind of Chinese Mum, and the Jars it is bottled in. Of the Isle of Formosa, and the five Islands; to which they give the Names of Orange, Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat-Islands, in general, the Bashee-Islands. A Digression concerning the different depths of the Sea near high or low Lands. The Soil, &c. as before. The Soil, Fruits and Animals of these Islands. The Inhabitants and their Cloathing. Rings of a yellow Metal like Gold. Their Houses built on remarkable Precipices. Their Boats and Employments. Their Food, of Goat Skins, Entrails, &c. Parcht Locusts. Bashee, or Sugar-cane Drink. Of their Language and Original, Launces and Buffaloe Coats. No Idols, nor civil Form of Government. A young Man buried alive by them; supposed to be for Theft. Their Wives and Children, and Husbandry. Their Manners, Entertainments, and Traffick. Of the Ships first Entercourse with these People, and Bartering with them. Their Course among the Islands; their stay there, and provision to depart. They are driven off by a violent Storm, and return. The Natives Kindness to 6 of them left behind. The Crew discouraged by those Storms, quit their design of Cruising off Manila for the Acapulco Ship; and 'tis resolved to fetch a Compass to Cape Comorin, and so for the Red-Sea.

[The first part of this chapter, as is seen by the above list of contents, relates to China and islands near the Chinese coast. Most of the second half of the chapter relates to the Bashee or Batanes Islands and is as follows.]

We stayed here [i.e., at the Piscador Islands near China] till the 29th Day [of July, 1687], and then sailed from hence with the Wind at S.W. and pretty fair Weather. We now directed our course for some Islands we had chosen to go to, that lye between Formosa and Luconia. They are laid down in our Plots without any name, only with a figure of 5, denoting the number of them. It was supposed by us, that these Islands had no Inhabitants, because they had not any name by our Hydrographers. Therefore we thought to lye there secure, and be pretty near the Island Luconia, which we did still intend to visit.

In going to them we sailed by the South West end of Formosa, leaving it on our Larboard-side. This is a large Island; the South-end is in Lat. 21 d. 20 m. and the North-end in 25 d. 10 m. North Lat. the Longitude of this Island is laid down 142 d. 5 m. to 143 d. 16 m. reckoning East from the Pike of Tenariffe, so that 'tis but narrow; and the Tropick of Cancer crosses it. It is a High and Woody Island, and was formerly well inhabited by the Chinese, and was then frequently visited by English Merchants, there being a very good Harbour to secure their Ships. But since the Tartars have conquered China, they have spoiled the Harbour, (as I have been informed) to hinder the Chinese that were then in Rebellion, from Fortifying themselves there; and ordered the Foreign Merchants to come and Trade on the Main.

The sixth day of August we arrived at the five Islands that we were bound to, and anchored on the East-side of the Northermost Island, in 15 Fathom, a Cable's length from the Shore. Here, contrary to our Expectation, we found abundance of Inhabitants in sight; for there were 3 large Towns all within a League of the Sea; and another larger Town than any of the three, and the backside of a small Hill close by also, as we found afterwards. These Islands lie in Lat. 20 d. 20 m. North Lat. by my Observation, for I took it there, and I find their Longitude according to our Drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. These Islands having no particular Names in the Drafts, some or other of us made use of the Seamens priviledge, to give them what Names we pleased. Three of the Islands were pretty large; the Westermost is the biggest. This the Dutchmen who were among us called the Prince of Orange's Island, in honour of his present Majesty. It is about 7 or 8 Leagues long, and about two Leagues wide; and it lies almost N. and S. The other two great Islands are about 4 or 5 Leagues to the Eastward of this. The Northermost of them, where we first anchored, I called the Duke of Grafton's Isle, as soon as we landed on it; having married my W[i]fe out of his Dutchess's Family, and leaving her at Arlington-house, at my going Abroad. This Isle is about 4 Leagues long, and one League and a half wide, stretching North and South. The other great Island our Seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's Island. This is about a League to the Southward of Grafton Isle. It is about 3 Leagues long, and a League wide, lying as the other. Between Monmouth and the South end of Orange Island, there are two small Islands of a roundish Form, lying East and West. The Eastermost Island of the two, our Men unanimously called Bashee Island, [25] from a Liquor which we drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an Anchor at it. The other, which is the smallest of all, we called Goat Island, from the great number of Goats there; and to the Northward of them all, are two high Rocks.

Orange Island, which is the biggest of them all, is not Inhabited. It is high Land, flat and even on the top, with steep Cliffs against the Sea; for which Reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on all the rest.

[Some general remarks on high and low lands and anchorages nearby follow, in which the author states almost as an axiom that good anchorages are found near low lands, while high rocky lands have poor anchorages.]

But to return from this Digression, to speak of the rest of these Islands. Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very Hilly, with many of those steep inhabited Precipi[c]es on them, that I shall describe particularly. The two small Islands are flat and even; only the Bashee Island hath one steep scraggy Hill, but Goat Island is all flat and very even.

The Mold of these Islands in the Valley, is blackish in some places, but in most red. The Hills are very rocky: The Valleys are well watered with Brooks of fresh Water, which run into the Sea in many different places. The Soil is indifferent fruitful, especially in the Valleys; producing pretty great plenty of Trees (tho' not very big) and thick Grass. The sides of the Mountains have also short Grass; and some of the Mountains have Mines within them, or the Natives told us, That the yellow Metal they shewed us, (as I shall speak more particularly) came from these Mountains; for when they held it up they would point towards them.

The fruit of the Islands are a few Plantains, Bonanoes, Pineapples, Pumkins, Sugar-canes, &c. and there might be more if the Natives would, for the Ground seems fertile enough. Here are great plenty of Potatoes, and Yames, which is the common Food for the Natives, for Bread-kind: For those few Plantains they have, are only used as Fruit. They have some Cotton growing here of the small Plants.

Here are plenty of Goats, and abundance of Hogs; but few Fowls, either wild or tame. For this I have always observed in my Travels, both in the East and West Indies, that in those Places where there is plenty of Grain, that is, of Rice in one, and Maiz in the other, there are also found great abundance of Fowls; but on the contrary, few Fowls in those Countries where the Inhabitants feed on Fruits and Roots only. The few wild Fowls that are here, are Parakites, and some other small Birds. Their tame Fowl are only a few Cocks and Hens.

Monmouth and Grafton Islands are very thick inhabited; and Bashee Island hath one Town on it. The Natives of these Islands are short squat People; they are generally round visaged, with low Foreheads, and thick Eye-brows; their Eyes of a hazle colour, and small, yet bigger than the Chinese; short low Noses, and their Lip and Mouths middle proportioned. Their Teeth are white; their Hair is black, and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it will just cover their Ears, and so it is cut round very even. Their Skins are of a very dark copper colour.

They wear no Hat, Cap, nor Turban, nor any thing to keep off the Sun. The Men for the biggest part have only a small Clout to cover their Nakedness; some of them have Jackets made of Plantain-leaves, which were as rough as any Bear's-skin: I never saw such rugged Things. The Women have a short Petticoat made of Cotton, which comes a little below their Knees. It is a thick sort of stubborn Cloth, which they make themselves of their Cotton. Both Men and Women do wear large Ear-rings, made of that yellow Metal before mentioned. Whether it were Gold or no I cannot positively say: I took it to be so; it was heavy, and of the colour of our paler Gold. I would fain have brought away some to have satisfied my Curiosity; but I had nothing where with to buy any. Captain Read bought two of these Rings with some Iron, of which the People are very greedy; and he would have bought more, thinking he was come to a very fair Market, but that the paleness of the Metal made him and the Crew distrust its being right Gold. For my part, I should have ventured on the purchase of some, but having no property in the Iron, of which we had great store on board, sent from England, by the Merchants along with Captain Swan, I durst not barter it away.

These Rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time makes them fade, and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a soft Paste of red Earth, and smearing it over their Rings, they cast them into a quick Fire, where they remain till they be red hot; then they take them out and cool them in Water, and rub off the Paste; and they look again of a glorious Colour and Lustre.

These People make but small low Houses. The sides which are made of small Posts, watled with Boughs, are not above 4 foot and a half high: the Ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have a Fire-place at one end of their Houses, and Boards placed on the Ground to lye on. They inhabit together in small Villages built on the sides and tops of rocky Hills, 3 or 4 rows of Houses one above another, and on such steep Precipices, that they go up to the first Row with a wooden Ladder, and so with a Ladder still from every Story up to that above it, there being no way to ascend. The Plain on the first Precipice may be so wide, as to have room both for a Row of Houses that stand all along on the Edge or Brink of it, and a very narrow Street running along before their Doors, between the Row of Houses and the foot of the next Precipice; the Plain of which is in a manner level to the tops of the Houses below, and so for the rest. The common Ladder to each Row or Street comes up at a narrow Passage left purposely about the middle of it; and the Street being bounded with a Precipice also at each end, 'tis but drawing up the Ladder, if they be assaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing up as against a perpendicular Wall: And that they may not be assaulted from above, they take care to build on the side of such a Hill, whose backside hangs over the Sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicular Precipice, altogether inaccessible. These Precipices are natural; for the Rocks seem too hard to work on; nor is there any sign that Art hath been employed about them. On Bashee Island there is one such, and built upon, with its back next the Sea. Grafton and Monmouth Isles are very thick set with these Hills and Towns; and the Natives, whether for fear of Pirates, or Foreign Enemies, or Factions among their own Clans, care not for Building but in these Fastnesses; which I take to be the Reason that Orange Isle, though the largest, and as Fertile as any, yet being Level, and exposed, hath no Inhabitants. I never saw the like Precipices and Towns.

These Towns are pretty Ingenious also in building Boats. Their small Boats are much like our Deal Yalls, but not so big; and they are built with very narrow Plank, pinn'd with wooden Pins, and some Nails. They have also some pretty large Boats, which will carry 40 or 50 Men. These they Row with 12 or 14 Oars of a side. They are built much like the small ones, and they Row doubled Banked; that is, two Men setting on one Bench, but one Rowing on one side, the other on the other side of the Boat. They understand the use of Iron, and work it themselves. Their Bellows are like those at Mindanao.

The common Imployment for the Men is Fishing; but I did never see them catch much: Whether it is more plenty at other times of the Year I know not. The Women do manage their Plantations.

I did never see them kill any of their Goats or Hogs for themselves, yet they would beg the Panches of the Goats that they themselves did sell to us: And if any of our surly Seamen did heave them into the Sea, they would take them up again, and the Skins of the Goats also. They would not meddle with Hog-guts, if our Men threw away any beside what they made Chitterlings and Sausages of. The Goat-skins these People would carry ashore, and making a Fire they would singe oft all the Hair, and afterwards let the Skin lie and Pearch on the Coals, till they thought it eatable; and then they would knaw it, and tear it to pieces with their Teeth, and at last swallow it. The Paunches of the Goats would make them an excellent Dish; they drest it in this manner. They would turn out all the Chopt Grass and Crudities found in the Maw into their Pots, and set it over the Fire, and stir it about often: This would Smoak and Puff, and heave up as it was Boyling; wind breaking out of the Ferment, and making a very savory Stink. While this was doing, if they had any Fish, as commonly they had 2 or 3 small Fish, these they would make very clean (as hating nastiness belike) and cut the Flesh from the Bone, and then mince the Flesh as small as possibly they could, and when that in the Pot was well boiled, they would take it up, and strewing a little Salt into it, they would eat it, mixt with their raw minced Flesh. The Dung in the Maw would look like so much boil'd Herbs minc'd very small; and they took up their Mess with their Fingers, as the Moors do their Pilaw, [26] using no Spoons.

They had another Dish made of a sort of Locusts, whose Bodies were about an Inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one's little Finger; with large thin Wings, and long and small Legs. At this time of the Year these Creatures came in great Swarms to devour their Potato-leaves, and other Herbs; and the Natives would go out with small Nets, and take a Quart at one sweep. When they had enough, they would carry them home, and Parch them over the Fire in an earthen Pan; and then their Wings and Legs would fall off, and their Heads and Backs would turn red like boil'd Shrimps, being before brownish. Their Bodies being full, would eat very moist, their Heads would crackle, in one's Teeth. I did eat once of this Dish, and liked it well enough; but their other Dish my Stomach would not take.

Their common Drink is Water; as it is of all other Indians: Beside which they make a sort of Drink with the Juice of the Sugar-cane, which they boil, and put some small black sort of Berries among it. When it is well boiled, they put it into great Jars, and let it stand 3 or 4 days and work. Then it settles and becomes clear, and is presently fit to drink. This is an excellent Liquor, and very much like English Beer, both in Colour and Taste. It is very strong, and I do believe very wholesome: For our Men, who drunk briskly of it all day for several Weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick after it. The Natives brought a vast deal of it every day to those aboard and ashore: For some of our Men were ashore at work on Bashee Island; which Island they gave that Name to from their drinking this Liquor there; that being the Name which the Natives call'd this Liquor by: and as they sold it to our Men very cheap, so they did not spare to drink it as freely. And indeed from the plenty of this Liquor, and their plentiful use of it, our Men call'd all these Islands, the Bashee Islands.

What Language these People do speak I know not: for it had no affinity in sound to the Chinese, which is spoke much through the Teeth; nor yet to the Malayan Language. They called the Metal that their Ear-rings were made of Bullawan, which is the Mindana word for Gold; therefore probably they may be related to the Philippine Indians; for that is the general Name for Gold among all those Indians. I could not learn from whence they have their Iron; but it is most likely they go in their great Boats to the North end of Luconia, and Trade with the Indians of that Island for it. Neither did I see any thing beside Iron, and pieces of Buffaloes Hides, which I could judge that they bought of Strangers: Their Cloaths were of their own Growth and Manufacture.

These Men had Wooden Lances, and a few Lances headed with Iron; which are all the Weapons that they have. Their Armour is a piece of Buffaloe-hide, shaped like our Carters Frocks, being without Sleeves, and sowed both sides together, with holes for the Head and the Arms to come forth. This Buff-Coat reaches down to their Knees: It is close about their Shoulders, but below it is 3 Foot wide, and as thick as a Board.

I could never perceive them to Worship any thing, neither had they any Idols; neither did they seem to observe any one day more than other. I could never perceive that one Man was of greater Power than another; but they seemed to be all equal; only every Man ruling his own House, and the Children Respecting and Honouring their Parents.

Yet 'tis probable that they have some Law, or Custom, by which they are govern'd; for while we lay here we saw a young Man buried alive in the Earth; and 'twas for Theft, as far as we could understand from them. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of People came to the Place to take their last Farewell of him: Among the rest, there was one Woman who made great Lamentation, and took off the condemn'd Person's Ear-rings. We supposed her to be his Mother. After he had taken his leave of her and some others, he was put into the Pit, and covered over with Earth He did not struggle, but yielded very quietly to his Punishment; and they cramm'd the Earth close upon him, and stifled him.

They have but one Wife, with whom they live and agree very well; and their Children live very obediently under them. The Boys go out a Fishing with their Fathers; and the Girls live at home with their Mothers: And when the Girls are grown pretty strong, they send them to their Plantations, to dig Yames and Potatoes; of which they bring home on their Heads every day enough to serve the whole Family; for they have no Rice nor Maize.

Their Plantations are in the Valleys, at a good distance from their Houses; where every Man has a certain spot of Land, which is properly his own. This he manageth himself for his own use; and provides enough, that he may not be beholding to his Neighbour.

Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their Dish of Goats Maw, they are in their Persons a very neat cleanly People, both Men and Women: And they are withal the quietest and civilest People that I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry with one another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship at a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occasion; No noise nor appearance of distaste: and although sometimes cross Accidents would happen, which might have set other Men together by the Ears, yet they were not moved by them. Sometimes they will also drink freely, and warm themselves with their Drink; yet neither then could I ever perceive them out of Humour. They are not only thus civil among themselves, but very obliging and kind to Strangers; nor were their Children rude to us, as is usual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their Houses, would modestly beg any Rags, or small pieces of Cloth, to swaddle their young ones in, holding out their Children to us; and begging is usual among all these wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg so importunely as in other Places; nor did the Men ever beg any thing at all. Neither, except once at the first time we came to an Anchor (as I shall relate) did they steal any thing; but dealt justly, and with great sincerity with us; and made us very welcome to their Houses with Bashee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themselves, they would buy a Jar of Drink of their Neighbours, and sit down with us: for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their Gold for some Jars of Bashee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as these seem to be, I wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual; nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard Stranger's Ships with so little caution: Yet their own small Trading may have brought them to this. At these entertainments they and their Family, Wife and Children drank out of small Callabashes; and when by themselves, they drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them, they would always drink to one of us.

They have no sort of Coin; but they have small Crumbs of the Metal before described, which they bind up very safe in Plantain Leaves, or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, giving a small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 Grains, for a Jar of Drink, that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it by guess. Thus much in general.

To proceed therefore with our Affairs, I have said before, that we anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling our Sails, there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or 4 Men in each; so that our Deck was full of Men. We were at first afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small Arms on our Poop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their Hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. But they were pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old Iron that they found on our Deck, and they also took out our Pump-Bolts, and Linch-Pins out of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At last, one of our Men perceived one of them very busie getting out one of our Linch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out, and all the rest presently leaped overboard, some into their Boats, others into the Sea; and they all made away for the Shore. But when we perceived their Fright, we made much of him that was in hold, who stood Trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a small piece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and swam to his Consorts; who hovered about our Ship to see the Issue. Then we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a Commerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and they were always very Honest and Civil afterward.

We presently after this sent a Canoa ashore, to see their manner of living, and what Provision they had: The Canao's Crew were made very welcome with Bashee drink, and saw abundance of Hogs, some of which they bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives brought aboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats; and every day we should have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our side. These we bought for a small matter; we could buy a good fat Goat for an old Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound of Iron. Their drink also they brought off in Jars, which we bought for old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Besides the fore-mentioned Commodities, they brought aboard great quantities of Yams and Potatoes; which we purchased for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets. It was one Man's work to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into small pieces with a cold Chisel: And these were for the great Purchases of Hogs and Goats, which they would not sell for Nails, as their Drinks and Roots. We never let them know what Store we have, that they may value it the more. Every Morning, as soon as it was light, they would thus come aboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. We did commonly furnish our selves with as many Goats and Roots as served us all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large Quantities, as we thought convenient; for we salted them. Their Hogs were very sweet; but I never saw so many Meazled ones.

We filled all our Water at a curious Brook close by us in Grafton's Isle, where we first anchored. We stayed there about three or four days, before we went to other Islands. We sailed to the Southward, passing on the East-side of Grafton Island, and then passed thro' between that and Monmouth Island; but we found no Anchoring till we came to the North end of Monmouth Island, and there we stopt during one Tide. The Tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a short chopping Sea. Its course among these Islands is S. by E. and N. by W. The Flood sets to the North, and Ebb to the South, and it riseth and falleth 8 Foot.

When we went from hence, we coasted about 2 Leagues to the Southward, on the West side of Monmouth Island; and finding no Anchor-ground, we stood over to the Bashee Island, and came to an Anchor on the North East part of it, against a small sandy Bay, in 7 fathom clean hard Sand, and about a quarter of a Mile from the Shore. Here is a pretty wide Channel between these two Islands, and Anchoring all over it. The Depth of Water is 2, 14, and 16 Fathom.

We presently built a Tent ashore, to mend our Sails in, and stay'd all the rest of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of August till the 26th day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, and scrubb'd our Ships bottom very well; and every day some of us went to their Towns, and were kindly entertained by them. Their Boats also came aboard with their Merchandize to sell, and lay aboard all Day; and if we did not take it off their Hands one Day, they would bring the same again the next.

We had yet the Winds at S.W. and S.S.W. mostly fair Weather. In October we did expect the Winds to shift to the N.E. and therefore we provided to sail (as soon as the Eastern Monsoon was settled) to cruize off at Manila. Accordingly we provided a stock of Provision. We salted 70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good store to eat at Sea.

About the 24th day of September, the Winds shifted about to the East, and from thence to the N.E. fine fair Weather. The 25th it came at N. and began to grow fresh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and the Wind freshened on us.

At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce Storm. We were then riding with our best Bower [27] a Head and though our Yards and Top-mast were down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet-Anchor, veering out a good scope of Cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 a clock the next day. Then the Wind came on so fierce, that she drove again, with both Anchors a-head. The Wind was now at N. by W. and we kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well for us that there were no Islands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, for if there had, we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmost endeavours to stop here, being loath to go to Sea, because we had six of our Men ashore, who could not get off now. At last we were driven off into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer: Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor, and cut away our best Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would have gone near to have foundred us) and so put to Sea. We had very violent Weather the night ensuing, with very hard Rain, and we were forced to scud with our bare Poles till 3 a Clock in the morning. Then the Wind slacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, and lay with our Head to the Westward. The 27th day the Wind abated much, but it rained very hard all day, and the Night ensuing. The 28th day the Wind came about to the N.E. and it cleared up, and blew a hard Gale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the Eastward, thence to the S.E. then to the South, and at last settled at S.W. and then we had a moderate Gale and fair Weather.

It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S.W. Then we made all the Sail we could for the Island again. The 30th day we had the Wind at West, and saw the Islands; but could not get in before night. Therefore we stood off to the Southward till two a Clock in the morning; then we tackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st day of October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.

Then our six men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave 3 whole Bars of Iron, for their kindness and civility, which was an extraordinary to them. Mr. Robert Hall was one of the Men that was left ashore. I shall speak more of him hereafter. He and the rest of them told me, that after the Ship was out of sight, the Natives began to be more kind to them than they had been before, and persuaded them to cut their Hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of them if they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a small Hatchet, and other Iron Utensils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withal shewed them a piece of Land for them to manage. They were courted thus by several of the Town where they then were: but they took up their head quarters at the House of him with whom they first went ashore. When the Ship appeared in sight again, then they importuned them for some Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even above their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Ear-rings, or other Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been assured of its goodness; and yet when it was touch'd and compar'd with other Gold, we could not discern any difference, tho' it look'd so pale in the lump; but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement.

This last Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was not altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the Coast of China, which was still fresh in Memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and frighted them from their design of cruising before Manila, fearing another Storm there. Now every Man wisht himself at home, as they had done an hundred times before: But Captain Read, and Captain Teat the Master, persuaded them to go toward Cape Comorin, and then they would tell them more of their Minds, intending doubtless to cruize in the Red Sea; and they easily prevailed with the Crew.

The Eastern Monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been to go through the Streights of Malacca; but Captain Teat said it was dangerous, by reason of many Islands and Shoals there, with which none of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to go round on the East-side of all the Philippine Islands, and so keeping South toward the Spice Islands, to pass out into the East-Indian Ocean about the Island Timor.

This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether for Sholes; but not for meeting with English or Dutch Ships, which was their greatest Fear. I was well enough satisfied, knowing that the farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I should get, which was the main Thing that I regarded; and should also have the more variety of Places to attempt an Escape from them, being fully resolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip.



CHAP. XVI

They depart from the Bashee Islands, and passing by some others, and the N. End of Luconia. St. John's Isle, and other of the Philippines. They stop at the two Isles near Mindanao; where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spanish fashion. By the young Prince of the Spice Island they have News of Captain Swan, and his Men, left at Mindanao: The Author proposes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain; The Story of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Islands. Ternate. Tidore, &c. The Island Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macasser. They coast along the East side of Celebes, and between it and other Islands and Sholes, with great difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vast Cockles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees; one excessively big. Beacons instead of Buoys on the Sholes. A Spout: a Description of them, with a Story of one. Uncertain Tornadoes. Turtle. The Island Bouton, and its chief Town and Harbour Callasusung. The Inhabitants Visits given and receiv'd by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: His Guards, Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different esteem (as they pretend) of the English and Dutch. Maritime Indians sell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the Town. A Boy with 4 rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a sort of White Parrots. They pass among other inhabited Islands, Omba, Pentare, Timore, &c. Sholes. New Holland: laid down too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon-trees. The poor winking inhabitants: their Feathers, Habit, Food, Arms, &c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants on the Islands. Their Habitations, Unfitness for Labour, &c. The great Tides here. They design for the Island Cocos, and Cape Comorin.

The third Day of October 1687, we sailed from these Islands, standing to the Southward; intending to sail through among the Spice Islands. We had fair Weather, and the Wind at West. We first steer'd S.S.W. and passed close by certain small Islands that lye just by the North-end of the Island Luconia. [28] We left them all on the West of us, and past on the East-side of it, and the rest of the Philippine Islands, coasting to the Southward.

The N. East-end of the Island Luconia appears to be good Champion Land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many Leagues; only it has some pretty high Hills standing upright by themselves in these Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyning one to another. The Land on this side seems to be most Savannah, or Pasture: The S.E. part is more Mountainous and Woody.

Leaving the Island Luconia, and with it our Golden Projects, we sailed on to the Southward, passing on the East-side of the rest of the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more Mountainous, and less Woody, till we came in sight of the Island St. John; the first of that name I mentioned: the other I spake of on the Coast of China. This I have already described to be a very woody Island. Here the Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Islands.

The 14 day of October we came close by a small low woody Island, that lieth East from the S.E. end of Mindanao, distant from it about 20 Leagues. I do not find it set down in any Sea-Chart.

The 15th day we had the Wind at N.E. and we steered West for the Island Mindanao, and arrived at the S.E. end again in the 16th day. There we went in and anchored between two small Islands, which lie in about 5 d. 10 m. North Lat. I mentioned them when we first came on this Coast. Here we found a fine small Cove, on the N.W. end of the Easternmost Island [i.e., Sarangani], fit to careen in, or hale ashore; so we went in there, and presently unrigg'd our Ship, and provided to hale our Ship ashore, to clean her bottom. These Islands are about 3 or 4 Leagues from the Island Mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 Leagues in Circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The Mold is black and deep; and there are two small Brooks of fresh Water.

They are both plentifully stored with great high Trees; therefore our Carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for our use; for here they made a new Boltsprit, which we did set here also, our old one being very faulty. They made a new Fore-yard too, and a Fore-top-mast: And our Pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, they did cut a Tree to make a Pump. They first squared it, then sawed it in the middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. The two hollow sides were made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midst of them both, when they were joined together; and it required their utmost Skill to close them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the Pump-box; being unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of Pump-making from the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they use in their Ships in the South-Seas after this manner; and I am confident that there are no better Hand-pumps in the World than they have.

While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in the 13th Chapter, came aboard. He understanding that we were bound farther to the Southward, desired us to transport him and his Men to his own Island. He shewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it; which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there; but I quite forgot to put it into my Journal.

This Man told us, that not above six days before this, he saw Captain Swan, and several of his Men that we left there, and named the Names of some of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were at the City of Mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with Raja Laut, fighting under him in his Wars against his Enemies the Alfoores; and that most of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which they were highly honoured and esteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by the General Raja Laut; that now Capt. Swan intended to go with his Men to Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered forty Ounces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed; and that he feared that the Sultan would not let him go away till the Wars were ended.

All this the Prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many of us had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us again in 3 days time, and so long Captain Read promised to stay for him (for we had now almost finished our Business) and he seemed very glad of the opportunity of going with us.

After this I endeavoured to perswade our Men, to return with the Ship to the River of Mindanao, and offer their Service again to Captain Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, there being then half the Ships Company ashore; and I found all these very willing to do it. I desired them to say nothing, till I had tried the Minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day; it being their turn to fill Water then; But one of these Men, who seemed most forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Read and Captain Teat of the Project, and they presently disswaded the Men from any such Designs. Yet fearing the worst, they made all possible haste to be gone.

I have since been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men stayed there a great while afterward; and that many of the Men got passage from thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy, and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at last got to Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and so to Europe; and that some of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of which number Mr. Harthrope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants were two. At last Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a small Canoa aboard of a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get Passage to Europe, were overset by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waited their coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them; where they both were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, as some think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately seize on. Others say, it was because the General's House was burnt a little before, and Captain Swan was suspected to be the Author of it; and others say, That it was Captain Swan's Threats occasioned his own Ruin; for he would often say passionately, that he had been abused by the General, and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also, that now he was well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at any time; that he also knew their manner of Fighting, and the Weakness of their Country; and therefore he would go away, and get a Band of Men to assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and take all that they had, and their Country too. When the General had been informed of these Discourses, he would say, What, is Captain Swan made of Iron, and able to resist a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that we are afraid of him, that he speaks thus? Yet did he never touch him, till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there might be somewhat of Truth in all this; for the Captain was passionate, and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occasion, so he was killed, as several have assured me, and his Gold seized on, and all his Things; and his Journal also from England, as far as Cape Corrientes on the Coast of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards sent away from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before and a little after the Murder) and he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard, Chief Mate of the Defence.

But to our purpose: Seeing I could not persuade them to go to Captain Swan again, I had a great desire to have had the Prince's Company: But Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle Crew lie long. That very day that the Prince had promised to return to us, which was November 2, 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course South-West, and having the Wind at N.W.

[The course of the ship after leaving Mindanao may be seen from the heading to this chapter. Of Australia (or New Holland, as it was then called) Dampier says: "New Holland is a very large tract of Land. It is not yet determined whether it is an Island or a main Continent; but I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America."]

[From Australia (chap. xvii) the adventurers sail along until they reach Nicobar Island, where Dampier and two others receive permission to remain, together with four Malays and a Portuguese; and have various adventures with the natives of that island. Finally leaving there (chap. xviii), they go to Sumatra, where the small band is decimated by the death of one Malay and the Portuguese. The two Englishmen go to the English factory. Leaving the island, Dampier sets out as boatswain of an English ship for Nicobar, but returns to Achin. Thence he makes various voyages (in 1688 and 1689) in Eastern waters, and finally becomes gunner at the English factory at Bencouli (1690); but, that post proving uncongenial, he deserts and takes passage for England (January 2, 1691). The journey to the Dutch colony at the Cape of Good Hope (chap. xix—misnumbered xx) witnesses a slight engagement between the French, with whom hostilities have broken out, and the Dutch and English; and the mysterious death of many of the sailors on the English vessel, from the bad water, Dampier thinks. England is finally reached (chap. xx), and the author's long voyage is over, September 16, 1691.]



PETITION FOR DOMINICAN MISSIONARIES

Fray Francisco de Villalva of the Order of Preachers, and procurator-general (in virtue of powers which he presents) of the province of Santo Rosario, which the said order has in the Filipinas Islands, declares: That, as is well known, the religious of his order in the said islands have converted to the Catholic faith, and now have in their charge, the provinces of Cagayan, Pangasinan, Mandayas, part of Tagalos, Zambales, and the island of Babuyanes—in which territory there is diversity of languages, and a great number of convents provided with ministers for the instruction of the Indian natives; from this labor always has been and still is gathered the spiritual harvest which is well known. Moreover, those fathers have made extensive conquests in various parts of those kingdoms, founding many churches—as they actually are maintaining public worship at this very time in the vast empire of Great China. There they are suffering immense hardships and persecutions, shedding their blood in the violent acts committed by tyranny, in order to plant there the Christian faith and religion; for this cause, and in its defense, seventy-eight religious have given their lives as martyrs in that province, leaving the church made illustrious by this triumph. And besides this, they have in the city of Manila their principal convent, which continually maintains the practices of hearing confessions, preaching, and giving consolation in the sicknesses and trials of the citizens, with great comfort to all. They have also the college of Santo Tomas, in which are taught grammar, the arts, and scholastic and moral theology, to the benefit of all that community and the entire archipelago. They support students holding fellowships, usually twenty-four to thirty, without receiving any stipend: and have thus sent out, as they are still doing, graduates of much learning, for the dignities and curacies of those islands. They have also another college, that of San Juan de Letran, with more than a hundred orphan boys, the sons of poor soldiers who have died in the service of your Majesty—giving them all that is necessary for their support, and instructing them in reading, writing, religious conduct, and virtue; while those boys who are not inclined to study are aided in obtaining positions as soldiers, artillerists, mariners, and in other occupations in which they are employed to the service of your Majesty. Another enterprise is also at the expense and charge of the said religious order and province—the Parian, which is the silk-market of the Chinese; it is close to the walls of Manila, and from five to six thousand Chinamen usually reside in it. For the Christians preaching in their own language is furnished every feast-day in their own church, and there is continual preaching to the heathen through the streets; with this labor they have made a great many conversions, and gained an enormous number of souls. For this same nation those fathers maintain a hospital, in which, with the good example of those religious, and their instruction and continual assistance in the sicknesses of the Chinese, they have gained so great a harvest that from its foundation (which was in the former year of 1588) to the present year of 1677, [29] seldom has a patient died without receiving the water of holy baptism. This religious order also have at San Juan del Monte a sanctuary which is the object of devotion of all that colony; and at the port of Cavite, three leguas distant from Manila—where the galleons and other vessels of smaller size are built—they have the convent of San Thelmo, the religious of which assist the soldiers, mariners, and sailors with their preaching and instruction, so that all of them may live Christian and orderly lives.

This religious province administers the functions entrusted to it without any worldly advantage, receiving neither imposts nor fees for burials, marriages, feast-days, or sermons—its religious being supported only by the stipend which your Majesty assigns to the ministers in the mission villages; and from this amount they spend much and distribute [alms] among the poor and needy Indians of their districts. Nor is there in any convent of the said province any fixed income; nor has the province ever accepted deposits or valuable articles, or permitted its individual religious to keep these things in their cells, or anything except a breviary and the holy Bible, for the preaching of the holy gospel. Their clothing is of coarse, rough frieze without, and their inner garments of what your Majesty (whom may God guard) grants them as alms. All this is evident by the publicity of the facts, and by official information which on various occasions has been sent to the glorious Catholic sovereigns, your Majesty's predecessors, and to their royal and supreme Council of the Indias by the governor and royal Audiencia of the islands, and the cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, of the said city of Manila.

In consideration of these things, and of the fact that so numerous Christian communities are persevering in the Catholic faith, and that these are spreading with the new conversions, his Majesty who is now in glory, moved by the fervent zeal which he always had for the good of souls, continued to send to the said islands religious of the Order of St. Dominic, in order that by their apostolic lives and doctrine they might teach and preach the holy gospel. And finally, in the past year of 1668 her Highness the queen-regent, the mother of your Majesty, was pleased to grant permission that some of those religious should go thither at the cost of the royal treasury; in accordance with this thirty-three religious went to those islands, thirty priests and three lay brethren. [30] But, although that permission and the number of missionaries were enough for one shipment, they do not suffice for the succor of so many souls as that province has in its charge, and for the new conversions which continually present themselves. Moreover, with the long voyage, the unaccustomed climates, the continual toil, and the austerity which is observed by this province—which follows the primitive rule of its order—the number of its members must necessarily diminish. This has actually been the case, since from the time when permission was given for the last shipload of religious, which was nine years ago, a greater number have died than those who went to the islands in that band, as was evident from the last reports which the said province sent [to Espana], and which the petitioner will exhibit, if necessary. And today, counting in the sick, crippled, and old men, there are not ninety priests in the said province; and even though there were many more, since more are actually necessary it is highly expedient that other and fresh religious should go thither, that they may be rendering themselves capable in the languages and ministries, so that ready and intelligent laborers may never be lacking for the instruction and teaching of the natives, and for the new conversions, which our sovereigns the Catholic kings of Espana have so earnestly striven to maintain and increase, sending religious every four or six years, and sometimes every two years; without the ministries being less than they are now, nor do fewer die now than then.

In order to provide those who should go, and to find the number for whom your Majesty shall be pleased to grant permission, to obtain information about them, to examine into their virtue and learning, and to secure a judicious choice, the petitioner needs about a year, in which time he can go personally to the convents of the three provinces of Espana; for the importance of so delicate a matter will not permit that it be entrusted to letters alone. Accordingly, he should have at least the time until St. John's day next, or when the first fleet shall be equipped; otherwise he cannot sail from Espana and make a voyage to Filipinas with religious. To reach those islands, two years are usually required, and at the very least more than one year; and by that time eleven or twelve years will have passed since the last permission [of that sort]. In that protracted course of time, there must necessarily have occurred many deaths among the laborers who work in that vineyard—of whose labor and conversion of souls God has made watch-towers for our sovereigns the Catholic kings of Espana, and for their royal and supreme Council of the Indias, upon whom is laid this heavy weight of obligation—in fulfilling which they have always made every exertion, giving permissions, orders, means, and aid to the ministers who have gone thither to cultivate that field.